Richmond Palladium (Daily), 18 October 1904 — Page 9

SUPPLEMENT

RICHMOND PALLADIUM, RICHMOND, IND., OCT. 19, 1904. MAIN ISSUE AT STAKE IT 13 NOT THE PERSONALITY OF THE CANDIDATES. Great Question la Whether a Republican or Democratic Administration Shall Conduct the Affairs of GovernmentOpposition Is Neither Safe Nor Sane. Although the Republican party welcomes a comparison of the character and personality of its candidates with those of the candidates of the St. Louis convention, it prefers to urge the election of Roosevelt and Fairbanks as fitting representatives and instruments of the party's policies and intentions. If it were true, which it is not, that there is anything in the career of Judge ..Alton 14. Parker to justify the contention that he would make a "saner and safer" President than Theodore Roosevelt, the fact would remain, that, tied tip with the Democratic party, a Moses with the modern equipment of a Gladstone, could not insure as safe and sane government as the Republican party has administered under President Roosevelt. It is not pretended that Judge Parker possesses any superiority of statecraft, character or experience to G rover Cleveland. In fact, he has l?en accepted by the conservative elements of Democracy as a disappointing alternative for the ponderous oracle of Buzzard's Ray, and hj has only been accepted by the radical or Bryan element of the party, because lie had demonstrated the lack of Cleveland's safety and sanity by voting for free silver in 1800 and 1000. In thee two votes the proof is complete that there is nothing in Judge Parker's convictions, character or conscience to promise anything better, should he be elected, than a weak, vacillating and reactionary Democratic administration. Worse than this, whatever may be thought of Judge Parker's personal character and ability, he stands before the world as the presidential creation of David B. Hill, and his chief associates and advisers since his nomination have been Hill, "Rill" Shee.han, "Pat" McCarren, "Charlie" Murphy and others of the Manhattan brand of Tammany tatesnyen for revenue only. "Mr.-Kacing-Uoth-Ways." Nothing in his campaign utterances has suggested that Judge Parker possesses any of the stern attributes of leadership that bind parties to the will of a strong, conservative, conscientious chief. On the contrary he has earned the sobriquet, bestowed upon him by Speaker Cannon, of "Mr.-Facing-Both-Ways." Therefore a vote for the "safe and sane" Parker and his octogenarian mate is only to be justified by trust in. the safety and sanity of the party whose nominees they are. For forty years barring the two Cleveland intervals the Democracy has been excluded from power, because the American people have mistrusted its safety, its sincerity and its sanity. During all that period it has embraced within its ranks nearly all the elements of discontent, discord and reaction that are the, signs and proofs of hopeless political stagnancy and decay. As a party it threw every impediment within its reach in the way of the energetic prosecution of the war for the preservation of the Union. That the reader may understand that the Democratic leopard has not changed its spots in forty years it may be recalled that on July 2, 1804, the Democratic members of Congress put forth a addres-s to the people of the United States in which; according to George William Curtis in Harper's Monthly, President Lincoln was charged "with the engrossment of power; with military interference in elections; with the creation f bogus States: with illegally raising troops; with unnecessary and hateful conscription; with the payment of exorbitant bounties; with employing colored troops en an equality with white soldiers; with setting up a false and ruinous financial system; with placing us in peril of foreign interference; with endeavoring to corrupt the race by amalgamation with negroes." In August of that same year August Belmont, whose son is now pulling wires behind the "Sphinx of Esopus," as temporary chairman of the Democratic National Convention, said that "four years of misrule by a sectional, fanatical and corrirpt party had brought our country to the verge of ruin. The past and present are sufficient warnings of the diisastrons consequences which would befall us if Mr. Lincoln's re-election should be made possible by our want of patriotism nd unity." Seymour's Sentiment. Horatio Seymour, in his speech as permanent chairman of the same convention, inveighed bitterly against Ldncoln's administration and the Republican party, saying: "They were animated by intolerance and fanaticism, and blinded by an ignorance of the spirit of our institutions, the character of our people and the condition of our land." "Step by step," he continued, "they have marched on to results from which at the outset they would have shrunk with horror; and even now when war has desolated our land, has laid its heavy burdens upon labor, and when bankruptcy and ruin overhang us. they will not have the union restored except upon conditions unknown to the Constitution." lie concluded by demanding the restoration of the Union through the unconditional surrender of the principle of national self-preservation and "the full recognition of the rights ef the States" demanded by the people ef'the South. These speeches of Belmont and Seymour the prototypes of the Belmonts and Hills, Bryans and Ben Tillmans, Bourke Cockrans and Carl Sehnrzes of our day were but the prelude to the resolutions of the convention in which Lincoln's administration was denounced from every traditional point of view within the vocabulary of partisian vituperation, and the war was denounced as failure in the following perennial Democratic phraseology: RcsoireJ, That the cosTftution doca ex

plicitly declare, as the sense of the Ameri

can people, tnat aner iour years i muuic to restore the Union by the experiment of war. during which, under the pretense of a military necessity or war power higher than the Constitution the Constitution itself has been disregarded in every part, and public liberty and private right alike trodden down, and the material prosperity of the country essentially Impaired, justice, humanity, liberty and the public welfare demand that Immediate efforts be made for a cessation of hostilities, with a view to an ultimate convention of all the States, or other peaceable means, to the end that, at the earliest practicable moment, peace may be restored n the basis of the Federal Union of the States. Demanded State's Rights. In another resolution the principles and purposes of the Belmonts and Seymours of 1804 were set forth in these traditional terms: Rtsolved, That the aim and object of the Democratic party is to preserve the Federal Union and the rights of the States unimpaired, and they hereby declare that they consider the administrative usurpation of extraordinary and dantrerous powers not granted by the Constitution, the subversion of the civil by military law in States not In insurrection, the arbitrary arrest, imprisonment, trial and sentence of American citizens in States where civil law exists in full force, the suppression of freedom of speech and of the press, the denial of the right of asylum, the open and avowed disregard of State rights, the employment of unusual tost oaths, and the interference with and denial of the rijiht of the people to benr arms, as calculated to prevent a restoration of the Union and the perpetuation of a government ' deriving its just powers from the consent of the governed. With the omission of a few phrases having reference to the then prevailing condition of war, there is nothing to distinguish these utterances of the Democratic party forty years ago from those of the same Bourbon party to-day. The similarity of phraseology used to denounce, to declare and to demand; the invocation of the Constitution to preserve rights and liberties from imaginary perils of administrative usurpation, military subversion and individual invasion; the fictitious concern over non-existing financial and industrial burdens ail go to show that the Democratic party of 1S.M4 stands in the same old shoes of 18(54, snarling at the heels of the Republican party which now, as then, is doing things for the advancement, peace and prosperity of the people of the United States. It will be observed that in August, 1S0-4, the Democratic party assumed to express "the sense of the American people" in its arraignment of Lincoln and the Republican party, an assumption which the American people in Novem ber promptly repudiated by the following vote: Popular Electoral vote. vote. IJncoln and Johnson 2,216,007 212 McClellan and Pendleton. 1,808,725 21 States not voting 81 Delaware, Kentucky and New Jersey were the only States in the slim Democratic column that year. Same Old Cry. Every four years since 1804. the Democratic party has gone through the same formula of arraigning the Republican party as the party of unconstitutional usurpation, fanaticism, sectionalism, extravagance, financial bankruptcy, centralization, corruption and abuse of power and with two exceptions the American people have returned the same verdict they did in 1804. In 18S4 and 1802 certain exceptional conditions, for which the Republican party was in nowise responsible, caused the American people to lend a trusting ear to the reiterated impeachment of the Republican administration. Cleveland's two terms were the result, both giving conclusive proof of the incompetence of the Democratic party to administer the government except by adopting every Republican policy and practice they had denounced. In Cleveland's second administration the Democratic party attempted to replace the Republican taritr with a mongrel mixture of free trade, class protection and special bounties, and then came to pass the very conditions of revenue deficits, social disorder and widespread despair and misery of which the American people had only dreamed under the spell of Democratic demagogy. The restoration of Safety and Sanity in the administration of American affairs came with the election of William Mcivinley in 1890. Since tnen the nation 'has experienced a period of prosperity unexampled in the history of the world. It has waged a successful war resulting in establishing liberty and a popular government in Cuba, in extending American freedom, justice and protection in Porto Rico and the Philippines and in advancing the United States to a powerful, almost a commanding place, in the polity of nations. Nothing like the national development of these eight years has been known in the past of the republic, and with it have come world-wide resjonsibilitUs and duties, as well as problems of internal government. j The Republican party within the Constitution, without straining any of the powers reposed in the Executive or Congress, has met t:e demands of the hour with courage, wisdom and success, to which the chorus of Democratic declamation, denunciation and demands pays the highest tribute. So to-day in its history, its policies and its candidates, the Republican party appeals to the American people as the party of achievement, of resources and of the courage to grapple with every new phase of national life. It is the party of sound principles. safe finance and sane execution of the laws. The proof of its capacity to govern is written in the healthy progress of the United States during the past forty years. The guaranty of its fitness to continue an the execution of that great trust is in the character and experience of its leaders. Which Will Yon Trnt? Let the American voter look across the .stage of public life to-day and ask himself which he would rather trust to administer any public or private trust the Republican party under the leadership of THEODORE ROOSEVELT AND CHARLES W. FAIRBANKS, Backed by Secretaries Hay, Shaw, Taft, Moody, Wilson. Hitchcock, Morton, and Senator Allison and the Republican majority in the Senate. Speaker Cannon and the Republican majority in the House of Representatives. Elihu Root and the host of learned lawyers who believe that the American Constitution is not a petrified stumbling block in the path of national evolution, and The glorious record of Republican fidelity to the Union and human progress. OR The Democratic party under the leadership of

ALTON B. PARKER AND HENRY G. DAVIS. Backed by David B. ILill, William Jennings Bryan, Benj. Tillman, Champ Clark, William F. Sheehan, Patrick H. McCarren, Charles F. Murphy and Tom Taggart. Senator Gorman and the Democratic minority in the Senate. Congressman Williams and the Democratic minority in the House of Representatives. Bourke Cockran and the host of fossilized hired advocates who have been shouting "Unconstitutional" at every measure taken to preserve the Union, advance its prosperity and establish its power during the past forty years, and The Democratic record of secession, repudiation and obstruction. The issue before the American people next Noveniber is not between the personalities of Theodore Roosevelt and Alton B. Parker, but between two great organizations representing respectively progress and stagnation in national life. The verdict promises to be as conclusive as it was on the same issue in 1804. UNDULY PUFFED UP. The Get-Rich-Quick Democrat Bosses Are Brassing Too Soon. Certain Democrats, with the exuberance of the newly rich, are boasting of the States they are going to carry by means of their big campaign fund. There is no telling what may happen, even with money in the treasury. Only a day or two ago, one politician from West Virginia was bewailing certain wellproved facts in connection with campaign money. They are thinking a good deal of campaign money in West Virginia just now. This particular individual of the Democratic camp said, in effect, that West Virginia is likely to go Republican this fall. "The niggers will all vote the Republican ticket," he declared, "those who are allowed to vote. They'll take our "money and then go and vote the Republican ticket straight." This is a complication of great import to our erring brethren of the opposing camp. It was not always thus, but now, with the Australian ballot, in some form, in use in many States it is a sad fact that the riffraff who sell their votes take the money and then vote as they please. The Oil trust can put its money into the Parker campaign fund, but it cannot buy even one of its own vast army of employes, nor anj of its victims in the world of business. The Democrats are puffed up over their fat pocketbook. but it won't help them in the coming election. The people prefer to have money in their own pockets, honest money which they have been able to earn themselves, in a time of prosperity and industrial activity such as a Republican administration gives them. After an exhaustive review of the situation in the Hoosier State, Walter Welhnan. the staff correspondent of the Record-Herald, says: "With the Republican ranks virtually solid, with the Democracy bound to lose a few thousands of the Bryanites, with nothing present in the public mind to lead to an upheaval, and with Indiana a Republican State to start with, one does not need to be a seventh son to foresee the result." And he estimates the Republican plurality at "somewhere between 15,000 and 30,000." "Being nnable to agree among themselves as to whether the gold standard is a enrse or a blessing, and as to -whether we ought or ought not to have free and unlimited coinage of silver, they four opponents) have apparently thought it expedient to avoid any cammittalon these subject, and individually each to follow hi particular bent." Roosevelt's letter of acceptance, Chicagoans of the Democratic persuasion are trying hard to get Judge Parker to come out West and attend a banquet. But Judge Parker is not hungry. Like Poo-Bah, just before the execution, he "doesn't want any lunch!" It is freely predicted by those who onght to know that Ulster county, New York, Judge Parker's home county, will iy Roosevelt a good majority.

MONEY FOR LABOR.

Nearly Half a Billion Dollars More for Wages. The census of 1900 showed that the wages of all classes of labor in all the manufacturing industries of the United States was $2,322,333,a t as against $1,891,228,321 in 181)0 a gain of $131,105,550. The census reports of wages for labor and salaries for clerks and officers employed in manufacturing industries for the last three decades are as follows: 1900 $403,711,233 1890 301,088,208 1880 $2,322,33.1,877 1,891,228.321 947,033,775 No census taken. Had these census reports included the period from 1S94 to 1904 the comparison would be far more striking, for thousands of workingmen lost their jobs slfortly after the last Democratic administration (1893-1897) went into power, and there were very few workingmen of those able to keep their jobs who did not have to submit to at least some reduction in wages. Those were the days when Democracy piled trouble on to trouble, and seemed to leave nothing undone that could be done to bring impoverishment to the American workingman. The entire country was made a sort of laboratory for original Democratic experimentation in various explosive products and by-products, including especially free trade, free silver, free riot and free soup. It mattered not that desolation was brought into thousands of American homes, that the workingman and his wife and little ones were pinched for the necessities of life, so long as Democracy was given the chance to experiment with the idea of taking the home market away from American industry and giving it to the foreigner, and antagonizing business interests by agitation against the gold standard. After William McKinley was-elected 'zip" President ami the policies of protection and of sound money once again established, the phenomenal growth of the United States an wealth and prosperity attracted the wonder of all civilized nations; and this growth has continued with accelerating velocity up to the present time. The census of 1900 recorded this great upward movement when it was only about half way to where it is now. Of course, an increase of nearly half a billion dollars in workingmen's wages does not concern the workingman alone by any means. It concerns every business man in the United States, every farmer, and every woman and child dependent on the labor of others for their support. For instance, if the wages of labor in manufacturing industries had not increased in the millions the per capita consumption of wheat could not have increased from 3.44 bushels in 1894 to G.33 bushels in 1904, and the price of wheat almost doubled. Prosperity is always made up of an almost endless chain of circumstances, and it is only by having every link sound and strong that prosperity for all can be preserved. CANDIDATES COMPARED. Why Roosevelt la More Popular than Parker. The New York Sunday Democrat, a newspaper that recently bolted Tarker and came out for Roosevelt, in giving the reasons why the Parker campaign is languishing and the Roosevelt campaign is booming, says: "Judge Parker has few of the attributes of popularity; Theodore Roosevelt has them all. "Parker is timid; Roosevelt is brave. "Parker is controlled by friends and patrons; Roosevelt is independent. "Parker represents no policy and has no political record; Roosevelt is one of the acknowledged progressive statesmen of the century and his record is the record of the sunshine years of militant and advancing Americanism. "As there is practically no one to vig orously oppose there is no one to active ly defend Judge Parker as a political standard-bearer. Theodore Roosevelt invites the fire of partisan enemies and attracts to his support thousands of patriotic and earnest admirers. "Judge Parker is a weak candidate, an nnwise candidate, an unfortunate candi-

date for the presidency. A life of judicial monotony and exclusion from political affairs does not appeal to the allegiance of partisans. Theodore Roosevelt is a strong, a vigorous, an invincible candidate for the presidency. He is a man pf action nominated for an electorate of abounding energy, force and progress. He is, especially, the idol of the young men of the country. "It is, therefore, not at all surprising that as the voters contrast these tAvo candidates they should be irresistibly drawn to one to Roosevelt and should be repelled from or become indifferent to his antagonist, Parker. Such is the present trend of the campaign and it ia decidedly favorable to President Roosevelt. No reasonable doubt of his election exists or is entertained by anyone familiar with politics. Democrat or Republican." DON'T FORGET CONGRESS.

It Is Very Important that It Should Be Republican. In the great political contest which occurs in this country every four years, and which is now on, the election of President is apt to overshadow all other interests. This ought not to be so. The President is the head of the executive branch of the government, but the legislative branch is equally as important. Republicans should remember that it is as important to hold Congress as it is to elect the President. The election of Judge Parker would mean much more than the induction of his personality into that high office. His election would mean the election of a Democratic House ef Representatives, and this would be most unfortunate, because: First, the Democratic party, composed as it is of all the distracted elements of the country, is not capable of successfully administering the affairs of this government. It has not the capacity to deal with the great problems that now confront us. Second, a Democratic House of Representatives would mean that the entire legislative machinery of that body would Ire placed in the control of Vie South; the Speaker, the committee on rules, and all the important committees, as well as the chairmanships of the same, would be composed largely of Southern men and the great interests of the North would be subordinated to Southern policies. In answer to this it may be said that a Democratic House could do no harm, as the Senate would still be Republican and could prevent any unwise or radical legislation. But a Democratic House could prevent Republican legislation, and great harm might result from that. The election of a Republican CongTess is scarcely second in importance to the election of a Republican President. The Viking Fringe. The northern fringe of the United States is being rapidly and densely populated with people from Norway, Sweden and Denmark. This is right, for we are of them. We are of the trend of humanity which populated Kngland and made the Anglo-Saxon and subsequently made the United States, and whose descendants generally vote the Republican ticket. If any one doubts that the Northern States in which are settled so many of our own Scandinavians will this year go anything bnt Republican well, he should be taken care of by his friends. Poor Old Rooster. The Democratic rooster Sighs, with a mournful glance: "I would crow like I useter, But I don't get the chance." "The record of the last seven years proves that the party now in power can be trusted to take the additional action necessary to improve and strengthen onr monetary system, and h nnc nnnnnrn r-ar, wn V - . " " trnsted." Roo-sevelOa letter of acceptance. Four weeks before election it looks to the conservative prophets as if Roose velt would have 317 electoral votes to only lo9 for Parker, with the probabilities running in favor of an increase in the Republican majority. "The American home is indeed the cradle of liberty it is the unit of the Republic's strength." Senator Fairbanks in the Sexr-r" rv 11. IBM.

REPUBLICAN POLICIES

THEIR RESULTS CONTRASTED WITH THOSEOF DEMOCRACY. The Prosperity of the Agricultural Class Means that Men Engaged in All Other Lines of Industry Am Also Prosperous. In his famous Chicago convention speech in 1S90 W. J. Bryan said that the American business man included the "man who is employed for wages, the merchant at the cross-roads store, the farmer who goes forth in the- morning and toils all day, and begins in the spring and toils all summer, the miner who goes a thousand feet into the earth, the attorney in the country town," etc He also expressed the "Democratic idea that if you make the masses prosperous their prosperity will find its way up and through every class." The Republican party during the last eight years, in fact as well in theory, has been carrying out this "Democratic idea" of making the nation prosperous by making the "masses prosperous." It has reached out after the laboringmen in the cities, the farmer, the country merchant, the miner, the country lawyer, etc., all included in Bryan's definition of the "American business man," and it has made them all prosperous. It may be said of the prosperity that the Republican party brought not for certain classes, bnt for the masses, and from them up and through every class, that THERE WAS PROSPERITY ENOUGH FOR ALU. Through the opening of the mills of the United States, rendered again possible by the return of the country iu 1897 to the Republican policy of protectiou, the unemployed classes were given work. THEY WERE- THEN NOT MERELY BUSINESS MEN. ns Bryan said yiey were, but BUSY' MEN. A Contrast of Results. In Democratic times there was con stant and frequent allusion to the ARMY OF THE UNEMPLOYED. The Coxey Army that went to Washington, in 1S04 to demand that the government give it work was but a small guerrilla detachment of the vast army that stayed at home, suffered, starved and found the living of life to be almost unendurable. When this army of the unemployed got work, and not only that, but got steadily increasing wages, it made a quick auJ a good market for the products of the farmer "who goes forth in the morning and toils all day, and begins in the spring and toils all summer." There are nearly nine million men Ira the United States who make a living for themselves and families by tilling the soil, and who must depend for their prosperity on the demand fot their products from those employed in manufacturing industries. The census of 1900 showed that the wages of those employed in manufacturing industries had increased $431,103,5o0 from 1890 to 3900. The figures would have been immensely mora striking could the census decade have covered 1894, in the midst of Democratic times, to 1904, the present time. NO WONDER THAT WITII SUCH ENORMOUS GAIN IN WAGES TO THE LABORING CLASS OF BUSINESS MEN, WHO WERE GIVEN A CHANCE TO BE BUSY THROUGH THE REPUBLICAN POLICY OF PROTECTION, THE PER CAPITA' CONSUMPTION OF WHEAT INCREASED FROM 3.44 BUSHELS IN 1894 TO 0.33 BUSHELS IN 1904, TUB PRICE HAS DOUBLED, AND THAT ABOUT THE SAME THING IS TRUE OF PRACTICALLY EVERYTHING THE AMERICAN FARMER PRODUCES. This farming class of business men is now given adequate reward for their toil by day and through spring and summer. It now can, in fact already has, paid off mortgages and started checking account with the country banks. A Change in Conditions. The merchant at the cross-roads store TlrtW finla tlin ttxrmaf a rwl hia f M . - - - - . . - v- . i. a .447 niic aim children have money to spend, and want more and better clothes to wear, books to read, and bric-a-brac to adorn the country home. The farmer could now afford (if he wanted to) to change front' the corncob pipe to a real Havana cigar, and dress every bit as stylishly as the business man in the city, pay as high fees to his doctor and his lawyer, and just as much rent for the pew in church. His wife could dress in satins. Kilts and laces, just like the city business man's wife, and hire a servant girl to do housework that in Democratic times she herself had to do. He could afford to have his daughter wear clothes that would make her look just as attractive as the banker's daughter in the city, and study music, art, French, etc., that would make her just as much at home in the most accomplished society. He could afford to send his son to college where he could get an education that might make him some day a railroad or hank president, or even President of the United States. The American farmers increased prosperity reciprocally benefits the workingman in the cities, and the workingman's prosperity again reciprocally benefits the farmers in the country, creating thus an endless chain of mutual benefits. As for those who "go a thousand feet in the earth," etc.. they, too, have fully shared in the Republican prosperity which has increased enormously the demand for iron, copper, zinc, lead, coal, coke and the precious metals. In mining, as well as in all other branches of honest industrial effort, the "American business man" can now secure the hire that the Bible says his labor is worthy of, but which Democratic policies ruthlessly deprived him of. The Limit. That the Democratic party has Bright's disease, cancer of the stomach, and swift consumption is generally admitted, but it wis never realized so thoroughly before how much it had HilL A Snre Thins. At this late date the tidal wave is Careening over H. G. Davis. And every outlook' grows the darker For the uuspeaking, silent Parker. Lost, strayed or stolen Forty-five Parker constitution clubs in forty-five States. The finders will be rewarded with copies of "What I Know About the Unconstitutionality of the War of 18611S5," by Hon. A. Bourbon, bound in calf with the tail inside.