Richmond Palladium (Daily), Volume 33, Number 192, 25 August 1908 — Page 6

THE RICmrOXD PAIXADITOI AND SUN-TELEGRAiS, TUESDAY, AUGUST 2o, 190S

FAGE SIX.

John W. Kern, of Indiana, Talks of Issues of the Day at Notification in Indianapolis The Democratic Candidate for Vice-President, in Accepting Nomination. Pays an Earnest and Affection-

Indianapolis, Aug. 25. In accepting the high honor conferred upon him by the Denver convention, John W. Kern, of Indianapolis, in his speech at the ColloMeum this afternoon said: Gentlemen of the Notification Committee: FVr the kindly and courteous manBer in which you have conveyed to me the official notification of my nomination as the Democratic candidate for Vice President of the United States, and for the eloquent words just spoken by your chairman In your behalf, I thank you one and all. I appreciate most highly this great bonor conferred upon me by the unanimous vote of the representatives of my prty national convention assembled. and I shall strive most earnestly to earn a continuation of the confidence and good will manifested by that action. I did not seek this nomination. Indeed, If my own personal desires had been consulted, another would have received the honor, but It having come to me without solicitation, I prise It all the more, and accept It, with a full sense of the burdens and responsibilities. As a candidate I shall try to wear the honor worthily, and, as faithfully as I can, discharge all the duties properly devolving on xne as one of your standard bearers, and If elected I promise to serve all the people of the republic by the conscientious discharge of the duties of the office. I have no thought that the men who made up that great convention at Denver nominated me as their candidate because they believed that I had ability or merit superior to that possessed by any one of the distinguished gentlemen whose names were considered in connection with the vice presidential nomination. Many years of service on my part might have had some slight Influence In determining their action, but I am persuaded that It was the chief purpose of the convention, in choosing a son of Indiana as its candidate, to show its appreciation of the great Democratic party of this splendid commonwealth, made up as it is of more than a third of a million of men, good and true the very flower of the great Democratic army of the republic. I prefer to accept this proffered honor in the name of these loyal Dem crats of Indiana, for whom the honot was, I believe, really intended. It is pleasing to me to be associated in this campaign with the distinguished gentleman to whom the standard of the party has been committed. For years we have been friends. I recognize In him a man of spotless character and high Ideals, always actuated by patriotic motives and an earnest desire to promote the welfare, the honor and glory of his country. He became your candidate because his nomination was demanded by the rank and file of the party, which demand was emphasized by a popular movement in tils favor, which, as it proceeded, so grew in volume and force as to become Irresistible. He enters' upon this campaign unpledged to any special interests, under no obligations to any unlawful or other oomblnatioa of capital, looking to no corporation for campaign contributions asolutely free to serve the people by carrying out the pledges of his party's platform. "While he is the foe to unlawful monopoly, and is prepared to lay a heavy hand upon the lawless, whether rich or poor, without fear or favor, and to combat the encroachments of greed upon honest endeavor, he ie the friend of every legitimate business enterprise, whether conducted by individual or corporation, and will sym pathise with the promotion of every movement which makes for the welfare and prosperity of the country. distinguished Republican the ther day referred to his Influence with We party as a one-man power. If by that he meant to say that Mr. Bryan possessed the power, in a marked degree, to Influence the thought and arouse the conscience of the republic, as no other man of hie time, or if he meant that by his upright life, his consistent covrse, his appeals for right living and patriotic action, he has earned the confidence and personal affection of million of his countrymen, and sained the respect and admiration of an the people of the world who love liberty and humanity, then the distinguished gentleman was rfht, with respect to the one-man power of William Jennings Bryan. It. Bryan has easried no other power. He has had no subordinates to command, no officeholders to direct I think it may be safely said that there were no postmasters, nor other federal officeholders or employes in the Denver convention. Every delegate to that convention "carried his sovereignty under his own hat," and, as an Independent American freeman, owing no allegiance save to country and flag, cast his vote for Bryan because in his heart he believed that the nomination and election of such a man were demanded by the best interests of the republic. The Republican nominee for vice president in his recent speech of acceptance aftected the belief that the Question "Shall the People Ruler implied a charge of venality against the American electorate. He affirmed, with great emphasis, that under recent Republican administration the people have ruled without let or hindrance. It is passing strange that in a republic like this there should be occasion for a discussion of this question. It Is a government of the people and tor tfea peojtfa, JbjBvjrsumably

Vibute to His

tionate govern TheTifselv'CS Ttfrolfgh -Their servants whom they send to represent them in congress. Their will, when known, ought to be supreme, and should be given immediate effect. And if the will of the people, once known, is not given effect, then the people do not rule. Will any intelligent man claim that there is or has been any substantial diversity of opinion in this country on the question as to whether the tariff duty on wood pulp used In the manufacture of paper should be reduced or removed? In this case the tariff tax operated for the benefit of the paper trust alone, allowing that combine to levy millions of tribute each year upon the newspapers of the country and their readers. The press of the country, without regard to party, united in demanding relief. The people of the republic unanimously seconded the demand. The president of the United States threw the influence of his great office in favor of the demand of the press and the people. But all without avail. The dominant forces within the Republican party had established in the lower house of congress a parliamentary condition, in the interest of monopoly, under which the sole power to determine whether a measure should be allowed to become a law or not was lodged in the speaker of that body and his committee on rules, and by the flat of that one man, the will of the press, the people and the president was set at naught. Behold the spectacle! On one side eighty millions of free people demanding legislation to right an admitted wrong. On the other side, a few men engaged in public plunder, aided by the dominating power within the Republican party, represented by the presiding officer of the once popular branch of congress! And the plunderers and these unfaithful public servants prevail over the people of this great republic In this instance did the people rule? On February 4, 1902, Congressman Babcock of Wisconsin, then chairman of the Republican congressional committee, in speaking of a bill he had introduced to reduce the tariff on Iron and steel, and after showing conclusively that the interests of the farmers, laborers, builders and other classes would be conserved by the passage of the bill, said: "I am erdnir to nnsh tho Wll tn ra. Ti th. tritf t v nniw0 nnnl tunlty. If it goes before the house It will pass by three to one." But under the rules of the house the friends of this bill were unable to get It before that body. Three-fourths of the representatives of the people in that branch of congress were without power to free themselves from the "strangle hold" which under this modernized system of popular government, devised by the present Republican leadership, the speaker has upon the American public. This power to subvert the popular will is exerted by this Republican leadership in many ways, notably in the appointment, by the Speaker of the House, of committees, which are, in many instanaces, so constituted as to quietly kill in the committee-room, measures designed for the relief of the er?le. To .UJsstyate, .permit me

H U ) ( .? i f "v-t .'." I! I I "r.V Jh I , $ '. Y Si I; JOHN W. KERN.

Running Mate, William Jennings Bryan.

to quote from ar "petition presented io congress by the great labor leaders of the country, constituting the executive council of the American Federation of Labor: "The Committee on Labor of the House of Representatives was Instituted at the demand of labor to voice its sentiments, to advocate its rights and to protect Its interests. "In the past two congresses this committee has been so organized as to make ineffectual any attempt labor has made for redress. This being the fact, in the last congress labor requested the Speaker to appoint, on the Committee on Labor, members who from their experience, knowledge and sympathy would render In this congress such service as the committee was originally designed to perform. Not only was labor's request Ignored, but the hostile make-up of the committee was accentuated." Hon. L. White Busby is the private secretary of Speaker Cannon. In a magazine article, discussing the powers of the Speaker, Mr. Busby relates the circumstance of a bill having been prepared, and three-fourths of the members of the house having signed a request to the Speaker asking that the Rules Committee of which he is chairman, bring in a special rule for the consideration of the bill. The Speaker refused the request. The Chairman of the Committee .pleaded and urged. Continuing, Mr. Busby says: "As a final stroke the Chairman said: 'Then, Mr. Speaker, this bill is to fall by the will of one man who is In the chair by our votes. We have no redress from this one-man power.' 'Yes,, you have.' replied the Speaker. 'You have a way to pass your bill. You placed me In the chair to shoulder the responsibility of the legislation here enacted. In my view I cannot assume the responsibility for this bill. You can elect a new Speaker today, and pass your bill, if you can find one who will accept that responsibility, but if you leave me In the chair that bill will not become a law.' The genial and accomplished Speaker has spoken for himself on this subject. In an interview printed on Aug. 20, in the St Louis Olobe Democrat, a 6talwart Republican newspaper, he points out the only remedy left to the people, other than that of the ballottor the wrongs complained of. The interviewer said: "Mr. Speaker, you are also called a Czar, and an element of the public press holds you up as the one allpowerful influence in the House who thwarts the will of the people and arbitrarily decides what legislation shall be considered and passed in the gTeat popular branch of the national congress." Mr. Cannon replied as follows: "Under the constitution of the United States, the House of Representatives organises itself, and any member of the House, of any party or no party, on any- day, at any time, can halt any buriness before the House, and as a question of highest privilege offer a resolution and secure a vote on it to displaoe the Speaker of the Hoase of Representatives and put some e&te? ember in his nlao.

'In other wor3s, 'the remedy is to ' provided for in tlir Dlngr' Cia. facdisgrace and destroy one of the high-! torie wre opened and labor gl-en co in the mpnmpnt-to cast ' employment at remunerative wages.

him figuratively from a political Tarpelan Rock, to be erected by the members with his consent, for that purpose. I have suggested the other way by which the American voters can regain their right of self-government, and th'at Is by the assertion of their- manhood on election day, by rebuking with their ballots the party which has brought about such an intolerable condition. Time forbids the multiplication of , i 1 iL. . 1 .111 instances wnere me puyuiai win nan , been defied and set at naught by the real Republican leadership, sometimes by the one-man power of the House, and sometimes by the few representa tives of monopoly who dominate the ' (,.... ! Measure after measure, scores of them favored by the people of all parties in many instances advocated strenuously by the President, either failed of passage, or were so emascu-; lated by amendment, as to utterly fail to register the popular will. The question "Shall the people rule?" Is one which demands the serir ous and earnest consideration of all men who are interested in the perpetuity of cur institutions. It must be apparent to all who have followed the course of legislation during the past

few years that there is a power within ! ciarles mav enrich themselves by levythP R,.nhMo9n nartv determined that! ,n tribute upon the masses, is legal-

the people shall not rule. That power has manifested itself whenever effort has been made to check the destructive work of unlawful combinations, reduce the oppressive tariff tax, or enact any legislation looking toward the equalization or lightening of the burdens resting upon the people. That dominant power which now guides and directs the Republican party has on many occasions defied the President in cases where he has, on the demand of the masses, made sporadic efforts in their behalf. In some instances he has persuaded this handful cf leaders to compromise, on their own terms, with the eighty millions of people whom he assumed to represent, but In most cases he has been absolutely powerless. That dominant leadership elects the Speaker of the House, names the committees of the Senate, and is in full charge of the ingenious machinery provided for the protection of entrenched monopoly against the demands of the, people ' It dictated the platform adopted by that party in its national convention j this year, and after defying Mr. Roose- j vlt for three and a half vears. and killing or crippling nearly all his proposed reform legislation, and having received his unstinted denunciation therefor, proceeded with the finest irony to endorse his administration, after which it dictated a committee to take charge of the campaign, and Is now in full command of the party organization. This dominant leadership is now circulating two kinds of campaign literature one being designed for the East and the other for the West the first being placed in the hands of the trust magnates, tariff beneficiaries, stock gamblers, and others who are supposed to be enemies of the President, declaring that Mr. Taft is "sane and safe," free from the faults of Roose velt, while the second goes to the bus-j iness men, the farmers and laborers, who are presumed to be admirers of the President, and declares that Taft is Roosevelt's "double" and may be safely counted on to insist upon his policies, and see that they are carried out. This leadership of the Republican party, responsible for all the political Ills from which the country now suffers, is satisfied with the party's nominees, giving them active and substantial sspport, all the while shouting th nraises of Roosevelt in the West and Booth, an& dancing him and his policies to the privileged "Interests" out of which they are "frying the fat" with which they hope to carry the election. 1 The question of tariff taxation is one of vital interest. I am in hearty accord with our platform declarations on that subject. The Republican candidate for Vice President, in his recent speech of acceptance, lauded the Dingley bill and declared that when enacted It was well adapted to existing conditions, but proceeded to add "that the developments of Industrial prosperity in a decade, which in volume and degree have surpassed our most roseate expectations, have so altered conditions, that In cer tain details of schedules they no longer in every particular mete out Justice to all." For these reasons he declared in favor of a readjustment "based on 7 . 7 vtcie"3S Dl ?";uu" an American interests uua lur iauur and capital, for producers and consumers." The hundreds of thousands of American workingmen who are now vainly seeking employment, were doubtless delighted when they read about that "Industrial prosperity" which so "surpassed our most roseate expectations." In thousands of American homes, families will gather about dinner tables which for many months have not been encumbered with a beefsteak, and indulge tn "roseate "expectations" of their own. American manufacturers whose factories are idle by reason of a restricted market, and whose business has been crippled by reason of the high tariff tax on raw materials, will read this speech with pecaliar satisfaction. HLlcr. reason Ctfce JUJl tax

and our "roseate expectations" real ized, why should we now, when fac

tories are closed and an army of men unemployed, seek to revise that ben eficent measure at all? If the wages of labor depend upon a high tariff, why should any man favor a reduction cf that tariff? If, after eleven years of surpassing prosperity, brought about by the Dingley bill, business languishes and labor suffers, why not excite some more "roseate expectations" by raising the tariff rates, to the end that there may ! be a much-needed revival of business. and that labor may again find employment? The voters of America are not likely to be deceived as to the tariff question. by the stock arguments of the oppceltion. The average voter understands that the tariff really is a tax to be paid by the consumer of the article taxed. He knows that taxes In excess of the needs of the government are unjust and oppressive, and that extravagance in governmental administration. Indulged in for the mere purpose of creating a necessity for additional taxation, is profligacy. He is also coming to know that the use of the taxing power of the government in such ways that a few benefi,zeJ? robberyEvery legitimate business interest in the country is demanding tariff reform. The manufacturer who is not a monopolist Is demanding cheaper raw materials and a wider market for his products. The workingman understands that a restricted market means fireless furnaces and enforced Idleness. He knows that American workingmen with their superior intelligence and Ingenuity, with their improved machinery, with cheap raw materials and earning for their employers more than twice as much as the laborers of 'any other country, have nothing to fear from competition with workmen anywhere, when the products of their labor are set down side by side In the markets of the world. The American workingman has had bitter experience under the operation of the Dingley bill. Under the shelter of this tariff wall, trusts and combines have sprung up on every nand and w,th extortionate Pr'ces confront the consumer on every hand when he 8eeks to buy the nece8" varies of life. Under this system the cost of living 80 Increased as to absorb the earnings of the laborer, after the most rigid economy and self-denial on his part and that of his family. And it is a noteworthy fact that when, as an inevitable result of the fiscal policy of the Republican party, the panic of 1907 came, hundreds of thousands of these American laborers were thrown out of employment, and Instead of being able to draw upon the fabulous savings bank accounts so exploited In political literature in recent campaigns, found themselves and families In a state of destitution. The soup-houses of 1907-8 In the large cities of the country, were a realization of but a part of the "roseate expectations" of Republican statesmen. The farmer understands that while he has to buv everything in a protect ed market, where, on nearly every purchase, he is compelled to pay tribute to the trusts and tariff beneficiaries, he Is compelled to sell his. products in a free-trade market, where he comes In competition with all the rest of the world. He looks no longer with indifference upon the fact that the farmer of Canada, Argentina, Australia and other civilized countries buys agricultural implements of American manufacture cheaper than they are sold to him. In these days American farmers read and think, and are fully advised as to the evils of a system which invites such enormities. Thinking people of all classes are becoming interested In the moral aspect" of this question. The President, in vigorous language, has pointed out the evils which have grown out of the existence of "Bwollen fortunes," the most of which have been amassed by the beneficiaries of this system. Senator La Follette, in a speech delivered in the Senate last March, exhibited a list of less than one hundred men who, he "declared, controlled the Industrial life of the nation, and held in their hands the business of the country. A casual reading of this list shows that it is made up of men who have been the beneficiaries of legislation or favorites in the administration of the law. The President rails against swollen ; fortunes as menaces to the public wel fare and as promotive of evils which eat at the very heart of society. As remedies he has suggested an income tax and an inheritance tax, that their growth may be to some extent checked. The national convention of his party was silent upon the question of these proposed reforms, while the possessors of most of these swollen fortunes, allied as they are with the dominant forces of the Republican party, are giving generous support to the Republican national ticket. The Democratic party, while favoring the reform measures repudiated by the Republican national convention, has another remedy. It would, by legislation, in large degree cat off the streams of money which under the present system are flowing from every home in. thaJtanilijmd ematxinx Into

the" coffers of the trusts. It would leave in the pockets of the producers and laborers of this country every dollar of the money they earn, save only such amounts as may be needed for the economical admlnistra-

tion of the government. I It would, by risorous law enforee- ! ment, strike down private monopolies which prey upon the people, and protect the public against extortion and f imposition by the great public corporations, whether by excessive charges or by over-issue of stocks and securities. In other words, it would undertake to bring about in government, a reali- ; ration of that good old Democratic . maxim of Thomas Jefferson, "Equal ; and exact justice to all men; special privileges to none." i It has no war to wage on capital. It I has r ouarrel with rnrnnrnMrvn hnn. tv capitaMzed whtch carry on a legitimate business, according to law. i It will encourage the investment of j capital in the development of the country and protect it when invested. It will draw a sharp line between lawful business lawfully conducted, and unlawful business, or business carried on in defiance of law and the rights of the public, protecting the one and protecting society from the other. It calls upon men and corporations lawfully engaged in legitimate business, not to ally themselves with men or corporations engaged in lawless ventures, but to take a stand with the Democratic party In favor of such reforms as will purge the business world of lawlessness and legalized extortion, to the end that honest capital and honest labor may go forward hand in hand in the development of the country, each yielding to each its just due in a spirit of fairness, and all striving for the time when the door of opportunity shall be open to all who desire and deserve to enter. I will not at this time discuss the several planks cf the national platform. I endorse that platform In all Its parts, and pledge my best endeavors toward securing the reforms to which the party is by its terms committed. As the campaign progresses I 6hall discuss its variou" features, from time to time, as opportunity presents. There was perfect unanimity in the convention as to the adoption of th's declaration of principles. Men from every state, distinguished for their ability and patriotism, prepared, and presented it as a platform upon which all American voters, who a-e in favr r of the rule of the people, can conscientiously stand. Gentlemen, we enter upon tMs campaign with every prospect of success. Never has a political platform been received with such favor by all classes of people, and never has a candidate been presented by any party who was closer to the hearts of the people than our matchless standard-bearer, William J. Bryan. There Is a movement amongst the people for better government which is growing in force day by day. It is confined to no one party, but men of all parties, all trades and occupations are coming together and making common cause in behalf of a restoration of a government of the people, for the people, and by the people. We must and will win this battle without the use of money or the aid of corporate power. If our adversaries so desire, let them pursue that course. But there are times In the life of a nation like this when money and coercive influences are of no avail. There comes a time when the quickened consciences of an enlightened people impel action which neither money nor influence can check. That time, in my judgment, is here. Let every man from this hour forward, perform his duty In a manly and honorable way. Let this be a campaign of education and argument. Let our appeals be to the reason and patriotism of the American people. Let us be vigilant and unceasing in honest work for a righteous cause, and a glorious victory in November will crown our efforts. A BOON TO ELDERLY PEOPLE. Most elderly people have some kidney or bladder disorder that is both painful and dangerous. Foley's Kidney Remedy has proven a boon to many elderly people as it stimulates the urinary organs, corrects Irregularities and tones up the whole system. Commence taking Foley's Kidney Remedy at once and be vigorous. A. G. Luken & Co. Don't Heat

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ss

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