Richmond Palladium (Daily), 18 October 1904 — Page 12

BRYAN DEMOCRATS LOYAL They Are Certain to Rebuke the Hill-Sheehan "Machine" Affront and Insult to Their Leader.

RESENTMENT IN INDIANA IS VERY STRONG

Some Will Vote for Populist Watson, Others Will Support President Roosevelt and Many Will Stay Away From the Polls on November 8.

(Special Correspondence.) Indianapolis, Ind., Oct. 12. The decision of the Democratic managers to inaugurate a whirlwind campaign in this State, with William Jenrdngs Bryan as the star orator, and their still later decision to push hi in to the front constantly and to double the number of his speeches, has revealed at last nn extraordinary situation, which has thoroughly alarmed the leaders. Bryan lias been brought to Indiana for the sole purpose of seeing if his personal influence could not be relied on to stop a wholesale rebellion on the part of the old line Democrats. It has been an open secret for some time, but until now the Democratic managers have constantly denied it, that the rank and file of the Indiana Democracy, the men who voted for Bryan because they loved him, the men who worked for silver because they believed in it, have been thoroughly disgusted with the one-sided reorganization of the Democratic party. It is to bring these men back into the fold that Bryan has been brought here, but it is not believed that the brilliant Nebraska leader will do more than make perfunctory speeches for Parker, because in every country town are to be found leaflets expressing what Bryan's real opinions are, and just what he thinks of Parker and the desperate politicians who secured his nomination at St. Louis. The old line Democrats of Indiana are naturally a peculiarly loyal and straightforward class of men. They represent in their party the bone and sinew of the great manufacturing class, and more particularly the thoughtful, rock-ribbed, intelligent portion of the farming community. Tliey voted for silver dn 189G and in 1900 because they believed that the system of free coinage advocated by Bryan and the great mass of the Western Democratic leaders would put an end to their poverty and give them a chance to compete on even terms" with the Wall street magnates, who, they were told, were stealing away from the people the wealth of the country. Object to Heine Called Traitors. Conditions have changed since then. Undeniable prosperity has come to all classes, and there is no longer a disposition to press the .silver question to the front. These old line Democrats, however, do not relish the idea of being called lunatics or traitors, and still less do they relish the development of party politics which has absolutely turned over the control of the Democracy to the very men who bolted the party in 1S9G. They have never believed it right that the tail should attempt to wag tite dog, and they cannot forget here in Indiana that the men who are now seeking to ostracize the faithful Democratic masses, and who are doing everything in their power to create a Wall street control of the Democratic party, are the same ones who openly, only eight years ago, left the Democracy and voted direct for the Republican candidate for the Presidency. There are no more loyal Bryan Democrats in the country than those of Indiana. This is particularly true of the country districts. The people loved and belitved in their splendid leader, and it is a significant thing that when the other States through the Mississippi valley voted for McKinley by an enormous majority, Indiana kept the plurality down to a narrow margin. Mr. Bryan made a campaign in this State that year which made friends wherever he went. It is these warm friends and admirers of William Jennings Bryan who, in the present campaign, have been disgusted and insulted by the men who are now an control of the Democratic machine. They cannot forget that in 1S0U, here in this city of Indianapolis, there was held a convention to organize an independent Democratic party. The gold Democrats of Indiana led the movement Against Bryan. They were foremost in urging the nomination of Palmer and Buckner. They urged all gold Democrats to vote for these two old generals, and not to cast a ballot for William Jennings Bryan, who was denounced much more severely by the gold Democrats than ever he was by the Republicans. There was an appearance of loyalty to the old party, because Palmer and Buckner were both old-time Democrats and they conducted their campaign on a Democratic basis. Yet every one knows what happened. The gold Democrats, instead of maintaining a show of regularity by voting for Palnier and Buckner, voted by thousands for McKinley. The Palmer and Buckner vote in Indiana was a mere shadow, and did not begin to indicate the real strength of the bolt. Brjanites Were Generous. Throughout all the campaign of 1S9G the gold Democrats, not only in Indiana but in the country at large, abused Bryan and Bryanism in tfie most ravage terms. He received much better treatment from the Republicans who made their fight on an honest basis, who flooded the country with literature in behalf of t-ne gold standard, but who never assailed the personal character or the integrity of the beloved Democratic standard bearer. In the convention at St. Louis the gold Democratic men were in control, although not in the majority. There was a sentiment in the party that some kind of reorganization was absolutely necessary to success. The Bryan men were clearly in the majority, not only in the convention, but throughout the country. Yet they were generous, and they were willing to kill the fatted calf for the prodigal sob. But they expected him to eat only his own share of the barbecue, and had no notion that after he returned from bis meager diet on the

husks of Egypt he would insist on cleaning out the whole house. Ninety per cent, of the delegates to the St. Louis convention had voted for William Jennings Bryan for the Presidency. Yet they were willing to see the gold Democrats restored to good fellowship in the party, and they carried their generosity to such an extent that they were willing these former voters should actually hold places of trust in the party management. It was well understood that Judge Parker, like Dave Hill, and Belmont, and Gorman, and Sheehan, and practically all of the leading eastern Democrats, were gold men. The majority of them, however, liked Parker; had maintained some kind of regularity and had voted for Bryan, although they did not believe in him or in the silver standard. The delegates at St. Louis, and most particularly those from Indiana, were unwilling that the platform should contain a slap in the face for William Jennings Bryan. It was for this very purpose that they omitted all mention of the gold standard, and Alton B. Parker was nominated with the unanimous support of the Indiana delegation, simply and solely because he had voted for Bryan in 1800 ami 1900, and because it was felt that he could appeal to the country and to the loyal Bryan Democrats, not on the financial issue, but on the basis of a reorganized and rejuvenated Democracy. An Understood Move. When Parker yielded to the advice of Sheehan and his other associates in Albany and in New Y'ork, and sent his famous telegram to the convention, rebuking it for not passing a financial plank, and reiterating his own latter-day devotion to the gold standard, it sent a chill down the backs of the loyal oldtime Bryan Democrats of Indiana. Parker never would have been nominated if that telegram had been sent in the early hours of the convention. The Bryan Democrats naturally looked upon it as an intentional insult, not only to William

Jennings Bryan, but to themselves. They knew that Parker had voted for free silver just as much as they did, and they did not see why he should feel called upon to assume the functions of a committee on resolutions, and amend the platform as he did through the unfair medium of a telegram which was sprung upon the convention just as it was about to adjourn and when its action in nominating Parker could not have been recalled without inviting defeat at the very opening of the campaign. ' These good Bryan Democrats were furious over the Parker telegram. Every thing which has happened since in the party management has only tended to make them more angry. Judge Parker has surrounded himself with no one except New Y'ork men. , He has absolutely ignored the rest of the country, and the rank and file have become convinced at last that he and the men about him are playing for the control of New Y'ork State, and care little or nothing about the result in the rest of the country. Instead of the gold Democrats acting as grateful prodigals, humbly appreciative of the generosity of the Bryan Democrats, they have assumed to act as masters, and none of the old Bryan leaders has been able to get anywhere near the sage of Esopus. These eastern Democrats denounce Bryan as fiercely as ever they did, and the men who bore the brunt of battle in 1S9G and in 1900, although they voted the same as did Alton B. Farker himself, are given no hand in the management of the campaign, are denounced as ignorant and insane, and are used by the gold Democratic party to further its own plans without regard at all for the best interests of the Democratic party as a whole. Cleveland's Affront. Grover Cleveland, who is cordially hated and despised by Indiana Democrats generally, has become the chief adviser of the Parker crowd. He has forgotten and forgiven nothing. He still talks of Bryan and the Bryan Democrats as if they were political and social outcasts. Within a few days, in discussing the gold telegram, and the action of the convention, Mr. Cleveland said: The party's action speaks for Itself. It has returned to sanity, and future progress on the right lines is now assured. Yes, it speaks for itself. The welfare of the Democratic party is close to my heart, and it is once more upon the right road. It is no wonder, therefore, that thousands and tens of thousands of Bryan Democrats in Indiana have become disgusted at being treated like yellow dogs by the men they forgave and invited back into the party. Hundreds and thousands of them are preparing to-day to give the gold Democratic wing of the party a taste of the very medicine it administered in 1S9G. Many thousands of the Bryan Democrats are flocking to Watson, the Populist candidate for the Presidency, and they are particularly delighted at his letter of acceptance, which hews close to the line, letting the chips fall where they will. Candidate Watson has voiced the views of a great many of the old hue Democrats throughout the State, when he says: Roosevelt Is a straightout Republican, who declares boldly for Republican man ciples, defiantly defending existing conditions, lie is not in ambush; he is behind no blind. I can understand a Republican like that, and while I would love to make my battle ax ring on his helmet, until one of ps went down, in political defeat and death, yet, I could respect him all the while as a foeman worthy of any man's steel. He Is not seeking the support of Bryan Democrats upon false pretenses. He is not playing a confidence game on the negro question. lie la not attempting to

win Jeffersonlans by a sham adherence to Jeffersonian principles. Many Will Vote for Roocrel Watson has made many friends by his

letter of acceptance, and the Bryan . Democrats generally endorse what he paid about the honest of Roosevelt and ( the fact that he is not masquerading to secure votes. At first thev were inclined to vote for Watson as a rebuke to the Parker gold" Democrats, but of late many of the former free silver men, particularly in the rural districts, have taken it into their heads that they might follow the precedent set for them in 1896 by the gold Democratic wing, and instead of going to Watson, go straight out to Roosevelt and thus make the lesson as impressive as possible. There was a great shout of joy among the Indiana Democracy when they read Watson's letter, and in more than one community they cheered at the clever manner in which he took off the hide from the hypocrisy of Alton B. Parker, when lie said: With Mr. Farker it is different. He is not a Jeffersonian Democrat, yet he seeks to secure the support of Jeffersonlans. His atltude is thoroughly disingenuous. profoundly lacking lu. 'frue manhood and leadership, lie was willing t stand upon the New York State platform which Mr. Bryan denounced as a dishonest platform. His position was so indefinite, so foxy, so entirely neutral that Mr. liryan declared to cheering thousands that Farker was "absolutely unfit for the Democratic nomination," and that nobody "but an artful .dodger" could stand upon the New York platform which so much resembled ita father, David B. Hill. This clipping from Watson's letter is being carried in the pockets of thousands of loyal free silver Democrats, and nestling in the same pocket with it is a little leaflet containing extracts showing Mr. Bryan's opinion of the Democratic candidate for the Presidency. The Indiana Democrats remember the sincerity with which Bryan said in his speech at Chicago last April, long before the convention at St. Louis: Taking the New Y'ork platform as a text, I can prove to every unbiased mind that Judge Parker is not a fit man to be nominated by the Democratic party, or any other party that stands for honesty and fair dealing in politics. We have evidence sufficient to convict Judge Farker of absolute unfitness for the nomination. While Mr. Bryan comes into the State at the particular request of the Parker managers, it will not take him long to fnd the sentiment of the people. They will listen to him as they did of old, and they will cheer his magic eloquence to the echo. Nonetheless they , will not vote for Parker, because they know that Bryan himself has been tricked and estranged. They know that Mr. Bryan will support Parker only because he deems it his duty to maintain his regularity in the party, and thus still further to shame the political traitors who left their party dn 189G, and who are now seeking to be returned to power through the votes of Bryan and the Bryan Democrats, whom they denounced so freely only a few years ago as lunatics and incendiary, Mr. Bryan's Purpose. The people here perfectly well understand what Mr. Bryan means by going on the stump for Mr. Parker. Most of them look forward to still another regeneration of the Democratic party. following upon the crushing defeat of Parker next month, and they expect that their splendid standard bearer will be the leader of this final and successful reorganization of the Democracy. It was a personal triumph to William Jennings Bryan in the St. Louis convention when he secured the omission in the platform of any allusion to the gold standard, and his friends feel that he was personally tricked and shamed by Judge Parker's gold telegram. They fully agreed with Bryan himself when he said in the Com moner of July 13th, in speaking about Judge Parker's gold telegram: Then his friends attempted to secure a gold plank which was overwhelmingly defeated lu the convention. After he had secured the nomination he injected his views upon the subject at a time when he could not be taken from the ticket without great demoralization. The nomination, therefore, was secured by crooked and indefensible methods. It was a plain and deliberate attempt to deceive the party. None of Mr. Bryan's speeches in In diana during his whirlwind tour of the State can by any possibility efface the effect which has already been produced by his own deliberate statements before and after the convention. These loyal silver Democrats have learned only too well that the men now in control of the party despise Bryan as much as ever they did, and that, if Parker should be elected, the loyal silver Democrats, who represent the great mass of the party, would have no more to say in the administration than they did during the closing years of Grover Cleveland's term in the White House. Bryan's tour in Indiana will only accentuate the love of the silver Democrats for their leader. It will only otkke them more determined to punish theNew York coterie which surrounds Parker for its persistent attitude of hostility to Bryan and all his friends. The silver Democrats of Indiana are too smart to be tricked by unscrupulous political man agers, and they will not vote for any candidate who represents, as Parker does to an extraordinary extent, the prevalent eastern sentiment of bitter hostility to William Jennings Bryan and everything he represents. Look out for a sensational slump in the Democratic vote of Indiana. Make up your mind that the loyal Bryan Democrats have become tired of being made a football for the unscrupulous eastern men 'who have seized upon the management of the party to the exclusion of every western idea and of every western man. The Democratic vote for Roosevelt will be large, the Democratic vote for Watson will be much larger, but the Bryan Democratic vote, which will stay at home on the 8th day of November, will astonish the natives. PARKER'S SILENCE. If He Speaks, Unpleasant Questions Miarht He Asked. It is announced, presumably by authority, that the Democratic candidate for President will make no speeches, but restrict his oratorical explosiveness to the compilation of forecasts as to what he will do if elected. He will save himself an incalculable amount of trouble by this turtle-like reserve. Were he to take the stump he would be compelled to make specific the general charges he has written against the Republicans. He would have to show to be true his utterances that his opponents have assumed unlawful authority; that the President, "fired with the lust of power," is usurping national strength with the view of becoming dictator; that imperialism is the tendency of Republicanism; that the tariff which lifted business out of the slough of despond is crushing the working

classes; that the army and navy are too big; that the nation has been run extravagantly and that the expenditures for the army, navy, pension list, Panama canal, , rural free delivery service, irrigation schemes and other grand purposes of na- ' tioual development must be reduced; that "the beneficent despotism" of the Republican party established and maintained by the people must give way to that Democracy of which he is the leader, and which proposes to stand the country on its head as a beginning of the reform. The judge would have a "hard row to hoe" if he began to talk in public and tell the Westerner he must do as the

Easterner does, and to assure the laborer . in shop and field that reformatory legis lation must at first be for the relief of the wealthv. He recognizes his weakness in these matters knows that he could not specify as to his accusations, could not .convince as to his proposed reforms: could not successfully defend the revolutions which his party proposes to inaugurate in public affairs. He is wise to reoosnize thus earlv in the'' campaign that "silence is golden." WAS DEMOCRACY INSANE? If So, Bryan Was a Lunatic According: to Mr. Cleveland. Democracy "has returned to sanity," said Grover Cleveland recently, in an interview. This statement, made with all the solemn ponderosity of which Mr. Cleveland is capable, would imply that the Democratic party has been insane and its leaders a set of lunatics. In previous interviews Mr. Cleveland contented himself with merely saying that Democracy had strayed from the right path after "strange gods" when it embraced Bryanism, but since the defeat of the Bryan faction at St. Louis he has been secretly rejoicing over the apparent downfall of his most bitter political enemy, and on Oct. 2, at Buzzard's Bay, he virtually declared that Mr. Bryan was a madman. How do the friends of Mr. Bryan in Indiana, Illinois, Nebraska and other States relish having their leader called a lunatic? Insanity is lunacy, or madness, and if the Democratic party "has returned to sanity" it must first have been insane, and, by the same reasoning, if the party was insane because Bryan was its leader, Mr. Bryan himself must have been ,the chief lunatic. Candidate Parker is generally admitted to be a nonentity in his party a tool of Hill, Sheehan and others and what he says counts for little, but it is different when Mr. Cleveland talks. He is the oracle of the Eastern Democracy, and if he says Bryan is insane it is certain he voices the sentiments of "sane" Democracy. How can the Bryanltes indorse such a slander on their leader by supporting Parker? Mr. Cleveland declined to vote for Bryan on the ground that the Nebraskan was insane, but he will vote for Parker, because he leads the "sane" Democracy ticket. An important point seems to have been forgotten by Mr. Cleveland. Parker voted twice for the Nebraska "lunatic" and was therefore one of the host of madmen who composed "insane" Democracy. Does Mr. Cleveland improve his position by now supporting one of the madmen who voted for the leader of "insane" Democracy? Mr. Cleveland's thrust at Bryan was uncalled for, and will, no doubt, be resented at the polls, for the friends of Mr. Bryan do not think he should be put in the straitjacket class. Ex-President Cleveland's Failnre. Ex-President Cleveland is an unimaginative man. and for this, and other good reasons, his recent magazine article entitled "Why a Young Man Should Vote the Democratic Ticket," is short, pointless and unconvincing. It takes a good deal of fervid fancy, and a knack for invention, to construct an argument upon a theme like that. Mr. Cleveland was evidently ill at ease with his subject. Probably few young men will read the article, anyway, and no one will be influenced by it. The young men of America live in the present, and hope for the future. They do not care to be even holding postmortems on dead issues, nor to spend their days holding back the wheels of action and progress. The young men of the United States are alive. And they will vote the Republican ticket this fall. The Works of Democracy. "By their works shall ye know them." By what, single work are the American people to know that the Democratic party can be safely intrusted with power? There is not a single distinctive policy of the party that, put to the test, ever worked without creating damage. The Democratic party has favored slavery, free silver and free trade, but never a single principle has it ever favored that meant greater happiness and prosperity for the American people. The Republican party freed the slaves, it has stood and still stands for sound money and protection to American industries. It is the party of construction, not the party of destruction. In Full Km ft ion. Mont Pelee is again in full eruption, and so is Senator Tillman of South Carolina. "And the world goes round and round And the sun sinks into the sea." And whether Mont Pelee, or Tillman, bursts, It matters little to me! "If ear opponents come into poorer they can revoke thla order Pension order No. 78 and announce that they will treat the veteran of aixtytwo to seventy as presumably in full bodily vijror and not entitle! to pensions. Will they now authoritatively state that they intend to do this? If so, we accept the issue. If not, then we have the right to ask why they raise an issue which, when raised, they do not venture to meet." Roosevelt's letter of ac oeptance. Having "monkeyed" with "Rooseveltism" until they found the buzz saw, the Democrats are now tempting the foolkiller by reviving the cry that "Protection is robbery." Eight years ago the workingmen of this country decided that protection is a blessing, and they have not changed their minds.. A Democratic national victory is inTariably followed by distrust and confusion in business, and by policies that cripple the great industries on which workingmen depend for support. No such party should be entrusted with power.

THEY ARE FOR ROOSEVELT Ilia Magnetism proves Attractive to Men of All Conditions. There is a magnetism in open fearless manhood which attracts the souls of men. The workingmen of the country recognize in President Roosevelt an active worker, a sincere, democratic, straightout brother man. There is no discounting the unerring instinct by which one sturdy man or class of men reaches swift decision as to character. Perhaps the rank and file of the workers of the

Lnited States cannot give out loug speeches as to why they believe in Roosevelt, but the fact is they know him. That is enough. Put Theodore Roosevelt in a group of railway euglneers and firemen, or on a ranche in Idaho; let him sit down to dinner with a dozen farmers at a country iatrm or rnie in a car with a mining outfit, or a college football team, or delegation of stonemasons, and instantly lie would be sized up. estimated and acknowledged by any and all of these representatives of American life as a hearty, genial compauiou, and as a strong man and as a strong leader of men. Evidences multiply, day by day, showing in what high esteem President Roosevelt is held by the men who are doing the work of the country ; the work winch keeps life going, and makes "the wheels go 'round." And these intelligent, keen workers, looking with clear eyes ujiou the great fabric of society that they are daily building, know how to pick a leader for themselves and their country. Nothing can make the virile young manhood of America turn its eyes away from Theodore Roosevelt. Nothing can destroy the confidence in him of the steady, hopeful toilers of middle age. And to the old and experienced the vain appeals of ancient party prejudices are but as railings to the deaf. Young, 'middleAged and old alike in the great world of industry and traffic, have made up their minds about the coming election; and when it comes they are going to show the faith that is in them. The American workingmen have no doubts about Tlreodore Roosevelt. They know just what to expect of him when he is President, and they mean to have it by electing him. DEMOCRATS WITH THE TRUSTS. The Showing Made When a Vote Was Taken in the House. The present laws which place, whole some restrictions on the trusts were put on the statutes by the Republican party and not by the Democratic party. Loudly as the Democrats have always talked against the trusts, and seriously as they have from time to time awakened appre hension in all business circles by their threats that they would destroy all large corporations whether good or bad, yet never once have the Democrats accom plished or even aided in the accomplish meut of any salutary effort to control the trusts along lines of public safety. The rulings of the Supreme Court hav ing shown that as the constitution now stands, Congress can only regulate trusts engaged in interstate commerce, the fol lowing amendment was introduced in the House of Representatives and press ed to a vote on June 1, 11KX): Section 1. All powers couferred by this article shall extend to the several Stares, the territories, the District of Columbia, and all territory under the sovereignty ami subject to tue jurisdiction or tue united States. Section 2. Congress shall have power to deune, regulate, eontrol, prohibit, or dissolve trusts, monopolies or combinations, whether existing in the form of a combina tion or otherwise. The several States may continue to exercise such power in any man ner not in conflict with the laws of the United States. Section 3. Congress shall have power to enforce the provisions of this article by appropriate legislation. The clause saving all rights of States was inserted in the hope of inducing State-rights Democrats to support the amendment. Nevertheless, the vote stood 148 Republicans for and 100 Democrats against, and the measure failed of the neeessarv two-thirds majority. LOUDLY AS THE DEMOCRATS TALKED. WHEN IT CAME TO A VOTE THEY WERE FOR THE TRUSTS, NOT AGAINST THEM. "Swiag Low." "Swing Low, Sweet Chariot." Swing low over New York and New Jersey and Rhode Island. We know you will swing low enough to brush the clover blossoms, but we want just to remind you that it is your business for the good of the United States and for the good of the world that you swing low enough to insure a Republican success in the States just named: "Swing low, Sweet Chariot!" And we know you will swing! Outposts Aronnd Mukden. They are getting close in New York. There is no question about that, and on which ever side the outposts are, they have got in, politically. That's all right. They are past the underbrush and they are close together. The political grapple will be a fierce one, but it can go but one way. The vote on Manhattan Island cannot overcome the vote of the farmers and thinkers up-State. New York will go Republican. The Melancholy Days. The melancholy days have come. the saddest of the year. When D. B. Hill's machinery is sadly out of gear, When Parker finds that Esopus is where he'll have to stay And when no longer they wilb let Unc Henry Gassaway. It looks as if the croakers who are foretelling ruin to the Republican ticket in New Y'ork State were badly scared without being able to tell what seared them. New Y'ork will go for Roosevelt, and with no uncertainty will its verdict be given. Roosevelt is New York's "favorite son." If there is a citizen of the United States anywhere who has too much business and too much employment, and longs for the stagnation that prevailed from 1S03 to 1890, he can contribute to that end by voting the Democratic ticket this year. The Democratic National Committee has taken the precaution to issue a double set of campaign buttons one gold for the East and one silver for the West -and so the party as well as its leader manages to face both ways. It is said that Judge Parker has caught himself looking both ways for Sunday since Uncle Joe Cannon drew attention to his resemblance to Mister Facing Both Ways of Banyan's immortal allegory.

CARLSCHURZ'S ESSAlj

HIS POLITICAL BELIEFS AND AFj PREHENSIONS. j A Man Pre-Emlnent for Temperamea tal Vagariea Profeaaea Grave Fea that Roosevelt May Prove Deficien in Diplomacy. The venerable Carl Schurz must a. ways- command from good Republicac the respect which members of th.it grea national party always pay to those wh have done good service to the country, ei pecially in the day of grave pern, and c the field of war. But although Republicans, in estima lag ine weignt oi iuuupkiv io ue auuenei to the utterances of Mr. Schurs, canmi . . i . . . , i forget nor underrate his services to thcountry iu times of peace as well as : war, they can only read his latest "ontrf butiou to the literature of the preside:! tial campaign with intense amusement, f Mr. Schurz is at his best, that is, mo amusing, in that nassace of . his lett. where, with an evident effort to bo fa he deplores the "tempera meat" of Pre dent Roosevelt. He says: 1 have such faith in the original goo ness of his impulses that I deem 1dm car ble of abandoning at a In anv ef the wrt ways he has lately taken, except one. Ai there something stands In the way 1 which he is not responsible; his tempc nient, which is altogether to strong for reason. 1 do not deem President Roosevelt ca; ble of seeking an opportunity for plun;J. the country into a foreign war merely gratify his ambition or to cive play ti t lighting spirit. Hut 1 do think that whoever there are two ways f deciding a uui ter of controversy one the slow, patien diplomatic, peaceable way, and the tu the short cut by the v.se of force 51 Hoosevelt will be temperamentally tncllti' iu I'lionsc me kuuii rui. mm n win rtjuii with him an uncommonly strug efrort self restraint to resist that tuclinatiot which effort, if made at all, is not alway successful. This, coming from Carl Schurz, is dt licious! i The Schnrx Temperament. Among all the examples of "temper ment" overriding good sense, reason an calm judgment known to American pol tics Carl Schurz stands pre-eminent. Fo him to look uion the sturdy, practice Roosevelt, who has taken up and came firmly every burden ever laid upon him-l for Carl Schurz to look upon this mai and drone out his doubts as to his abi ity, in case of an important controversy to seek the "slow, patient, diplomat! peaceable way," is enough to cause inirt in a Democratic campaign meeting Iowa. Seventy-five years ago and a half yea more this critic of the President of thl United States was born iu Prussia. ID joined the insurrection of 1849, was a rested, fled to Switzerland, and camo tj these shores in 1852. He became an dent Republican, and when the war of rebellion began he was the America minister to Spain, so quickly had arisen to power and influence in the lan of liis adoption. One observes nothin "slow" about these poiuts of our critic career. And there was nothing "slow," c!the when it came to action. He rcsig ie l h position, and came back to the Unit;' States to eater the Union army. lie rM. i m . - i t -J to ine rauK oi major general, ana a.t the war was sent by Missouri, as a R publican, to the United States Senat .here was nothing "slow about th phase of the rise of Mr. Schurz, either. It was while he was in the Unite: States Senate that the fighting qualities of Mr. Schurz attracted national atteii tion. There was nothing "slow, patien diplomatic or peaceable" in ths ways anl means adopted by him in attacking tl leaders of his own party. He Jed tbJ movement against President Grant, prJ ceding his second nomination and elef tion. Nothing could exceed the bitten ncss with which he fougnt tyrants a ministration and strove to balk every thing it proposed. Grant was accuse! of "militarism" and a desire to up all the traditions of the Republic. I . I ' ..L a .1 J was at mis time mai ine uiuxwurnji began their dismal existence, with M Schurz as their leader in the Senat Oldsters among Republicans will rceai the scene at the hotel rooms wheri Schurz and his followers had gathered to hear the returns when Grant defeat ed Horace Greeley. It was then thif the "temperament ' or jir. cnnrz got ta better of him. He sat down to a pjanf and pounded out the lugubrious notes d "The Heart Bowed Down." Thencl forth that gem of oper.i should have bee adopted as the mugwumps' eampaig song. But. strangely enough, it wasn However, they haven't any song. But to return to Mr. Schurz. II "temperament" had the best of him unt President Grant was succeeded by Presf dent Hayes, when, from nowhere particular, Mr. Schurz was called, to 1 Secretary of the Interior. Probably 11 was a good Republican during the foi years of holding offlee. One can't "flc around" and call hard names in an execi tive offlee. and now Mr. Schurz had taste or two of criticism himself. II replies, to his tormentors were not d void of tartness and "ginger." A Political Chameleon. When he left the cabinet Mr. Schul 'fell, like Lucifer, star of the momin and came down to being the editor of New York paper daily, it is said, know to the public as the New York Evenid Post. From that moment the brilliau erratic, revolutionary and cantankerotl Carl Schurz remained, so far as tl: public can judge, a' Mugwump. In 18a he retired from the newspaper field; bf his recent letter shows that-he is a mu wump still. There's more to him thai there is to most mugwumps, too, but bi talk about the dangers of Roosevelt! solid Dutch-American "temperamen affords ground for inextinguishabj laughter. The chameleon is not more cbangef of color and tint than has been the min and course of Carl Schurz since he b$ came a public man. He is tortured li the demon of egotism, a spirit vrhU forbids him to believe that anyone the world, or all the people together i the world, know enough to get akw: without his advice, counsel and comfoi He is afraid to trust anyone but hii self and he can't trust himself for lor at a time. He does not find any f t roads marked out for the rest of t world good enough for him, so he mak his way through the woods and he and swamps alone. The melancholy noises one hears evening lonz the edges of morasses at sluggish streams, what are they? Tl voices of Temperamental Mugwump; They'll stop early in Jiorember.