Richmond Palladium (Daily), Volume 44, Number 122, 2 April 1919 — Page 2

PAGE TWO

THE RICHMOND PALLADIUM AND SUN-TELEGRAM WEDNESDAY, APRIL 2, 1919.

BOLSHEVISTS OR BOCHE, IS QUESTION UP TO COUNCIL

Gravest Crisis Facing Conference Must Germany's Terms be Lightened to Halt Spread of Bolshevism?

FAILURE IS IMMINENT

By FRANK H. SIMONDS. (Copyright. 1919. by t, MfCIure Newspapr Syndicate) PARIS,. April 2. It is essential for Americans to understand at once the full nieaing of the Hungarian episode of the last few days. It indicates that Bolshevism has taken a new character and become infinitely more dangerous than it was before. Hitherto it has been unquestionably directed at the destruction of existing political and national bodies, seeking to place universal communism in the saddle in Europe. , The Hungarian revolution was something else. It was the first step toward nationalizing Bolshevism and using it as a weapon for the defense of national aspirations, ambitions and claims of the people. ..Analysis of the Episode.. I am going to try to analyze this Hungarian episode so it may be clearly understood, for it represents the most formidable single event since the armistice. The Hungarian kingdom as it existed at the moment when the Au3troHungarian empire collapsed consisted" of an area larger than that of Italy, with a population of about 22,000,000, not more than 10,000,000 of which at most were actually Hungarian. The rest were subject people, Roumanians, Sorbs, Slovaks. Nor did the Hungarians constitute a solid block. At least 1,000,000 were scattered over the fringes and on the edges of this territory. Tho allies had alike by their declaration of principle and by their secret treaties of policy promised that the subject races in this Hungarian area, the Roumanians in Transylvania and Banft, the Serbs and Croats in western Bcnat, Croatia and Slavonia on the southern edge of the Hungarian plain, together with the Slovaks in the mountains northward, should each have an independent existence, based on the right of the self-determination ol nations. Program Doomed Hungary. Such a program condemned Hungary to conditions of a state of little more thp.n 10,000,000' of people, with an area hardly larger than that of New York and New Jersey, without defensible frontiers, without an outlet to the sea, alike militarily and economically at the mercy of its neighbors. There was no injustice in this decision of the powers. Since subject people desire liberty, since some of them, at least, had fought on the allied eide against the Hungarians, they were entitled to it, but if one looks at the map a moment, one still sees that a death sentence to the proud people who h?d for hundreds of years dominated the country between the Dravo and the Carpathians, and regarded the territory as their own, and other races as intruders, was thus pronounced. Immediately after the collapse of

Austria the southern Slavs occupied ! western Banato, and in general the ' line of the Drave river, thus cutting ) off a quarter of Hungary. At first the :

Roumanians occupied only half of Transylvania, while the Slovaks promptly seized the mountain regions between the crest of the Carpathians and the Hungarian plain. Last week the Roumanians at last persuaded the allies to permit them to advance and occupy substantially all the Hungarian region inhabited by the Roumanians, and an ultimatum demanding Hungarian retirement in conformity with this situation was served on Hungary. In the presence of this demand, Karolyi resigned, and turned the country over to tho Bolshevists. ' , Surrender at the Top. Actually the situation was such that no Rovernment could live in Hungary which o greed to the ultimatum or indicated a willingness to accept a

treaty of peace based on such an ultimatum. That , orderly government which had existed, namely the Karolyi government, threw up Its hands. There was no revolution coming from below; there was a deliberate surrender at the top to the Bolshevists. Confronted vrtth something approximating a death sentence the orderly government resigned. : Obviously, the Hungarian government had two things in mind, first it could hope that Bolshevism, invited officially, might be restrained within limits find, second, it must hope that the allies, terrified by the new conquest of Bolshevism, would concede better terms to Hungary. In any event

the government gave it up In Hungary and invited the Bolshevists in as a last hope of preserving national supremacy in the old national domains. We have, then, something that necessarily compels looking backward and forward. Looking backward one perceives that what the Hungarians did last week was to follow the precedent of Brest-Litovsk, where Lenine and Trotsky, unable to resist the Ger

man demands, refused to agree to them and left Germany to enforce them cn the body of Russia. We know now that Brest-Litovsk was the greatest blunder that Germany made. We knew now that In the end Bolshevism came to Berlin, the kaiser did not go to Petrograd. Hungarians Use Bolshevism. Now, the Hungarians have simply employed the Brest-Litovsk example not this time in the service of Bolshevism, of economic class warfare, of

communism, but in the interests of j

nationalism, in the interests of the Magyar race and this is precisely what we may expect the Germans to do whea the treaty of peace which we are still formulating in Paris Is finally completed and they are asked for their signature. Before the Budapest revolution we

had certain authentic indications from

Germany that our enemy did not intend to sign the treaty of peace we

were making. They were distrusted

here, but they were at least noted. By contrast now that the Hungarian episode has occurred one meets the absolute conviction in Paris that Germany, following the Hungarian example, will decline to sign the treaty of peace here formulated, and will invite the allies to carry out their will on the passive body of Germany, given over entirely to Bolshevism. Will the allied powers care to risk the Bolshevizing of Europe as far as the Rhine and the Alps to enforce their terms in Germany, or will they, in the presence of this new menace, modify their terms? This is German strategy; this is the allied predicament.

Bolshevism in Hungary has taken a

less aggrevated form than it has ao

quired in Russia. Lenine, telephoning

to Bela Kun, the Bolshevist leader in Budapest, advises him to make the

Bolshevist program less severe in his country than it had been in Russia. It is taking the form of extreme commu

nistic legislation, to be sure, but it has not become that autocratic of as

sassination which prevails in Russia

and it has identified itself with the

national aspirations of the Magyars rather than with the international theories of the group of which Lenine

and Trotsky are tho conspicuous Readers. Now, as I have said In my dispatches, the Hungarian revolution

produced panic in Paris. A state of

panic persists. All of a sudden it was realized by those who were patiently

endeavoring to separate the races of

Europe, to create a new Europe out of the old ethnographic map, who had been discussing abstract questions and theories as if eternity were alloted to them and no interruption possible, perceive the first forward sweep of Bolshevism threatening the economic future of Europe, and second a new line of policy opening for Germany which might and probably would

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eliminate all questions of the signing of the marvelous document they were framing. ir nL :i. i '

riwm rmiesopny io r-amc. j

jqus, almost in an instant all experts, - ethnographic, economic, geographic and heaven only konws what else, were swept aside and four chief representatives of the great powers sat down at the table to begin again all the task of making peace, this time with real facts to be dealt with. We passecf in an hour from philosophy to panic, but unhappily we had lost too much time and gone too far with our philosophy. The position which the "big four" confronted was simple. They knew now that Germany would not sign any such treaty as had practically been agreed on. They knew also that Bolshevism, which had reached Budapest and threatened Vienna, was equally menacing In Poland and in Roumania. They knew that if Germany refused to sign their treaty of peace they would be compelled to undertake a new military campaign if they were to enforce their terms and they were informed also that unless they undertook a new

military campaign in Russia, in Poland and generally in the east, Bolshevism was almost certain to sweep over all the eastern people. Question of Curbing Anarchy. No less disturbing was the realiza-! tion of what it meant to the people of England and France suddenly, to be: confronted with the fact that after j five months of effort to liquidate the'

victory of last November, their own statesmen had arrived only at the beginning of two new wars, one against the Germans and one against the Bolshevists. And would the people of England and France consent to a new war, or would they in turn sweep away their statesmen who had brought them to this hopeless situation. I wish I could make it clear how instantly there disappeared all real thought alike of the league of nations, the great new Poland and all

other beautiful dreams of intellectual, moral and racial enfranchisement, which had dominated Paris for four months. We thought in January that the conference of peace was to create Utopia. , We begin to realize in the first days of April that it waa an open question whether It could restrain an

archy. We believed in January that 1 Germany lay helpless, awaiting the just sentence of our court, we realize now that we have lost our last decisive weapon to coerce Germany if she should choose to resist the decision of the court. V - ,4 And as I write this article the Paris conference in debating two things,

first, as Lloyd George and Mr. Wilson would have it, whether we shall make a modus vivendi with the Bolshevists. We invited them to the Princes islands and they came to Budapest, and we are now debating whether we sliall try to invite them to some new place of conference and recognize them. In the second place, we are planning whether we shall sacrifice the eastern peoples, notably the Poles, in the hope of arriving at a treaty of peace which the Germans will hign. We are debating whether we shall not change our minds about Danzig and the Vistula corridor, whether we shall not sacrifice the Polish right to allied interests. -We are in fact, debating a new treaty by which we placate the Germans and surrender to the Bolshevists, a treaty based on our fears and not our ideals. , Two Dangers Presented. Bufobviously two dangers arise. First, Bolshevism has advanced from Moscow to Budapest, against our will. It seems about to gather in the Poles and Roumanians, Bulgars and other border people. Why should it make terms with the west? Second, why should the Germans consent to any treaty of peace disadvantageous to them if they are convinced that we have begun to modify our terms because we are afraid they will not sign then:.

Napoleon came back from Elba and the Vienna congress adjourned, its work uncompleted. Bolshevism has come to Budapest, and there is every evidence that the Paris conference is at least contemplating following the example of its notorious predecessor. But there is one thing that every one must recognize. If we make a surrender peace with the ' Bolshevists and with the Germans, the league of nations will be stillborn. Europe will be divided into two alliances once more. Mltteleuropa will be recreated; Germany will become the champion of order in central Europe, and we shall have to consent to permit the Germans to undertake the battle against Bolshevism, as theyswill, and to collect their reward, which will be the domination of central and eastern Europe. - ...... ..... , . If we abandon the Poles, the CzechoSlavs and Jugo-Slavs and Roumanians, after having promised them alike national reintegration and military support, they will leave us for Berlin, as they must. One of the most eminent of the Polish leaders in Paris told me yesterday: "If the allies follow the course they are now contemplating. Poland will make her terms with Germany forever." Roumania has almost as emphatically indicated her readiness to break with her old allies. If, to get a peace that Germany will sign, we surrender the Poles to her; if to placate the Bolshevists we leave Roumania, Czechc-Slo-vakia, Hungary and Jugo-Slavia indefensible in the pathway of the storm', we shall lose them. We shall lose

them, first to Bolshevism and later 1

to Germany, and restored Germany will undertake a new task of organizing central Europe. People Are Divided Again. I wish I could make it clear to my American readers how grave, is the crisis which we face. The league of nations was to be an association of the free peoples of the world, united in a common faith in democracy and

liberty, but already at least half the population of Europe has adopted another faith and half of the remaining population still adheres to its old doctrine which precipitated this war. If the people of Germany and of Russia and of middle Europe do not accept the principles of the league of nations, the league of nations is nothing excerthe basis of an alliance between the United States, France. England and Italy, against the . alliance between Bolshvism and Germany. We perceive at last that Trotsky and Lenine will not nold up their hands and cry "kamerad" to the covenant of the league of nations. We are beginning to understand that the walls of Prussian Jericho will not fall when the doctrines of the league of nations are trumpeted along the frontiers. We have failed miserably, perhaps finally in Paris, because we began with the assumption that all the people of- the ' so-called civilized world thought alike and that if we created a constitution of the world as on free and just Ideals all the world would subscribe. The truth has always been that Bolshevism had another faith founded in the idea of. destroking our democracy and the Germans never renounced tneir gospel, which was alike hostile to western democracy and eastern Bolshevism. And now we have come to the supreme crisis. After five months we discovered that the world can not be comprehended in a single faith, that all our promises were mistaken, and that we stand in the shadow of either surrender o an enemy who will never res until he conquers us that is Bolshevism or accomodation with an . enemy who is only waiting to resume his attack that is Germanism. We who set out to make the world safe for democracy are now hesitating as to whether we shall make it sure, either for the boche or the Bolshevist.

NDIANA

J. Briefs

JEFFERSONVILLE One of the local banks couldn't make change for an hour Monday morning, because the time lock waa set by tho old time, and the vault could not be opened.

NEWCASTLE A Curry in business circles occurred here when- a rumor started that the local Maxwell plant was to be moved to the Detroit parent plant F. D. Brcbner. Euperintendent of the local plant denied the rumors. ' GREENCASTLE As the result ol several weeks Investigation by the . faculty, thre senior men and one sophomore, of DePauw University, have been expelled for cheating at examinations. Many more students will be punished before the investigation end3. it is said. ' AURORA John Hamilton, cotton grower of Birmingham, Ala., is visiting his mother, Mrs. Peter J. Long, for the first time since he left home forty years ago. VINCENNES William Hamke. prominent Freelandville farmer, waa found guilty of setting fire to the barn of his brother-in-law, Edward Mengedote, in circuit court. Counsel for Hamke immediately filed suit for a new trial? He was said by the prosecution to have confessed. Bk. ; EVANSVILLE The body of,Jame B. Gresham, of Evansville, one of tip first three soldiers to fall in France after the United States entered the war may be. brought back home for burial, if his mother, Mrs. Gresham Dodd, wishes, says a letter to Mrs. Dodd from the war department.

and at the Yale Club

4 fact;

At this one cf New York's finest clubs Fatirna is the only inexpensive cigarette enjoying a large sale. Month after month, Fatimas hold their place as one of the Yale Club's three leading sellers.

A Sensible Cigarette

NOTE -Mere and more men are refusing to judge a cigarette by its high price or by a fancy, expensive box. One proof of this is the growing leadership of Fatimas. In spite of their lower price, Fatimas please even the most exacting taste. And, better yet, they leave a man feeling as he should feel even if occasionally he smokes more often than usual.

where. Adv. n - . S -