Richmond Palladium (Daily), Volume 33, Number 179, 12 August 1908 — Page 3

THE RICH3IOND PALLAD1DJI AJfD SUN-TfXEGRAM. WEDNESDAY, AUGUST IS, 1SW8.,

FAGK THK.

William Jennings Bryan's Speech in Accepting Democratic Presidential Nomination Today

Mr. Clayton and gentlemen of the notification committee: I can not accept the nomination which you offl-

cftSly tender, without first acknow- ' : lodging my deep Indebtedness to the I Gem uc part ior toe xirauram .ry bW. hich It has conferred upon ' ... . me. Having twice before been a candldate for the presidency. In campalgns which ended in defeat, a third """"""t'"" -" 1 voluntary act of the voters of the parniv k .TnidnoH hv hatan. , , . a j I uai ana unuispuieu growia in, fuits prtftdplM and policies for which I, with ft multitude of others, have contended. As these principles and pollcies have given me whatever political strength I possess, the action of the convention not only renews my faith . . . ment to them. a fiairorm is Binding, i . I I shall, in the near future. nrenarel a more formal reply to your notifica..t 1 X 1 A. 1.11 M I woo. nu, in uiai lewer oi acceptance. I .Brill 4..I will, . V. a .1nAM 1 -? A - M I -uu lu i-"iui in uewi. It is sufficient, at this time, to assure

f aL" ucnjr awuuru wnu BBUe of stocks and bonds of interboth the letter and the SDirit of the --. m j n. . i...,

i platform. I indorse it in whole and M I In part, and shall, if elected, regard . ' ..v 0,1.0 aB u.nu.us Upuu me. And, I may add, a platform is binding ii uuiiiB a wcu tt8 iu wuin, lit contains. According to the demo- , wane mea, ine people ininK ior tnem-l selves and select officials to carrv out their wishes. The voters are the soverelen.: th offlrlal, arp th rvflnta

employed for a fixed time and at a 'S, iminated ,the Benatel ,fnstated salary to do what the sover- 0"ed the j10"86 f representatives ilwa u and occupied most of the federal

way the sovereigns want it done. t,i . lauui ma are entirely in narmony i With this demccratlc loa A nlatfnrm announces the party's position on the i questions which are at issue; and an I official is not at liberty to use the authority vested in him to urge personal views which have not been submitted to the voters for their approval. If one is nominated upon a platform which is not satisfactory to him, he must, if candid, either decline the nomination, or, in accepting it, propose an amended platform in lieu of the one adopted by the convention. No such situation, however, confronts your candidate, for the platform upon which I was nominated not only contains nothing from which I dissent, but it specifically outlines all the remedial legislation which we can hope jto secure during the next four years. Challenge Accepted. The distinguished statesman who I received the republican nomination for president said, in his notification speech: "The strength of the ronnh. lican cause in the campaign at hand is the fact that we represent the policies essential to the reform of known abuses, to the continuance of liberty and trim nrnsnerltv anil tViot determined, as our platform unequivocally declares, to maintain them and carry them on." In the name of the democratic party, I accept the challenge, and charge .that the republican party is responsible for all the abuses which now exist In the federal government, and that it is impotent to accomplish the retort's (Which are imperatively needed. Furither, I can not concur in the stateIment that the republican platform unequivocally declares for the reforms that are necessary; on the contrary, I affirm that it openly and notoriously disappoints the hopes and expectations of reformers, whether those reformers be republicans or democrats. So far did the republican convention fall short of its duty that the republican candidate felt it nePessary to add to his platform in several Important particulars, thus rebuking the leaders ;of the party, upon whose co-operation jhe must rely for the enactment of (remedial legislation. As I ehatl, in separate speeches, disicuss the leading questions at issue, I lehall at this time confine myself to !the paramount question, and to the j far-reaching purpose of our party, as that purpose Is set forth in the platform. ' Shall People .Rule? . Our platform declares that the ov ershadowing issue which manifests jltself in all the questions now under j discussion, is "Shall the people rule?" No matter which way we turn; no matter to what subject we address .ourselves, the same Question confronts ;us: Shall the people control their own government, and use that gov

9 .w v vAU w v - I - - w vuuui.t v ernment for the nrotAcMrm nt saii.lwere coerced hv nnhito nnininn inn

I rights and for the promotion of their the support of an anti-trust law which ! welfare? or shall the representatives had tne indorsement of the president, of -predatory wealth prey upon a de- Dut tne senate refused even to considIfenselesa nnhllr xrh n v. nnnnj... er the measure ami einw k

I - , " UlltUUri 3 'lAmiM Immimlt i . -

w .uiiuuuiij Hum Bunservient 01-' u ueeu maue oy me aomflcials whom they raise to power by lnant party to secure remedial legisunscrupulous methods? This is the Is- iatlon upon this subject, sne raised by the "known abuses" to Railroad Legislation. which Mr. Taft refers w . . reiers. For ten years Intergtate Com. Prealdent'a Indictment. merce Commission has been asking i In a message sent to congress last for an enlargement of its powers, that January, President Roosevelt said: 14 might prevent rebates and discrimThe attacks by these great corpor- Inatlons, but a republican senate and fttions on the administration's actions a republican house of representatives have been given a wide circulation were unmoved by its entreaties. In throughout the country, in the. news- 1900 tne republican national convenpapers and otherwise, by those writ- tion was urged to indorse the demand rt and speakers who, consciously or for railway legislation, but its platuneonscloosly, act as the representa- form was silent on the subject. Even tires ot predatory wealth of the ,n 190 the convention gave no wealth accumulated on a giant scale Pledge to remedy these abuses. When by all forma of iniquity, ranging from the president finally asked for legislathe oppression of wage earners to un- tlon he drew his inspiration from fair and unwholesome methods of three democratic national platforms crashing out competition, and to de- and he received more cordial support frauding the public Ay stock-jobbing frni the democrats than from the r ftnd the manipulation of securities, publicans. The republicans In the senCertain wealthy rcen of this stamp, ae deliberately defeated several amwhose conduct should be abhorrent to endments offered by Senator LaFolrery man of ordinary decent con-1 lette and supported by the democrats science, and whe commit the hideous amendments embodying legislation wrong of teaching our young men that asked by the Interstate Commerce phenomenal business success must or- Commission. One of these amenddlnarlly be baed on dishonesty, have, ments authorized the ascertainment daring the list few months, made it of the value of railroads. This ami apparent thai they have banded to- endment was not only defeated by the ijether to work for a re-action. Their senate, but it was overwhelmingly rerAvor is ta overthrow and discredit jjected by the recent republican nation-

all who honestly administer the law, to prevent any additional legislation which would check and restrain them, and to secure, if possible, a freedom

... wu. oa icDuaiuk ui.u " ill (iciiuit. every unscrupulous wrong-doer to do from all restraint which will permit " uuvucvncu, fw"u he, has enough money. "-What an arraignment of the predatory interests! Is lhe president.g Indictment true? And ,f true agaln8t whom was the IndIctment directed? Not against the democratic party, Taft Indorses Indictment. XfV Tnft flava that ttiaA AiHln havA - " ""' crept in during the last ten years. He declares that, during this time, some "prominent and influential members ot the community, spurred by financ,al success and In their hurry for Greater wealth, became unmindful of the (fTY TY1 r n rnlao ftf hnotnaoa liAnacf v an fidelity, and of the limitations imi Dosea dv law uoon tneir actions: ana - - - , that the revelations of the breaches n .,, . bate8 and diSCriminations by railroads, " the accumulating evidence of the vionations of the anti-trust laws, by. a number of corporations, and the overdiiuo ituiiuaua iui me uuidwim cu j u iv-miAAJCj wa, UilClUiO auu. iUl LL1C pill" ..i I've ui wiicu,ia.i.ilift I lie? IUUUU1 Ui. tne railroads under one management," all these, he charges, "quickened the conscienCe of the people and brought on a moral awakening." t. ,i it .vi r . . DurIng th,s time'. 1 beg to remind fu' repu lcan mcals Prf" dd Jn the. xecutlve department, filled the J"ffh,pS-, ffour earf, the T publican platform boastfully declared . . o.n .. tDat 6inCe 1860-with the exception of two years the republican party had been In control of part or of all the branches of the federal government; that for two years only was the demo cratic party in a position to either enact or repeal a law. Having drawn the salaries; having enjoyed the hon ors; having secured the prestige, let the republican party accept the . responsibility! G. O. P. Responsible. Why were these "known abuses" permitted to develop? Why have they not been corrected? If existinz laws are sufficient, why have they not been enforced? All of the executive machinery of the federal government is in the hands of the republican party. 'Are new laws necessary? Why have they not been enacted? With a republican president to recom mend, with a republican senate and house to carry out his recommendations, why does the republican candi date plead for further time in which to do what should have been done long ago? Can Mr. Taft promise to be more strenuous in the prosecution of wrong-doers than the present execu tive? Can he ask for a larger majority in the senate than his party now has? Does he heed more republicans in the house of representatives or a speaker with more unlimited authority? Why No Tariff Reform? The president's close friends have been promising for several years that he would attack the iniquities of the tarirr. We have had intimation that Mr. Taft was restive under the demands of the highly protected indus tries. And yet the influonm nf tha manufacturers, who have for twentyfive years contributed to the republican campaign fund, and who in return have framed the tariff schedules, has been sufficient to prevent tariff reform. As the present campaign ap proaches, both the president and Mr. lart declared In favor of tariff revis ion, but set the date of revision after tne election. But the pressure brought to bear by the protected Interests has been great enough to prevent any attempt at tariff reform before the elec tion; and the reduction promised af ter tne election is so hedged about with qualifying phrases, that no one can estimate with accuracy the sum total of tariff reform to be expected in case or republican success. If the past can be taken as a rulde. the re publican party will be so obligated by campaign contributions from the beneficiaries of protection, as to make that party powerless to bring to the country any material relief from the present tariff burdens. Anti-Trust Legislation. A few years ago the republican leaders in the house of representatives I - V u.u. v luc&l I nr KnM 1 a .

L '

WILLIAM JENNINGS BRYAN.

al convention, and the republican candidate has sought to rescue his party from the disastrous results of this act by expressing himself. In a qualified way, in favor of ascertaining the value of the railroads. Over-Issue of Stocks. Mr. Taft complains of the over-issue of stocks and bonds of railroads, "for the unlawful enriching of directors and for the purpose of concentrating the control of the railroads under one management," and the complaint is well founded. But, with a president to point out the evil, and a republican congress, to correct it, we find nothing done for the protection of the public. Why? My honorable opponent has, by his confession, relieved me of the necessity of furnishing proof; he admits the condition and he can not avoid the logical conclusion that must be drawn from the admission. There is no doubt whatever that a large majority of the voters of the republican party recognize the deplorable situation which Mr. Taft describes; they recognize that the masses have had but little influence upon legislation or upon the administration of the government, and they are beginning to understand the cause. For a generation, the republican party has drawn its campaign funds from the beneficiaries of special legislation. Privileges have been pledged and granted in return for money contributed to debauch elections. What can be expected when official authority is turned over to the representatives -of those who first furnish the sinews of war and then reimburse themselves out of the pockets of the taxpayers? Fasting Necessary. So long as the republican party remains in power, it is powerless to re generate Itself. It can not attack wrong-doing in high places without disgracing many of its prominent members, and it, therefore, uses opi ates instead of the surgeon's knife. Its malefactors construe each repub lican victory as an indorsement of their conduct and threaten the party with defeat if they are Interfered with. Not until that party passes through a period of fasting in the wilderness, will the republican leaders learn to study public questions from the stand point of the masses. Just as with in dividuals, "the cares of this world and the deceitfulness of riches choke the truth, so in politics, when party lead ers serve far away from home and are not in constant contact with the voters, continued party success blinds their eyes to the needs of the people and makes them deaf to the cry of distress. Campaign Contributions. An effort has been made to secure legislation requiring publicity as to campaign contributions and expenditures; but the republican leaders, even In" the face of an Indignant public refused to consent to a law which would compel honesty in elections. When the matter was brought up In the recent republican national convention, the plank was repudiated by a vote of 880 to 94. Here, too, Mr. Taft has been driven to apologize for his convention and to declare himself In favor of a publicity law; and yet. If you will read what he says upon this subject, you will find that his promise falls far short ot the require

ments of the situation. He says:

"If I am elected president, I shall urge upon congress, with every nope of success, that a law be passed re quiring the filing, in a federal office, of a statement of the contributions received by committees and candidates in elections for members of congress, and in such other elections as are constitutionally within the control of congress." I shall not embarrass him by asking him upon what he bases his hope of success; it is certainly not on any encouragement he has received from republican leaders. It is sufficient to say that if his hopes were realized -If, in spite of the adverse action of his convention, he should succeed in securing the enactment of the very law which he favors, It wouldglve but partial relief. He has read the democra tic platform; not only his language, but his evident alarm, Indicates that he has read it carefully. He even had before him the action of the democratic national . committee in Interpreting and applying that platform; and yet, he fails to say that he favors the publication of the contributions before the election. Of course, it satisfies a natural curiosity to find out how an election has been purchased, even when the knowledge comes too late to be of service, but why should the people be kept In darkness until the election is past? Why should the locking of the door be delayed until the horse is gone? Election a Public Affair. An election is a public affair. The people, exercising the right to select their officials and to decide, upon the policies to be pursued, proceed to their several polling places on election day and register their will. What excuse can be given for secrecy as to the Influences at work? If a man, pecuniarily interested in "concentrating the control of the railroads in one management," subscribes a large sum to aid in carrying the election, why should his part in the campaign be concealed until he has put the officials under obligation to him? If a trust magnate contributes $100,000 to elect political friends to office, with a view of preventing hostile legislation, why should that fact be concealed until his friends are securely seated in their official positions? This is not a new question: it is a question which has been agitated a question which the republican candidate has studied, and yet he refuses to declare himself in favor of the legislation absolutely necessary, namely, legislation requiring publication before the election. Publicity Promised. How can the people hope to rule, if they are not able to learn until after the election what the predatory interests are doing? The democratic party meets the issue honestly and courageously. It says: "We pledge the democratic party to the enactment of a law prohibiting any corporation from contributing to a campaign fund, and any individual from contributing an amount above a reasonable maximum, and providing for the publication, before election, of all such contributions above a reasonable minimum." . The democratic national committee immediately proceeded to interpret ftft4 apply this plank, announcing that

no contributions would be received from corporations, that no individual would be allowed to contribute more than $10,000. and that all contributions above $100 would be made public before the election those received before October 15 to be made public on or before that day, those received af

terward to be made public on the day when received, and no such contributions to be accepted within three days of the election. The expenditures are to be published after the election. Here is a plan which is complete and effective. Election of Senators. Next' to the corrupt use of money. the present method of electing United States senators is most responsible for the obstruction of reforms. For one hundred years after the adoption of the constitution, the demand for the popular election of senators, while finding increased expression, did not become -a dominant sentiment. A constitutional amendment had from time to time been suggested and the matter had -been more or less discussed in a few of the states, but the movement had not reached a point where it manifested-Itself through congressional action. In the fifty-second congress, however, a resolution was reported from a house committee proposing the necessary constitutional amendment, and this resolution passed the house of representatives by a vote which was practically unanimous. In the fif ty-third congress a similar resolution was reported to. and adopted by the house of representatives. Both the fifty-second and fifty-third congresses were democratic. The republicans gained control of the house as a re sult of the election of 1894 and in the fifty-fourth congress the proposition died in committee. As time went on. however, the sentiment grew among the people, until it forced a republi can congress to follow the example set by the democrats, and then another and another republican congress acted favorably. State after state has indorsed this reform, until nearly twothirds of the states have recorded themselves in Its favor. The United states senate, however, impudently and arrogantly obstructs the passage or the resolution, notwithstanding the fact that the voters of the United States, by an overwhelming majority, demand it. And this refusal is the more significant when It is remembered that a number of senators owe their election to great corporate Interests. Three democratic national piatrorms the platforms of 1900, 1904 ouu ijyuo specmcauy call for a change in the constitution which will put the election of senators in the nands of the voters, and the nronosi tion has been indorsed by a number of the smaller parties, but no republican national convention has been willing to champion the cause of the people on this subject The ignored by the republican nat wmcuuuu in lyuu; it was i" ivUi ana tne prop osition was explicitv repudiate in 1908, for the recent republican nat. ional convention, by a vote of 866 to 114, rejected the plang indorsing the popular election of senators and this was done In the convention which nominated Mr. Taft. few delegates ii um nis own state voting for the pianK. In his notification speech, the nnh lican candidate, speaking of the elec tion or senators by the neoole. n "Personally, I am Inclined to favor it, but it is hardly a party question." What is necessary to make this a party question? When the democratic convention indorses a proposition by a unanimous vote, and the republican convention rejects the proposition bv a vote of seven to one. does it not become an issue between the parties? Mr. Taft cannot remove th miP.Hrm from the arena of politics by expressiub a personal inclination toward the democratic position. For several years he has been connected with the administration. What has he ever said or done to bring this question before me public? What enthusiasm has he snown in the reformation of the sen. ate? What Influence COUld hA start in behalf of a reform which his party mm openiy and notoriously condemn ed In its convention and to which he attached only by a belated expres oioa oi personal inclination? Gateway to Reforms. . aoaii tne people rule?" Every reHieaiai measure or a national charac ter must run the gauntlet of the sen. ate. The president may personally munne toward a reform; the house may consent to it; but as long as the senate obstructs the reform, the peopie must wait. The president may need a popular demand; the house may yield to public opinion: hnt . long as the senate is defiant, the rule of the people is defeated. The democratic platform very properly deecnoes tne popular election of sena tors as the gateway to other nation al reforms." Shall we onen the .t or shall we allow the exploiting in wrests to Dar the way bv the mntrni of this branch of the federal legislature? Through a democratic vlrtnrv and through a democratic victory on ly, can tne people secure the popular cicv-uun oi senators. The smaller parties are unable to secure this relorm, tne republican party, under it. present leadership, Is resolutely opiiuseu io u; tne democratic party stands for it and has boldly demanded It If I am elected to the presidency, those who are elected upon the ticket witn me win be, like myself, pledged rmurm. ana i shall convene congress in extraordinary session Im mediately after Inauguration, and ask. among otner things, for the fulfill ment; or this platform pledge. House Rules Despotic The third instrumentality employed to defeat the will of the people Is found in the rules of the house of representatives. Our platform points out that the bouse of representatives was designed by the fathers of the

constitution, to be the popular branch! of our government, responsive to the! public will." and adds: "The house of representatives, as controlled in recent years by the re

publican party, has ceased to be a deliberative and legislative body, responsive to the will of a majority of the members, but has comes, under the absolute domination of the speaker. who has entire control of its deliberations, and powers of legislation. We have observed with amazement the popular branch of our federal government helpless to obtain either the consideration or enactment of meas ures desired by a majority of Its members." This arraignment is fully justified. The reform republicans in the house of representatives, when in the minor ity in their own party, are as helpless to obtain a hearing or to secure a vote upon a measure as are the democrats. In the recent session of the present congress, there was a considerable ele ment in the republican party favorable o remedial legislation; but a few ieaders. in control of the organization, aespoticany suppressed these mem bers, and thus forced a real majority in the house to submit to a well or ganized minority. The republican national convention, instead of rebuking this attack upon popular government, eulogized congress and nominated as the republican candidate for vice-president one of the men who shared in the responsibility for the coercion of the house. Our party demands that "the house of representatives shall again become a deliber ative body, controlled by a majority . of the people's representatives, and not by the speaker," and is pledged to adopt "such rules and regulations to govern the house of representatives as will enable a majority of its members to direct Its deliberations and control legislation." "Shall the people rule?" They can not do so unless they can control the house of representatives, and through their representatives in the house. give expression to their purposes and their desires. The republican party is committed to the methods now in vogue in the house of representatives; the democratic party is pledged to such a revision of the rules as wlll bring the popular branch of the fed eral government into harmony with the Ideas of those who framed our constitution and founded our govern ment. Other Issues Later. "Shall the people rule?" I repeat. Is declared by our platform to be the overshadowing question, and as the campaign progresses. I shall take occasion to discuss this question as it manifests itself in other issues; for whether we consider the tariff question, the trust question, the railroad question, the banking question, the labor question, the question of imperialism, the development of our waterways, or any other of the numerous problems which press for solution, we shall find that the real question involved in each is. whether the government shall remain a mere business asset of favor seeking corporations or be an instrument In the hands of the people for the advancement of the common weal. If the voters are satisfied with the record of the republican party and with Its management of public affairs we can not reasonably ask for a change in administration; If, however, the voters feel that the people, as a whole, have too little influence in shaping the policies of the government; if they feel that great combinations of capital have encroached upon the rights of the masses, and employed the Instrumentalities of government to secure an unfair share of the total wealth produced, then we have a right to expect a verdict against the republican party and in favor of the democratic party; for our party has risked defeat aye, suffered defeat in its effort to arouse the conscience of the public and to bring about that very awakening to which Mr. Taft has referred. Only those are worthy to be entrusted with leadership in a great cause who are willing to die for it, and the democratic party has proven its worthiness by Its refusal to purchase victory by delivering the people Into the hands of those who have despoiled them. In this contest between democracy on the one side and plutocracy on the other, the democratic party has taken Its .position on the side of equal rights, and invites the opposition of those who use politics to secure special privileges and governmental favoritism. Guaging the progress of the nation, not by the happlness or wealth or refinement of a few, but "by the prosperity and advancement of the average man." the democratic party charges the republican party with being the promoter of present abuses, the opponent of necessary remedies and the only bulwark of private monopoly. The democratic party affirms that in this campaign It la the only party, having a prospect of success, which stands for justice In government and for equity in the division of the fruits of Industry. We may expect those who have committed larceny by law and purchased Immunity with their political influence, to attempt to raise false Issues, and to employ "the livery of Heaven" to conceal their evil purposes, but they can no longer deceive. The democratic party Is not the enemy of any legitimate Industry or of honest accumulations. It is, on the contrary, a friend of industry and the steadfast protector of that wealth, which represents a service to society. The democratic party does not seek to annihilate all corporations; It simply asserts that as the government creates corporations, it must retain the power to regulate and to control them, -and that it should not permit any corporation to convert Itself into a monopoly. Surely we should have the co-operation of all legitimate cor-J

porations In our effort to protect business and Industry from the odium which lawless combinations ot capital will. If unchecked, cast upon them. Only by the separation of the good from the bad can the good be made secure. No Revolution. The democratic party seeks not rev olutlon but reformation, and I need hardly remind the student of history that cures are mildest when applied at once; that remedies increase In severity as their application is postponed. Blood poisoning may be stopped by the loss of a finger today; it may cost an arm tomorrow or a life the next day. So poison in the body politic can not be removed too soon, for the evils produced by it increase with the lapse of time. That there are abuses which need to be remedied, even the republican candidate admits; that his party is unable to remedy them, has been fully demonstrated during the last ten years. I have such confidence in the Intelligence as well as the patriotism of the people, that I can not doubt their readiness to accept the reasonable reforms which our

party proposes, rather than . permit the continued growth of existing abuses to hurry the country on to remedies more radical and more drastic. Party's Ideal. The platform of our party close with a brief statement of the party's Ideal. It favors "such an administration of the government as will Insure, as far a human wisdom can, that each citizen shall draw from society ft reward commensurate with his contribution to the welfare of society." Governments are good in proportion as they assure to each member of society, so far as governments can, a return commensurate with individual merit. . The Divine LrT if Rewards. There is a Divine law of rewards. When the Creator gave us the earth, with Its fruitful soil, the sunshine with its warmth, and the rains with their moisture. He proclaimed, as clearly as if His voice had thundered from the clouds, "Go work, and according to your Industry and your Intelligence, so shall be your reward." Only where might has overthrown, cunning undermined or government suspended this law. has a different law prevailed. To conform the government to this law ought to be the ambition of the statesman; and no party can have a higher mission than to make it a reality wherever governments can legitimately operate. Justice to All. Recognizing that I am Indebted for my nomination to the rank and file of our party, and that my election must come, if It comes at all. from the unpurchased and unpurcbasable suffrages of the American people, I promise, if entrusted with the responsibilities of this high office, to consecrate whatever ability I have to the one purpose of making this, in fact a government In which the people rule a government which will do justice to all. and offer to every one the highest posible stimulus to great and persistent effort, by assuring to each the enjoyment of his JuBt share of the proceeds of his toil, no matter In what part of the vineyard he labors, or to what occupation, profession or calling he devotes himself. OFHftOKIA: Your srocer haa Gold Medal Four. Qexbvba. FOIL Cured at Home Will be at Arlington Hotel, Richmond, Friday, August 14, and until noon August 15, 8aturday. All persons, Male or Female, suffering from loss of Expelling Forces, Prolapsing, Fissures. Fistulas, Catarrh, I nf lama tion. Ulceration, Constipation, Bleeding, Blind or Itching Piles, are kindly requested to call and see me. No Examination No Operation Medicine placed direct to the diseased parts by yourself. I claim the most complete successful, original and sen slble method of curing these terrible afflictions ever offered to the public. By the use of my , Positive Painless Pile Care ATI 4 a aTkava nmAll A4sf 4lAta a rftift ut v v uauivu vtA utvac m can be cured as easily as if it were on the outside. Come in and see me and learn something worth knowing; it may save you hundreds of dollars and years of suffering. Most kindly yours, S. U. TARNEY Sole Proprietor and Manofactara-v AUBURN. IXDL