Richmond Palladium (Daily), 2 November 1904 — Page 10

euch a collection. It is, however, obvious that the workingmau does not buy iris food at wholesale. It is, therefore, clearly wrong to rompare the workingman's wages with wholesale prices. The Democratic Text Book learnedly discourses on the stability of wholesale price, while as a matter of fact, it is recognized by all. authorities on prices

that wholesale prices are exceedingly ..8light resemblance" between the candieusitive and that retail price are more dafeg in ls-yJ flnd 1904 stable, never reaching relatively as higa j The coinparison of Uoosevelt with Freor as low levels as the former. Iut. ( haf.na f 4utt; f.Jr,;i POJom.

lea is

ving aside the question of stability, it , bJance as aiypeaimg to r(maatic sentithe retail price which toe ordinary j ..nt ,, fV tu

consumer is compelled to pay, and which, j therefore, discloses the inore accurately j the cost of living. Further, it is stated in this Bulletin of the Bureau of Labor that these retail prices were secured direct ly from the books of sales of over 300 retail merchants that these prices represent actual sales to consumers extending over each month of the fourteenyear period covered that they represent every imjortant center of industry in the country and that the stores contributing the data are such as are largely patronized by the working classes. It is understood that these prices will be publ.shed in the greatest detail for each city covered in the Eighteenth Annual Report of the Bureau, now in press an evidence that the officials of the bureau have no doubt as to the integrity of their data. As the final court, the Democratic managers suggest that the whole matter of cot of living be left to the housewives of the country. They do not perhaps recall the statement made in the criticised Bulletin tint over 2o,000 families contributed to the report that the bureau has practically done already what is suggested left the matter to the wives of over 113.000 representative workiiignien. Fitllof Misstatements. The criticism of the wage data appears to be quite as futile as that of the figures for cost of living. It is full or misstatements of fact, as may be seen by reference to the Bulletin itself. The method of averaging imputed to the bureau was not used. Even the most cursory examination of the Bulletin could not fail to disclose the falsity of the premises upon which the entire critic-ism as to method is based. It has been charged in some quarters that the increase of 18.8 per cent, in wages shown by the bureau is greater than is actually the case, because the wages which form the basis of the report represent highly unionized centers, where wages have been increased most rapidly. This charge is readily refuted by comparing the Bulletin wages with the average of the minimum union wages shown for the same occupations, as compiled by the Secretary or the Building Contractors' Council of Chicago. 111., and published by the Building Employers' Association of New Vork City. Bearing in mind that the union wapes quoted are minimum wages aud that the actual union wages would average considerably higher, the. comparisons in a few occupations are as follows: Minimum union wages of masons in 110 cities average 34 cents per hour, while the average of the bureau is not quite 4o certs; miuimuni union waires of bricklayers in '2'.) cities average 57 Vi cents per hour, while the average of the bureau is 54:4 cents; minimum union wages of structural iron workers in 25 cities average 4(i cents per hour, while the average of the bureau is less thau 41V cents; minimum union wages of piumbers in -8 cities average 47 cents per hour, while the average of the bureau is -13 cents. The.se examples might be multiplied, but those given are KUtticient to show that the averages of the bureau are considerably lower than the average of minimum union wages, and are, therefore, fairly representative of both union and non-union labor in the occupations covered. The charge that an unjustifiable increa.se in wages is secured by the bureau by the collection of its figures from strongly unionized centers is readily refuted by the above facts. The principal charges have been mentioned the minor ones are equally unwarranted and unsupported by the facts. The report of the bureau represents the sum of a patient and painstaking investigation of nearly three years, and its permanent value cannot be lessened or obscured by partisan attacks. Its value as a scientific study of economic conditions and as a contribution to the somewhat meagre statistics of wages and cost of living has already been recognized both at home and abroad. The accuracy and excellence of the reports of this bureau of the government have never been seriously questioned during its eighteen years of existence. Under the able find conservative management of Commissioner Wright, it has always merited its reputation of being a non-partisan office for the collection and presentation of facts, and so far as can be seen from a careful examination of its latest report, the charges made for partisan effect Will not warrant the withdrawal of the confidence of the public. Olney and Cleveland's Monumental Hrnss. Democratic donkey is trying to into power over the graves of The dance United States soldiers who died for the freedom of Cuba. The result is already apparent. Gross stupidity could go no further than Richard Olney ventured in liis recent speech. Grover Cleveland's laudation of the "experienced, undramatic Buchanan" was a record-breaker in the way of dull imperviousness to the feelings of national pride, but Olney, insulting the soldier dead, went beyond liis chief. The Trump Card. "When in doubt, play trumps." Thus says Mr. Hoyle. 1 Parker's chance still slumps, ' Spite of oil his toil. f Why will Parker get ' Such terrific bumps? In this game, you bet, Roosevelt is trumps. Bryan's Long Look Ahead. Bryan declares that he is still "in the ring." and that his "heart is true to Poll." As David Bennett Hill has promised to retire from polities next January, Bryan thinks there may be a chance for the Bryan craze hi 1908. But does he believe Hill? If the full Republican vote be polled there will be no doubt about the elec ttion. If a few men in every precinct tay at home. Democracy and hard times may gain control. The Republican who does not vote this year is not a Republican. Republicans

PARKER AND BUCHANAN.

i Mr. Cleveland's Comparison Causes a Nationwide Smile. When a ponderous person plants his feet in a "shallow puddle there is likely to be a mighty splash. This is precisely what has 'happened as the result of ar scarwly ,,r(lJuced a rivpie on the surface of I)olitical thourht. But the likening of Judge Parker to James Bueha nan as the model of what a "mature, undramatic and experienced" candidate for the Presidency should be, has provoked scornful laughter clear across the continent. If ex-President Cleveland had searched the roll of prominent Americans for a name less likely to arouse popular enthusiasm than that of James Buchanan he would have had to look among those whose records were positively odious to find it. There was nothing actively vicious or, what Mr. Cleveland would call, "perniciously active" about President Buchanan. He was not what, according to the age of Buzzard's Bay, would be called an "offensive partisan." But in the vital emergency that lowered above the Republic during his administration he was tried in the balance and found wanting. Where a man worthy to be President would have grasped the nettle of secession with the firm hand of American patriotism and crushed it in its ineipiency, Mr. Buchanan dallied with the question. He held that Congress was not competent to deal with the anti-slavery agitation, that it was a question for the individual States, and that it was better for all parties, including the slaves themselves, that it should remain so. As President he deferred to pro-slavery leaders and quailed before their threats of secession. While he temporized the eceders perfected their plans. Instead of meeting their threats with the words and measures of an Andrew Jackson he took the illogical and impotent position that, while the States had a right to secede the nation, with a little n, had no power to prevent them doing so. And this is the man of "mature, undramatic experience." who. in Mr. Cleveland's judgment, is the prototype of Judge Parker. Irresolute and ineffective as Mr. Buchanan was, we are not so sure but injustice is done him in comparing him with Judge Parker. He was certainly a man of greater maturity than the man from Esopus, not only in years but in experience with affairs and in knowledge of men. Everything that experience could teach of politics and statecraft Buchanan knew only the intrinsic capacity to master them was lacking. Judge Parker has had absolutely none of the experience and training that seemed to fit Mr. Buchanan for the Presidency. In 1877, at the age of twentyfive, he was elected surrogate of Ulster County, New York, and under the sheltering wing of David B. Hill he has vegetated in some judicial position ever since. That there is a certain parallelism between his weak, undramatic and vacillating utterances and those of Mr. Buchanan cannot le denied. Their views upon the unconstitutionality of the power of self perpetuation in the Union and of the folly of an army and navy commensurate to the dignity and necessities of a great nation, are strikingly similar and equally false, barren and reactionary. Buchanan lived to repent the "undramatic" moderation that warmed secession into life. He supported Lincoln's administration and lent all his influence to the prosecution of the war. But it does not appear that either Judge Parker or Henry (ia-ssaway Davis, who also harks back to the days of Buchanan, follow his precept and example when, in the fierce flame of civil war, he saw a bright light that taught him that the Union must be saved at all hazards. When he came to the conclusion that his country was more to him than his own interpretation of its constitution, Judge Parker and Mr. Davis quit his company md continue to steer their courses by the chart that ran his administration on the breakers. The American people will never elect a counterfeit replica of James Buchanan to the Presidency, if they are warned in time; and, thanks to ex-President Cleve land, they recognize that Judge Parker has all of the failings and none of the redeeming qualities of President Buch anan. Inventions of the Knemy. Lacking material from which to create issues upon the past and present conduct of the Republican party, the Democrats have been taking a long and soulful look into the future, this fall, and their reports of what they see there in the dim time to come are fearsome. But nobody is seared. The dreamer alone is disturbed by his nightmare, ex cept for a chance neighbor who may hear and wonder at the awakening shrieks of the retching of indigestion. The visions of delirium portend nothing outside of the sufferer's personality. The conjured wraiths of the trance medium are visible only to the contortionist, and perhaps a few dupes at the contrived seance. The country is not going to "the demuition bowwows." Th people of the United States have no desire to start an empire upon the ruins of their re public. They will not even listen seri onsly to the suggestion of such a thing The Philippine Islands are going to be taken care of. They will be free in the best sense of the won!. The Panama canal has been started by honorable means, and it will so be finished. God rules and the government at Washington still lives." While the election of Roosevelt and Fairbanks is assured if all Republi cans vote on November S, the lower branch of Con cress mar be nncom fortablv clsse. No Republican should be induced, because of local or other Influence, to vote for any Democratic candidate. Vote for the Republican nominee for Congress, because he will assist the President in carrying out Republican policies. The thing for Republicans to do this year is to VOTE. The Democrats have the money of the trusts and can bring out to the polls all the ignorant, purchas able element. But they cannot bring out enough under any conditions to beat Roosevelt, if Republicans VOTE. It used to be said of President Harri

hand he seemed larger than he seemed at a distance. Of Grover Cleveland it

! v. is said that he was much more impresfiive at a distance than he was close at hand. President Roosevelt is the same , seen near or seen far always alert and j wide awake, always energetic and busy, always doing some-thing and accomplishing results, alwa3s master of the situation. This is the kind of man the peoI pie like. He has made a great Presi dent, and it would be rank ingratitude on the part of the people not to re-elect him. i ANTI-TRUST LAWS. They Ilave Been Knforced Wherever Proper Cases Have Been Presented. There are in the United States over 800 industrial trusts and. organized mononolies. Their aggregate authorized r-nnital amounts to S21.70S.547.iJ27. such !

a stupendous sum as to make the petty ciasses Gf laborers away from the Demcapitalist gasp in astonishment. But it j ocratk. partv The moM th(,v venture to is not all tangible; a good deal is mere a is 5n their national platform: and

figures, scratches on paper. Many of the companies are playthings for financiers who require toys; others are dummies; others comatose effairs. These corporations are born in every State, and State laws are responsible for their creation laws with which the national government has nathins to do, and could not have. unless by usurpation; but it does tak. a hand when these concerns undertake interstate transactions in restraint of trade or foreign commerce. It is nothing against the Republican party that such corporations have a being; their own parents, the States that gave them birth, are the parties responsible for their wrong doing in 'those States. No federal court or officer can enforce the common law of a State; as for the United States, there is no common law, as Mr. Roosevelt has said. Mr. Parker takes issue with this declaration and dismisses it from his discussion by saying it is a question "not to be determined by the President or by a candidate for the presidency," but by the judiciary, and it has been judicially decided that common law principles could be applied in United' States courts in interstate commerce cases. There are United States statutes for such cases, so that Judge Parker's promise to "favor such further legislation within constitutional limitations as will best promote and safeguard the interests of the people" is entirely gratuitous unless he meditates a repeal of the laws already existing. These laws are of Republican creation aud safeguard the interests of the people so far as State statutes will permit. A Republican Congress passed the Sherman anti-trust law and a Republican President approved it July 2, 1S00. In 1003 a Republican Congress passed and a Republican President approved an act expediting anti-trust litigation. In the appropriation bill for 100.'J was a paragraph providing funds for prosecuting such suits," and the deficiency bill for the same year authorized legal aid. The Elkins-Roberts law, passed and approved in 1003, bore upon this trust question aud was the work of a Republican Congress and President. The government has not flunked in enforcing the anti-trust laws where a proper case could be made out. It knocked the financial sawdust out of the Northern Securities Company iu. 1003. The Missouri "beef trust" case in 1003 ended with heavy fines against the defendants who were found guilty of violating the anti-trust law. In 1002 the President ordered the prosecution of certain Illinois packers for violating the Sherman antitrust statute, and a permanent injunction was the result. These anti-trust suits are not the justice-of-the-peace affairs the Democrats are trying to make them out to be. The government must be sure it is right and able to carry its points before it acts: the best legal tal ent of the country is put up against it, and defeat for it would involve ruinous consequences. What the Democrats might do in these trust matters no one, not even themselves, can guess; they can't do any bet ter; they are likely to do worse. THEODORE ROOSEVELT. 11 hail to the man of clear vision Whose mental and moral height Gives, for outlook, a boundless horizon. Who, seeing, dares face the light. Three cheers for the man who can do things! While others are wondering how! Who, pledging himself to the truth and the right, lias never forgotten his vow. U hail to the man of true courage! Who, never shirking the fight, Would choose the paths that lead through peace, Bv a calmer and loftier si;.ht. Three cheers for the man who can see things! With vision strong and fine. Who has led the land, with unerring hand To the Nation's foremost line. To him. alone on the mountain. Came the word that gave him power To consecrate the Nation, In the Nation's darkest hour. All hail to the man God appointed To do what our hero has done! God bless to the Nation the glory Which he, for the Nation, has won! E. B. Repetition of Falsehood. Candidate I'arKcr Keeps right on as serting that "we have wasted more than $030,000,000 of the people's money in the Philippines," notwithstanding the repeated demonstration, from actual figures, of the falsity of the statement. Auythiu to keep up the appearance of activity! And the father of lies is ever busv. Too Dear at Any Price. That the government's expenses are greater than they were in 1803 is true. But the expenditures are all for the work the people want done. There are things that are too dear at anv price One of these was the experience of the American people iu 1803. Has to Stand for It. Poor Parker! Hath a sudden wrench He jumped from the judicial bench And sought the Presidential chair. But we will not let him sit there. And now he asks, with puzzled frown: "O. where. O, where, can I sit down?" In the Background. For instance, now, who knows when fate Will launch a man straight into fame? The Democratic candidate

LABOR PROSPERITY. Tangible Results That Are Traceable to Republican Policies. The Democrats are silent as to the alleged benefits their party has brought

to American workmen; this silence is j something workmen should seriously con- i srder, turning the matter over and over . in their minds before they cast their ballots. In saying "bene5ts" the word is meant to cover the most substantial good obtainable as a result for labor the best wages and the fewest hours of work. Such results are not within the power of the President to directly produce, but they do come from wise legislation the conception and enactment of national laws that are to bring prosperity. Democrats are "mum" because what they might show would le so much to their discredit as to at once turn all that utterance is to suggest the enactment of impartial laws for both labor and capital; but the Republican platform is wider, longer, stronger and more comprehensive. Neither of those documents promises th laborer higher wages or that ! he may work fewer hours to get them. I But what the Republicans do promise in platform, and speech, and documents, showing how it will be done, backing it with' forty years of incontestable proofs, is the maintenance of the government on such economic foundations as experience has given assurance are for the prosperity of the country: that promise is for legislation first and administration next that shall be wise and comprehensive as to public interest. The Republicans have established themselves as a power capable of producing and maintaining a condition in national affairs of the greatest benefit to the working classes; but in showing this is also demonstrated the fact that the Democrats have hurt labor in all its various lines by laws created and conditions established that have brought disasters for which there was neither avoidance nor remedy under their management of federal affairs. Since the Cleveland administration of 1S03 to 1807 the Republicans have changed labor matters wonderfully for the better. Take the wages of 1S0J. the last year of his term, for a basis. Last jear (1003), as a result of Republican finances and laws, a blacksmith got over 12 per cent, more wivges per hour and worked 3 per cent, less hours per week than in 180G; carpenters received over 31 per cent, increase per hour and worked over 0 per cent, less hours per week; painters' wages increased nearly 2G per cent, per hour, and their hours of labor were reduced nearly 9 per cent, of the hours per week; bricklayers were gainers by an increase of 20 per cent, in wages per hour and by a reduction of 7 per cent, per hour for labor time; unskilled labor went up IS per cent, per hour, with a gain also in the reduction of almost 3 per cent, in the number of hours of work per week. Other occupations iron moldcrs, machinists, masons, stone cutters, etc. all have had their wages per hour increased and their time for the week decreased as among the appreciable happy results of Republicans in power at Washington. Another feature of this labor condition for the period mentioned was in the increase in the number of workers. The Republican prosperity following Mr. Cleveland's administration was such that, in 1003 as against 180G, there was over 49 pe,r cent more blacksmiths, 2G per cent, more bricklayers, 21 per cent more carpenters, 20 per cent more laborers, and 10 per cent, more painters. Everywhere more work, more men, higher wages and fewer hours of la bor. Does not that show that a Republican administration of the government stands for labor prosperity? Such an administration had first to get the country out of the quicksands of Democratic inefficiency, which took more than one year. After that the possibilities for getting work and the wages for doing it were in creased for working people, until now the United States is the golden land for the rest of the world. If the Republicans have accomplished this great good for labor, and the Democrats have made a botch of the attempt whenever they had a chance, common sense and the pocketbook should keep the workingmen with the Republicans, who have put up the proofs of well-doing. The man who advocates the destruc tion of all trusts and corporations is a political quack and demagogue. Large corporations employ hundreds of thou sands of men. To destroy them would throw an army of workingmen out of em ployment. The thing to do is to enforce the laws against corporations and trusts which are violating them' and thus put all on a law-obeying basis. Thaf has boen President Roosevelt's policy and will continue to be. Kuropatkin aud Oyama between them have not yet succeeded in sacrificing 100.000 lives in the bloody struggle over Manchuria, but Judge Parker, with one snap of hi.s free-trade jaw, has added over 103.000 to the death list in the Philippines. It is evident the Judge needs an automatic air-brake on his mouth or he may decimate the universe before the American voters get a chance to relegate him to innocuous oblivion. It is estimated that this year's harvest is the most valuable ever gathered on American farms. A rough estimate shows an aggregate value for corn. wheat, oats, rye, barley, buckwheat, hay, potatoes and cotton of no less than $3,200,000,000 against $3,073,000,000 last year. These enormous figures suggest 3.200.000.000 reasous why -the American farmer will vote the Republican ticket this fall. A man must think he has a sure thing when he is willing to bet 4 to 1 ou Roosevelt, and a man must be willing to say good by to his money when he takes the small or Parker end of such odds. But these are the odds to-day that paralleled the odds on McKinley at the close of the campaign in 1900. Judge Parker has not yet announced whether he stands with David B. Hill on the auti-government-by-injunction issue or adheres to the principles he main tained as a sitting magistrate. "It's all over but the shouting." sounds well, but the fact remains that no elec tion is decided until the ballots are cast Don't forget to vote early on November 8th. . If a large vote be cast for Watson, the

Bryan sentiment is strong, it will be evidence that the friends of Mr. Bryan resent the Ilill-Sheehan-Parker telegram trick. But if Bryan Democrats wish to more strongly resent the trick played on them at Esopus and St. Ijouis

they can vote for Roosevelt, and if they do not care to do that there is a third course open they may stay at home on election day PARKERS FAILURE. Inability to Arouse Kither Interest or Knthutlnm. Alton B. Parker made an unfortunate impression by his speech of acceptance. This impression was deepened by his long-delayed and much-corrected letter. By these two efforts the Democratic candidate must be judged, for he has never done anything noteworthy, nor said anything to be remembered, either before or since his nomination. Upon every point raised by the candidate in his two utterances Mr. Parker has failed to carry the sympathies r the judgment of the people. In the first place the lack of mental grasp revealed by the man named for the highest office in the gift of the people is painfully evident to the most careless reader of his formal statements of opinions and convictions upon national issues. The effect is that of a narrow intelligence laboring to meet expectations founded upon an estimate it cannot fulfill. The absence of anything like broad views of national questions is felt, naturally, when one remembers that the utterances uuder examination are put forth for the set purpose of gaining the suffrages of the entire people of this immense country. "WEIGHED AND POUND WANTING." is the verdict already passed ujon Mr. Parker's intellectual make-up, by the intelligent, instructed, thoughtful men and women of his own party, as well as those of the Republican persuasion. With the emotional, the enthusiastic anil more or less irrational misses of the people, Mr. Parker's failure is still more conspicuous. He has none of the fire of sentiment, the eloquence, the magnetism which drew the proletariat irresistibly to Bryan in the early days of the free silver mania. Parker repels. And, so, the Democratic candidate has failed. He has neither the powerful individuality of the last President elected by his parts, nor the popular qualities of that party's candidate in 1000 and 1800." Dull, secretive, cold, Mr. Parker is utterly unable to arouse enthusiasm, or even interest, in his candidacy. No shuffling, no shifting of ground such as he has attempted in the master of the pension order, the trust suits, the Philppine and other problems, could for one moment hoodwink a wide-awake people. lis defeat was written in the book of fate long before David Bennett Hill had fixed upon him that baleful glance which sees only what can be of use to the most selfish and unscrupulous master of polit ical wire-pulling in existence. LINCOLN TO SCHURZ. Letter Written Th irty-Kieht Years Ago that Is Appropriate Now. Mr. Carl Schurz made a long speech at Cooper Union in October, 1000, iu which he assailed President McKinley and denounced the policy of his admin istration. It is appropriate, therefore, that this etter of Abraham Iiincoln to this same Mr. Carl Schurz should now be read again by the people. It was written thirty-eight years ago, having been dated Nov. 24, 1802, or in the second year of the war for the Union: I have Just received and read your letter of the 20th. The perrort of it is that we lost the late elections and the administra tion is falling because the war Is unsuccess ful, and that I taunt not natter luyseir mat I am not justly to blame for It. 1 certainly know that If the war fulls, the administration falls, and that I will be blamed for It, whether I deserve It or not. And I ought to be blamed If I could do better. You think I could not do better; therefore I blame you for blaming me. 1 understand you now to lie willing to ac cept the help of men who are not Republicans, provided they have "heart In It." Agreed. I want no others. 15 ut who is to be the judge of hearts, or of "heart iu If?" If I must discard my own judgment ad take yours. I must also take that of others; and by the time I should rejeet all I should be advised to reject. I snouiu nave none left, Republicans or others not even your self. For be assured, my dear sir. there ore men who have "heart in It that think you are performing your part as poorly as you think I am performing mine. This has been printed before, but it bears reading many times as an exhibition of the spirit of the patient, for bearing, humorous Lincoln under the jab bing of a chronic fault-finder who owed to him only gratitude and profound respect. Besides, it has a special applica tion to the long speec of Mr. carl Schurz. Edward Atkinson, one of the so-called anti-imperialists, recently prepared a newspaper article in which he attempted to show that the Philippines may have cost, indirectly, over a billion dollars. The letter probably was prepared for the benefit of Judge Parker, for the Demo cratic candidate jrives Atkinson as authority for the statement that the tax payers have paid nearly a billion and a quarter dollars for the islands. What was Atkinson paid for his misleading article? What kind of a President would Parker make if he should not prove more accurate and reliable as a chief executive than he does as a campaign talker? Parker says the Philippines cost $1.200,000.000. but the records show that the total amount paid out for the islands is only $189,000,000. It is becoming apparent that "Ananias," instead of 'A1tou" should be the first name of the Democratic candidate. "If stariff lawit passed under which the country prospers,, as the country has prospered under the present tariff law, then all classes will share in the prosperity. If a tariff law is passed amine at preventing the prosperity of some of onr people, it is as certain as anything can be that this aim will be acbieyed only by cattine down the prosperity of all of onr people." Roosevelt's letter of acceptance Judge Parker says he is in favor of the Panama canal, but opposed to the methods by which its construction was secured. No method that a Republican administration could have adopted would have met his approval. The only method ever pursued by the Democratic party was one of triflius and delay. Don't nullify your vote for Roosevelt and Fairbanks by failing to support the Republican candidate for Congress. A Republican Congress is as necessary as a

AN ABSURD BUGABOO

DEMOCRATIC CRY OF "IMPERL ALI3M" AN INSULT. Parker's Kxpressea Alarm Urer the Power of the President and Fear of What Repnbl leans W ill X)o Is alers ly Amusins Twadd e. Of all the absurd bugabo w in politic the most ridiculous one is that produced by the Democrats and labeled "imperialism." which, as applied at present, is designed to c.:rry the idea of a Republican beiug "Dictator" instead of President. The suggest :!! is of itself child ish; still, when .uttered through human megaphones of the Democratic party, it acquires a hearing if not an importance. Judge Parker, in his letter of accept ance, declares imperialism "a vital issue" and of "overwhelming importance." simply because the growth of the nation under successful Republic u admin istrations Ins been so vast and rapid a to require system iu its management business-like conceptions and executions of purposes. This is an inexortble con dition for success in natio al as well as in iudividu.il affairs; but t'a Democrat cannot or will not submit t i it. Central ization of power Ioes not me in usurpation, but does show the Republicans are not leaving "loose ends" around in fheir sagacious management of public matter. No Mate can truthfully complain that their rights or dignities luve suffered from federal interference: that would U usurpation to In instantly resented by each and every State i:i the Union as a matter of self-preservat ion. Whv Dein cr.its Are Wroth. Because a Republican Congress and a Republican President. inar:agi::g the Republic for a Republican majority of the people, conducted the government as a business proposition of the vastest magnitude, using no means except good common sense anl the powers delegated by the national constitution, and leeaiis the Democrats never have and never will do the same, h.iwever much they may promise, is the plain reason for their outcry of "imperialism." This conservation of utilities for public good and employed by the nation's business managers maddens the Democrats, because they have been impKent with their opportunities. Judge Parker is alarmed at the " power of the President. "It almost equals that of many monarch," he declares. Why should it not? It is under constitutional limitations, ami coralled by a cordon of States and the will of the people. If a Democratic President were up-to-date and regarded the welfare of the nation as more important thau that of his party, would he not Ih likely to do as the Republicans have done? If he failed to try he would le recreant to hi trust, but not. perhaps, to his party. But Judge Parker goes farther iu hifear of what Republicanism may do for the country. In doing this he deliberately insults that majority of the people who have believed iu t'.ie Republican party, whose principle and practice have, in the last forty lejss eight year made the United State what it is today. He writes: "The magnitude of the country and its diversity of interests and population" diversity of population applies to honest-ideaed foreigners who have come here to be rid of dictators aud imperialists, to men who should resent at the polls this imputation against their patriotism "would enable, a determined, ambitious, and able executive (that does not mean a Democrat, but Mr. Iloo.sevelt) unmindful of constitutional limitations and fired with the lust of power. to go far in the usurpation of authority and the aggrandizement of personal power before the situation could be fully appreciated or the people be aroused." SucU an utterance is twaddle; there is not a sign of statesmanship nboift it. It is a woniout Democratic echo from (leu. (Jrant's political campaigns. It might not be worth thinking about had not the chairman of the Democratic Stafe Central Committee of Connecticut brought out the same sentiment in wayiug of the Connecticut Democrats "they fear he (Roosevelt) may become ambitious to carve out for himself a place in history, and that iu doing this he may embroil u with foreign nations." This indicates unity of echo; but no one i scared but the Democrats. But they insult those of our citizen of alien descent by intimating that Mr. Roosevelt might steal the government without their suspecting anything of -the fcfnd -by asserting that it is. even now, supported a it is by foreign-lorn and native voters, a "beneficent despotism." Mr. Roosevelt does not agree with thin view of the situation. He Inn written: "We have striven both for civic righteousness and for national greatness; and we have faith to believe that our hands will be upheld by all who feel love of country and trust in the uplifting of mankind." Mr. Roosevelt' sentiments are, all of them, those of a patriot; againrt him are those of political tricksters and demagogues. The Keal Return. When, the returns are in at last They'll show Democracy ia spurned And that by a percentage vast The President has been returned. 1 A Question for If. Cassaway. "Buchanan's time," you say, were best tI ail I lie ti CTTT Kl-VT. Is not your memory suppressed -Now, how about Methuselah? In Wall street the Democrats say President Roosevelt is too strenuous in his attitude towards corporations, while in the West they charge that he is a f riend of the trusts. They ought to try and get together. A vote for Judge Parker is a vote of censure on President Roosevelt. Is any patriotic American willing to take that position towards one of the best Presidents and best administrations the country has ever had? If you hitch up' your horses to drive to the voting place on election day you may as well take along with you one r i : . .-.3 nhn mlirht not care to walk to the poll. We now look to JuJge Parker to take up the cry against government fcy injunction to which hi David B. Hill has given vociferous utterance. Be me to cast your vote November 8th. You'll never be sorry if you do;