Richmond Palladium (Daily), Volume 41, Number 264, 22 September 1916 — Page 2

PAGE TWO"

THE RICHMOND PALLADIUM AND SUN-TELEGRAM. FRIDAY. SEPT. 22. 1916

ADAMSOfJ LAW BRANDED AS SUBTERFUGE BY HUGHES

TEXT DF MINEE'S ADDRESS TO RICHMOND CROWD

Following Is, in part, the address delivered at the coliseum last night by Governor Hughes: In the Hrst place, I want to see protection ot American rights at home and abroad, and the dignity of American citizenship maintained thr6ughout the world. We cannot have a driving power of progress unless we have a patriotic sentiment. We must have such a strong feeling in this country of love and devotion to the interests of our people that we may . be able to promote our national efficiency and meet the exigencies which are sure to be severe in this twentieth century. It is not the path of war. It is the path of peace and security. Weakness and vasclllation breed disrespect. Yes, indeed; they

breed contempt. Resentment is sure to follow some actions which take advantage of weakness. Nation Demands Respect It is the part of a great nation, erect in its self respect, worthily and firmly to maintain its Just rights. It loses no friendship by that course. It exposes itself to no serious struggles by that course. It maintains the esteem of all. It prepares itself for controversies that it may bav a peaceful settlement of the difficulties, and it maintains its influence and prestige throughout the world because it is ready to maintain its just rights. And therefore, I say it here, putting it in a sentence, that I am for the enforcement of American rights throughout the world, on land and on sea, with respect to American lives, American property and American commerce I go further in defining the extent of protection, used in this comprehensive way, and I say that we must protect our great natural resources.

We must protect and conserve and safeguard them for the benefit of our people. Advocates Tariff I would, ot course, emphasize under this head of protection, protection through tariff adjustment for legitimate American enterprise. We have reached a time in our economic development when most of our problems will concern the success of enterprise. They will be economic problems. We know at the present time what is the source of such prosperity in trade as we enjoy it today. There was a time a couple of years ago when we did not have that prosperity. America was alert, America hod its resources, our working men were able and willing to work; but, instead of our factories being run at full time, instead of there being a full output of our works, we had Idleness to a great extent and the unemployed were walking the streets of the country. It was due in a large measure to a mistake in the application of the theory, which had never reallyrsceived the Eupport of the American electorate, of a tariff for revenue only. No Room for Debate If there was room for debate In the past over that great question, there Is not in the presence of the economic conditions of this time, It seems to me, any room for serious controversy. There has been on the other side a revelation of discipline and organization that has amazed the world. There

is not one of the belligerent nations in which there is not an extraordinary discipline, an extraordinary selfknowledge. They have their resources too well examined and considered. They know bow to drive their talent, and despite the wastes of war, there is an economic potentiality in these nations which is greater than has ever before been known. America must be alert; it must wisely use its governmental powers. And, there never was a time when there was .more need than at this time, in the face of the cessation of the abnormal demands created bythe war for the application of the historic doctrine of the Republican party of protection to American Industry. Now, our friends on the other side are talking a little more softly about

their favored doctrine of a tariff for revenue than they spoke a little while ago. Four years ago it was unconstitutional to have a protective tariff. Now they' propose protection in dyestuff i. Perhaps we have a special constitution for the protection of dyestuffs. At least, the argument as to unconstitutionality is not so readily pressed. Not so very long ago a tariff commission was derided, no friends among our opponents for a tariff commission. ... It was denounced by the leading spokesman of the administration.. But

now a tariff commission is proposed

The. other day in Congress, however,

one of the leaders of our opponents

arose to say that he supposed that it

had to do with the furnishing of sta

tistics. I believe in a tariff commission

because it is one of my fundamental

principles, and if I am entrusted with

executive responsibility, I propose to

apply the principle then when I want to know a fact I want to get all the most expert opportunities for Information that the country affords. We desire to have experience and investigation and talent devoted to the examination of facts. No Favoritism Needed. I do not propose that abuses shall creep through . tariff adjustment. We have settled as I have said the question that the public interest is supreme and that selfish exploitation shall not be allowed. But I do not propose to see honest enterprise languish and suffer in this country because we are afraid to use wisely a rreat governmental power for fear that abuses will come In. Let us check the abuses, let us correct evils, let us cut down the selfish and let us go ahead with the prosperity of the country. (Applause.) I say I believe in a tariff commis

sion. We want all the information we can get but a tariff commission does not legislate; it is Congress that legislates; and, if you believed that in this economic era when we are to face a commercial rivalry more keen than we have ever experienced before, with disciplined nations more alert than ever before and more competent than ever before; if we are to have protection

for American industry, it is plain com

mon sense to say that you must put In power an administration that believes

in protection. Means Broad Sense.

Now I put under this head of "pro

tection" not only this particular application of protection, but protection in the broad sense. As I intimated a moment ago in speaking of our human resources, I would ask why do we want a tariff adjusted so as I have said, to promote American enterprise? Is American enterprise a sort of thing in Itself that we 6hould worship? That is, is it an abstraction? Not at all. What we are after is the bettering of the lives of American citizens throughout this country. (Applause.) We want work, stability of enterprise; we want conditions under which man can plan a little ahead. It is perfectly idle to suppose you can go ahead and have prosperous conditions In the country where nobody knows what is to happen next. You must plan and prepare with a wise regard for future exigencies. Offers Open Door.

Now I propose that the business men of this country shall have an open door for every honorable achievement;

that we shall have stable achievements ui3er which planning can be

done, and to the end not that a few

men may prosper at the expense of

the many, but to the end that all may share in the generous prosperity, and that we shall have a foundation on which to erect social Justice. You cannot have social justice unless you have a foundation. You can have agitation, you can have disturbance, you can have social disorders, because desires are not met; because wholesome conditions of living are not obtainable, because work is not to be had, and because men do not understand the reasons of their distress. I see a very easy road to disaster in

this country along the line of agitation and distress and social disturbance.

the race by a trained and educated childhood, instead of a wornout and

We cannot have what we want unless t.nnv-tBitA thnf Q we have a foundation in stability. Wet impoverished childhood, that man,

must have our differences, we wilN waawsver ne may wins 01 mmseu, is

blind to the necessities of American life. You would think that our friends on the other side had discovered children. You would think that the necessities of preventing undue labor of children were discovered when this administration first came into power. Now, as I was just saying, nine years ago we were recommending enactment after enactment, for the prohibition of limitation of child labor in New York- New York was not exceptional In that regard. We had similar legislation in many states and a commendable record of progress in that regard. We have a bill which has just passed. It is a bill relating to child labor. It has been much spoken of and I would be the last to withhold any proper credit for its enactment. But the fact that it only affects 150.000 children and there are 1,850,000 children still awaiting the exercise of State legislation

with respect to their childish activi

ties. Now I say this: If you examine the roll of the states witL espect to

the prohibition of child labor you will

find Republican states in the majority,

Favors Budget System

And then I desire to see protection of the national treasury. The time has come when we have got to-have

some economical administration of

public affairs in this land. There has

been altogether too much laxity. Our

opponents four years ago attacked the

Republican party for extravagence

Well, they got into power on the prom

ise, among other things although

should really say . that they did not

get into power on any promise, for

they got into power because we were

have our controversies, we will have

to discuss and debate; but It 1b one

thing to discuss and debate about the form of your structure, when you have

a foundation to build upon, and it is another thing to have endless agita

tion, with no chance for structures that benefit the community and. repre

sent its progress. (Applause). .

Now I stand with no 6prt of sympathy with the view that America is the

land for those who are superior in abil

ity, or for those who have special ad-

vantages for the use of talent above

the average. God bless every man who uses his talents according to his ability and opportunity. That makes the country great and supplies prosperity. We want every man with talent to use it, to go ahead; but let It not be forgotten that the free instituions of his counry are for the ordinary man, and the test ot all success is the elevation of the general standard of living, and the diffusion of the common prosperity. I want to see reasonable hours of work and fair wages and a sound basis for contentment. Want Safe Condition. I want safe conditions of work. I want every opportunity for recreation and education. We need a wholesome manhood, a wholesome womanhood and a wholesome childhood in this country. Nine years ago in the State of New York I proposed enactments with reference to child labor. I test a man's vision of the future of this country by his attitude toward child labor. A man who does not want to save children from exploitation, and to the best j of his ability, to assure the future of

not unltCd but they promised that they. would economize. Instead of that," they have manifested worse extravagence than any administration that preceded them. By the tremendous sum of $150,000,000. at least, their appropriations apart from those relating to preparedness have exceeded the appropriations of former congresses. ; - Now, I propose that we have a sound financial system. I stand for a business-like budget, prepared by the Executive on his responsibility to the end that we may have a proper comparative examination of needs under suitable ' supervision, so that Congress when it acts may have something responsible, prepared through concentrated attention, instead ofhav ing the wasteful method of considering appropriations which now obtains on account of the fact that various matters go to different committees in

Congress. We must have a businessliko administration. Taxation presses. We cannot indefinitely extend the burden of expanding governmental activities unless we learn to safeguard the National treasury,- and I am for protection to the National treasury. Protect Civil Service I am also for the protection of our government against inefficiency. Our friends on the other side promised that they would be faithful to the merit syBtem. They have not been faithful to the - merit system. They have shockingly betrayed the merit system. Upwards of 30,000 offices have been created under general bille which excepted appointment to these offices from the application of the civil service law. Special exemptions have been given to an extraordinary degree. In various departments there

has been a marked disregard , ot the principles of the merit system. That system was erected as a barrier against spoils. It is a very important barrier, and I stand here to say that if I am Invested with executive responsibility I shall faithfully apply the . Continued On Page Eleven.

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