Richmond Palladium (Daily), 26 October 1904 — Page 10
A PLEA TO FIRST VOTERS Some Reasons Why They Should Vote Solidly for Roosevelt and Fairbanks.
ADVICE BY JOHN HAY
Something of the Policies of the Two Parties and Reasons Why No Truly Patriotic Young Man Can Afford to Vote for Parker and Davis.
As in the days of Rome, the American Republic to-day finds its young man hood its most valuable asset. It is quite natural for both of the great political parties to make a maximum effort to in fluence the first vote of the young men of the country. The young man is nowone of the most important and mast sought individuals in the Republic. It is not beyond the range of probability that these first voters may hold the balance of power and actually decide the coming election. It is not always easy to reckon the strength of this vote accurately, hence it offers a fertile field for speculation. The United States census of 19K) gives the total male population of the United States in 1900 letveen the ages of 17 uid 20, inclusive, as 2,059,801. In other words, in round numbers, three million voters. These young men being at that age at that 'time, are all now eligible to cast their first vote for President. In addition, many thousand j'oung men as emigrants have become citizens of the United States since that time. Of course S JKMnber have also died. It may not be very far wrong to conclude that there are safely between three and three and a half million first voters now in the United States. Of course, there is no accurate way of knowing just how these votes are prorated to the different States. It is doubtless true that the safely Democratic States and the safely Republican States have something of a similar quota, and to that extent, of course, the votes in the electoral college would not be influenced either way, but how about tne effect of the first voters in the doubtful States? Past experience shows that in these States an increased suffrage in favor of one party or the other from 1 to 4 per cent, may change the results nd mark defeat or victory for either party. It is this first vote in doubtful States that is of supreme importance. How will Jt be cast? For Democracy, negation a policy destructive of all that is good nd obstructive of all that is progressive, CT shall it be for Roosevelt and Fairbanks, who represent the great constructive business league in America known as the Republican party? Situation and Younj Man's Duty. If it should so happen that two families of distinction should seem to lay equal claim to any young man. and if it should be left to him to decide as to which one he might cast his lot with, he would naturally look into the history of both families intelligently, diligently and (thoroughly. His pride and self-interest would compel him to cast his lot with the one that showed the highest selfrespect, the greatest personal and national pride, the best ability for doing things that ought to be done, calcuiated to benefit mankind; and above all. the one that looked to the future with hope and aspiration, with a view of meeting r 11 new conditions nobly and completely as they might arise. It is the duty of every young American to perform this duty thoroughly in connection with the two great political parties that are asking his first vote on the issues of the present campaign. He will find the work not only instructive, but if he investigates the records thoroughly, there cannot ue a shadow of a doubt in his mind, after he has finished the investigation, as to which way bis duty may lie. lie should divest himself of hereditary bias and inclinations, he should attempt to lift himself out of his immediate or present surroundings and divorce himself, for the nonce, from all social or family ties and investigate the thing for himself. Part In k of the Wars. This duty is one of the weightiest that the generations of progress and the blood of his ancestors have made in cumbent upon him. If he enters upon it nvrongly, he not only stultifies his own usefulness and injects a germ of partial failure into his own life, but he fails most miserably to measure up to one of the highest opportunities ever vouchsafed to mankind. It is now too late in this pro gressive age to allow personal preference or any inclination of our ancestors or immediate forefathers to influence us in a work which will affect the destinies of mankind. It is a sacred privilege and an act which affects nearly a hundred million people. Is there not cause for pause? Then as Americans, as the inheritors of all that is glorious and grand in the history of the greatest Republic on earth. what Can a young man find in the Democratic party's record that would appeal to his pride, his patriotism, his sense of duty or his idea of intelligent citizenship? All any sane and conservatively-minded young man has to do is to sum ply compare the records of the two parties for the last half century. What does he find? He finds that at every turn one tias been progressive, constructive, patri otic; working for the general interests and welfare of humanity. The other has been a party of negation, predicting calamity, crying despair and prophesying wreck and ruin of the government; stand ing uniformly and perpetually as an obftacle and obstruction to all measures calculated for the general good. Party of Action. Some of the accomplishments of the Republican party may well be contrast ed with the asinine acts and obstruction tactics of the party of slavery. State rights, secession, anti-expansion, free trade and free silver. From the immor tal Lincoln to the illustrious Roosevelt their is nothing but one long line of bril
AND HENRY CUIUS
party. First and foremost among those many victories will forever stand that victory for which the immortal Lincoln gave his life, the abolition of slavery. With the blood of patriots he washed the stain forever from the stars and stripes. The Republican party saved the Union and gave freedom to four millions of people. For all time the victory of the abolition of slavery stands to the credit of the Republican party. Then, thirty-seven years later, the cry of the oppressed went up from fair Cuba; her people had been ground into the dust for four centuries by Spanish greed and oppression. Another Republican President, another American martyr, came to the rescue of the Queen of the Antilles, and William McKinley freed Cuba and started her oa her illustrious career of destiny. First Kate Diplomats. Peace hath her victories no less renowned than war. Scarcely a generation ago a Republican Secretary of State, with far-seeing vision common to Republican statesmen, saw that the most despotic power in the world Russia by its possession of Alaska might some day be a menace to our Pacific coast. Alaska was purchased by Secretary of State Seward and the Republican party; and instead of being a menace it now stands I as a sentinel guarding American interests in the Northern Pacific and the Arctic Ocean. For all time the victory of peacefully acquiring Alaska stands to the cred it of the Republican party. For more than a half century past the American people have demanded a canal to connect the waters of the Atlantic with the waters of the Pacific. The great advantages of such a canal are too obvious to be dwelt upon. The advantages to the United States in time of war will be immeasurable. Of its feasibility there is no question. Of its early con struction there has been no doubt since the recent day when the Republican par ty, at the hands of the Republican Pres ident, gave to our nation the American Panama canal. For all time the victory of the Panama canal will stand to the credit of the Republican party. When we acquired the Philippines and Porto Rico we found school privileges practically non-existent. Only six years have passed, and to-day over three hundred thousand Filipino and Porto Rican children are receiving American educaion and singing the songs of freedom in the Anglo-American language. For all time the victory of inaugurating the pub lic school system under which these chil dren are being fitted for eventual American citizenship stands to the credit of the Republican party. Build for the Future. Another Republican Secretary of State saw that American trade in China was a necessity, and, by a series of clever diplomatic moves, has secured for us a commercial open door in China. For all time the victory of the open-door policy will stand to the credit of John Ilay and the Republican party. When the immortal Lincoln was first elected President we had 123,000 facto ries, with 1,000,000 workers. At the present day, under the protective tariff of the Republican party, we have over G00.000 factories, with about 8.000,000 workers. For all time this industrial vic tory will stand to the credit of the Re publican party. A FINANCIER'S ADVICE. Henry Clews, the well-known New York banker, was asked by two young men who are to cast their first vote for President this election, which is the safer candidate to vote for, President Roosevelt or Judge Parker. Some con densed extracts and statements of Mr. Clews' answer are herewith submitted: 'lour question to me was my own question to myself. I approached it as a business man, without prejudice. 1 sought to shut out every other consideration but one of safety the surer safety. My previous votes, my personal fancies as to the personal manners of the two candidates, the superficial gibes and nag gings of the newspapers all these I swept aside just as you are trying to do, so sticking to this all-important ques tion of where is the surer safety, I found there were several indisputable facts which seemed to me fully sufficient to an swer it. Harmonious Party of Statesmen. "Roosevelt and his party are of the same mind, but Parker and his party are of many contradictory minds. The Re publican party never has had faction within itself concerning issues. It ha been unanimous in knowing what it stood for. The Democratic party has never agreed upon anything, but abounds in schisms, factions and cliques. They are not united to-day, and have not been united since the civil war. In 1864 their convention declared, in its platform, that The war is a failure, but their nomi nee, Gen. McClellan, repudiated that dis loyal creed just as Judge Parker had to 6end to the discordant, temporizing Democratic convention at St. Louis his famous gold telegram. Mr. Parker voted for Mr. Bryan in 1S90 and 1900, although he did not Hke Bryan, and says now that he did not believe in free silver. In 1900 the gold Democrats swung back into line behind Bryan and free silver. Like Hill they said, 4I am a Democrat, and that was enough. They did not agree with the issue, but said, 'Never mind the is sue; we are Democrats, and we stick to our party. That answer strikes an un prejudiced observer as against common sense, and unpatriotic. Judge Parker and the million other Democrats now ad
f Reproduced from the Minneapolis Journal
BACK IN THE POLITICAL GAME. THE DEMOCRATIC FACULTY "Of course, Bryan will never make up his
the ball to lose from the team, " would have been a blow to the prosperity of this country such as we never had before. Yet they voted against their con victions, for that awful danger, just be cause it has always been enough for a Democrat to say, I am a Democrat; never mind the issue.' Gold Standard Wise Tar iff. "You can be sure that Roosevelt and his party will treat the tariff wisely. How Parker and his party will treat the tariff nobody knows, bTit we all fear. With Roosevelt and his party we are sure of sound money, but with Parker and his party we can only hope for its permanence. The Democrats will vote for Gold Parker for the same reason they voted for Silver Bryan, just because thev are Democrats, but the Silver Dem ocrats repudiate Parker's gold creed millions and millions of them. Parker telegraphed that he believed the gold standard to be irrevocably fixed. It is so irrevocably fixed, providing the Re publican party remains in power, but not irrevocably fixed if the Democrats come into power. What could Parker do with his wild herd of mlvemtes if the chance ever came for them to stampede? Safety with Roosevelt. "We know that Roosevelt and his part will deal with the trusts seriously and vigorously, as in the past, but how Farker and his party will deal with the trusts no one knows. Roosevelt stands clearly on his record as to trust abuses. When the Northern Securities was violating the anti-trust law, he instantly ordered the most stringent investigation, and the Supreme Court decided that the law had been violated, and ordered a dissolution. We can be sure that Roose velt will keep on in that same vigorous attitude towards the enforcement of the laws. "On the other hand, Parker has been very timid and tame in speaking of the trusts in his speech of acceptance. Back of that strange caution in Parker's utterances is the well-known alliance of some of the biggest trust systems to secure his election. It is absolutely impossible to predict what treatment he will give them if he is called upon as President to en force the laws against them. "Our foreign policy is safe with Roose velt and John Hay, but Parker and his party are likely to plunge into the unknown, with paths that lead to nowhere in particular. If Parker were elect ed. David B. Hill, the corrupt political boss of New York, would doubtless occupy the position now so ably filled by Secretary of State Hay. "Roosevelt and his party have always been constitutional. Parker and his par ty make 'constitutionalism' a mask for a lack of aggressiveness and an excuse for failure to meet public questions iu an intelligent, aggressive manner. Roose velt has never come near overriding the Constitution. If he had ever done violence to the Constitution he would have to meet the charges of impeachment. But not once has the wildest Democrat in Congress even suggested that Roosevelt was open to impeachment. When a strong man performs a great duty he does it in a prompt and decisive manner. Instantly weak and envious people cry, 'Behold a giant who will trample us! Open, Honest, Frank. "As for honesty, no living man can charge Roosevelt with deceitfulness, and nobody fails to know what he is driving at. Parker may not be deceitful, but he takes a longer time to show himself open and aboveboard. Before his nomination, he was famous for not opening his mouth on gold. Nobody knew anything of his attitude except that he had twice voted for Bryan. He got his nomination be cause of that golden silence. After half of the convention had gone home he sent his famous telegram. "In view of all these things." says Mr. Clews, "I think it pretty clear that it will be safer for the country to vote for Roosevelt and the Republican nominees for Congress than to vote for Parker and ..Jus Congressional nominees. In
after years I thank you will be better satisfied with such a vote." APPEAL TO YOUNG MEN. I want to say a word to the young men whose political life is beginning: Anyone entering business would be glad of the chance to become one of an established firm with years of success behind it. Everything great done by this country in the last fifty years has been done under the auspices of the Republican party. Is not this a priceless aisset? Lincoln and Grant, Hayes and Garfield, Harrison and McKinley names secure in the heaven of fame they are all gone, leaving small estates in worldly goods, but what vast possessions in prin ciples, memories, sacred associations! It is a start in life to share that wealth. In our form of government there must be two parties. But what young man would not rather belong to the party that does things, instead of one that opposes them; to the party that looks up, rather than down; to the party of the dawn, rather than of the sunset? For fifty years the Republican party has believed in the country and labored for it in hope and joy; Has reverenced the flag and followed it; Has carried it under strange skies and planted it on far-receding horizons; Has seen the nation grow greater every year and more respected; Has seen the country extend its intercourse and its influence to regions unknown to our fathers; Yet it has never abated one jot or tittle of the ancient law imposed on us by Godfearing ancestors. The Constitution of our fathers has been the light to our feet. Our path is, and will ever remain, that of ordered progress, of liberty under the law. But we are not daunted by progress. We are not afraid of the light! The fabric our fathers builded will stand all shocks of. fate or fortune. While there will always be a proud pleasure in looking back on the history they have made, the coming generation has the right to anticipate work not less important. We who are passing off the stage bid you, as the children of Israel encamping by the sea were bidden, to go forward. We whose hands can no longer hold the flaming torch pass it on to you, that its clear light may show the truth to the ages that are to come. JOHN HAY. The Last Hope for Parker. Eastern Democrats, who, a few weeks since, could not nna wonis strong enougn with which to express their reprobation and scorn of Mr. Bryan, are now looking to him, as their last hope, to carry In diana. The complaisant Nebraskan has stripped off his coat and plunged into the task laid out for him. But the voice of the aforetime charmer can charm no longer. Insincerity kills the most mighty effort. No man can win votes under the circumstances surrounding Bryan at this time. It must be a bitter pill for David Bennett Hill to swallow, the last resort to Bryan to save a pivotal State to the dying Democracy, and it cannot be a very congenial task to Bryan, the effort he is making under the party whiplash. And, blow high, blow low, nothing can stop Indiana from giving a solid Republican majority on election day. Indiana is not going to join the choir of calamity howlers, rcpudiationists. idlers and anti-everythings. Do the people of to-day like the poli cies of Lincoln and McKinley the work ing out of which effected the saving of the Union with Mr. Lincoln and the making it prosperous under Mr. McKin ley? Mr. Roosevelt has run the government along their policy lines In domestic and foreign affairs. The only signs of dissatisfaction come from the Democrats; and their cries are political capital 'partisan faultfindings.
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back studies, ami he's to bandy with MR. DAVIS FIGURES. A Few Samples Sbowine Their Amap ins; Inaccuracy. Assurance, without pronounced gudler marks the acceptance letter of Hon. Henry G. Davis, the octogenarian candidate of the Democrats for the Vice Presidency. He expresses lias opinions on political conditions as if they were original with him, as if he were not a human phonograph with a single cylinder that has caught the echo of Judge Parker's echo of the Democratic stunt of oratory. "The times are propitious for the reinstatement of the Democratic par ty in control of the government, is the assertive way Mr. Davis begins his political sermon. The November ballots will be all "amens" to that. Who but the Democrats will agree with him? "When the present administration went into power there was a large surplus," he declares. He imagined that. The Republicans cam into power in 1897. Is that the meaning of has "present administration?" If sov and he means surplus of revenue over ordinary expenditures, he is in error. Mr. Cleveland's closing year of his last term showed EXCESS OF EXPENDITURES OVER REVENUE to the amountof $18,032,254. The surplus was the wrong way. The statistics were easily obtainable; why should Mr. Davis make such a misstatement? If he meant Mr. Roosevelt's term, beginning in 11XX) with Mr. McKinley, there was an excess in that year of revenue over expenditures amounting to $79,527,000. Therefore he is wrong again. In extenuation it may be said that the Democrats never were good nor correct figurers. As, for instance, again, when he asserts that the revenues for the last fiscal year were over $40,000,000 short of the expenditures. He must . have been guessing again, not having authenticated figures. In 1903 the excess of revenue over expenditures was over $52,000,000. The absurdity of Mr. Davis' computations and comparisons could not be more forcibly shown than when he quotes statistics to show the cot of running the government and the army under the Buchanan regime from 1857 to 1SG0, when the population was 31,218,021, and puts it, as an evidence of his party's economy, in contrast with our 80,000,000 population of to-day, into the estimate of the lat ter, dumping pension accounts, Panama canal purchase and every outlay caused by vast public improvements created and carried on solely for the benefit of the people. The age of Mr. Davis precludes his compiling such figures himself; but his anxiety for his party's success leads him to issue them without the commonest revision as to their correctness, or using his judgment as to their application to the matter he is discussing. No one should be deceived by the figures which a Democrat offers him; for in about nine cases out of ten they will be. like counterfeit money, made to de ceive. The Two Panda. The band at Washington, D. C, In cadences that sweep and swing And wake the welkin merrily, "Hail to the Chief" is practicing. The Httle band at Esopus Knows that it will not have to roam. And so with very little fuss It practices on "Home, Sweet Home. "To uproot and destroy that tariff system would be to insure the prostra tion of business the closing of factor ies, the impoverish meat of the farmer the rnin of thecapitalist, and the star vation of the wane- worker." Roose velt's letter of acceptance. The Cincinnati Enquirer aays: "Judge Alton B. Parker wears well." So does an evening dress suit that is donned only once or twice a year. If Parker could be induced to make a few speeches ha would be frayed into rags before Nov. 8. A machine of any kind that is aa silent as Judge Parker should never wear out.
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THE -DUMPING" POLICY. It Prevents Depression and Keep Our M'orklngmtn Km ployed. Democratic writers and speakers frequently try to make political capital by claiming that the protective tariff is responsible for the fact that our exporter in sonie cases sell their merchandise at less than prices charged in the home market. It is the very root of success in all commercial ventures to hold what you have and gain what you can. and this is the same in all highly advanced commercial nations, including England, where free trade prevails. Whenever a manufacturer has produced more goods than he can dispose of in the home market, without disastrously affecting prices, it is always good business policy for him to
try to get rid of his surplus abroad rather than to reduce his output and incidentally the number of meu he employ and the wages he pays them. This "dumping" policy, as the Ieni(crats call it, has again and again served to prevent depression in our home markets ami has saved millions of dollars in wages to American workingnien. It is infinitely better that the foreigner should occasioually get goods cheaper than they can be bought at home, rather than not have such surplus soil at all. and American mills be forced into idleness and . American workingnien into ssrious loss in wages. How British manufacturers pursue this dumping policy just the same as American manufactur-?-" will do when the necessity arises, is shown in recent consular reports. (Se circular No. 2007. lH'partment of Commerce and Labor.) Samuel M. Taylor, U. S. Consul at Glasgow, Scotland, says: Manufactured Meel for export Is sold for o to lo per tout less than for domestic use. m.u n rii ai a creater reduction. In other Words, the COSt Of t r.lTlSTWH f nf Ion tn fnn.ln countries where competition I hrUV la largely assumed by the Hritlsh exporter or manufacturer by means of this reduction. Kven .England Is treated as foreign nv the Scotch manufacturer and irets re.Tm'f Im accordingly. The Scotch manufacturer neither expects nor receives the same profit on his exports to forelsn countries that he obtains at home. In Scotland a combination of prices exists which fixes the nr!c of steel plate for the whole of Scotland, and Bires me memoers or tne com I hint Ion power to sell in other districts than Scotland, at whatever prices thev choose, I may mention in this connection that an American sewing machine company, which. in aaumon to oaring large works In the United States, has works lu Scotland snfflelent to supply the European trade, make uritisn consumers pay more for machine anuractumi in Ureat Britain than Atorrin consumers nay for those mauufaetared In the United States. Rufus Fleming, U. . Consul at Edin burgh, Scotland, says: It is the policy of British manufacturer to maintain prices In the home market at the highest possible lereJ and to make what ever concessions may be necessary In foreign markets. At aTt times, even when general trade conditions at home and abroad are excellent, ft is the rule, in British in dustry, to quote lower prfcea to foreign Buy ers than te the average domestic trader. The difference In favor of the foreigner or exporter ranges from 4 to (1 per cent. I have seen invoices of a British firm of steel wire manufactures te German buyers tn which the prtre were fully 1 per cent lower than the prices quoted' to- home cus tomers. This reduction was not due te- an extraordinary surplus, bnt principally to a determination to put a certain line of goods into competitive maraers. in most trades the one fixed purpose la not to reduce prices to British easterners until forced to do so. A prominent brewer, an ex-member of ParCanieut, said: I have been dunning aie and' beer on- for elffn markets all ray life, whenever I have had a surplus. Practically every manufac turer in this country sells his goods abroad for the best price they will bring, when his stock is too heavy to be unloaded" at home In a reasonable time, without Breaking the market. James Iloyle, V. S. Consul at Liver pool,. England, snys: The mMt interesting Instance of dniaefac in this Consular district of which f nave knowledge, was that of Brunner, Mond A Co., chemical manufacturers ef Xorthwtrh, Cheshire. The products Involved were soda ash and bicarbonate of soda. It waa a dis tinct policy of this firm to sell their products o the American market at a rate which not only undercut the American firoduct. but was less than the price In F.nglsh markets. This went on for some time until the firm effected an arrangement with parties, both American and foreign. Inter ested in the sale of chemicals in the United States, and then, as I am Informed, became part owners In caeraleal factories in Syra cuse, N. Y.. and tn Michigan. I be Here tt is trne. even now, that occasionally certain chemicals, and particularly btrarlnate of soda, produced in tnis neipo&ornooa. are sold cheaper In the United States than In this market. I am Informed that certain other manufacturers, like the well-known firm of Xettlefolds (Limited.) of Birming ham, which makes iron ana brass and wooden screws, often sell abroad cheaper than at home. II. Clay Evans, Consul General at London, England says: "I find that manufacturers here endeavor to maintain home markets, but when they can find a foreign market, they will bid for It. get it if they can without too great a loss, and thus increase the demand for their output and reduce the cost of production without demoralizing iioma prices." SHAMEFUL CARTOONS. Reproach and Kldlcnle for the Soldier and Ilia Uniform. The campaign caricaturists f President Roosevelt have awceeded in arousing enough interest to bring out the question: Is it disgraceful to fight for one'a country? It is amazing to see the uniform of a soldier of the United States army pictured in such a minner as to imply a reproach to its wearer! It was once thought to' be an honorable thing for a man to resign position, ease, family, independence, friends and home, and become a fighting machine to help uphold the honor and the word of his country. There seems to have grown up a different view of this matter. The earnest sacrifice of an American soldier is held by some to be an affair to picture In such a manner as to arouse contempt and vulgar snickers in the crowd. The devoted soldier facing death for his country is, with these nameless miscreants, a Fight to be guffawed over, something to be distorted into a laugh-raiding cartoon. To the laughing hyenas of the yellow press the stainless sword of Washington is but a clown's bauble. To them tha stern devotion of a soldier's experience is a farcical episode in a man's carter, something to be distorted into a thine to be jeered at. Once it was written: "It is sweet and glorious to die for my country." The yellow rendering is: "IT IS GROTESQUE AND RIDICULOUS TO FIGHT FOR ONE'S COUNTRY." Such creatures would write in their books, if they ever wrote books, "It im grotesque and ridiculous to die. for one's country."
