Richmond Palladium (Daily), 18 October 1904 — Page 11

RIBULATIONS OF A GREAT GRANDFATHER.

he Octogenarian Analyzes the letter jof His Assiciate on the Democratic Ticket He Takes Issue with Yoiinjr Alton Upon Nearly Every Point.bat Initially Succumb to Drowsiness mud la Pat to lied. I Elkins, Sept. 2S. year Sonny: I don't know what's the matter with u I r-mi't anmv tn ruu.llu'f nrirtlillliT - - i. t - v tit 1 1 r v. v. if i 4 v ilat has happened since I made my promotion speech in the Senate in 1SS3. hat was the greatest effort of my or iy stenographer's life. .When I went upstairs last nignt rirot wluit I Iiii.l cone for and had ! call my hoy, Steve Elkins. up to tell ie. Quicker'n shootin' ho pointed io lie hed and began helpin' me off with iy Congress gaiters. That's jest like liepuliliean, thinkiii' of what. we ought . . r ;,-t ,ni.l loin' -what we ain't lot git-up-and-git enough to do for ourjHves. And now a few words about your Ictr of acceptance. Don't git hot under lie collar if an old man of 80 takes lie privilege of spejikm his mind. You begin by talkiu' alnnit centraliza tion. Where have you been living the ist forty years V Don't yon know that ie principle that the Union is bigger tan any of its parts was settled by the ,ar, when J. laid too foundations or iy fortune sellin' horses to the Federal rmy ? Don't fash yourself about some youthll Napoleon usurpin' any dangerous antority over the 80,000,000 American )Vereigus. They all know their rights inl 1 n u Tiivn Tfill L-luiti'Mi' jtiij r t' t . . . ' v v- ...... vim . Jiaintain them, without the consent of ny other nation, as your friend of '00 nd 1000, Hilly Bryan, would say. What's this thing "imperialism" you ilk so much about? In my opinion it's 11 lommyro't. There's no more impealism in the United States than in ie knothole stuffed with the clay of nperial Caesar. You make me weary when you talk bout the President of the United States eveloping such tremendous power "from ear to year until it almost equals that Si many monarchs. VV hat sort of small lotatoes do you take the President of lis republic for? You may think he of no more account than the King f Greece or the Akoond of Swat, but t my age I'm not ruunin' for the remote ghance of succeedin' to an office no bigcr than some hop o' my thumb might et by accident. Don't yon know that if we follow "the otsteps of our fathers" we must inarch ward the past? Following the footfteps of ancestors can only lead to the radio or the tomb. And though they y that I am in my second childhood nd have one foot in the grave, I prefer andin' in the footsteps of the livin to llowin' the footsteps of the dead. Act act In the living present! Heart within, and God o'erhead! as always been the motto of your astern' Uncle Gassaway. Talk of lust of power. What are we this race for? I never lusted for anyliing as I lust after the presidency f the Senate, with a reversionary inter est in the Presidency of the United tates. Your ideas on the tariff are as hazy as lie vision of a six-day-old steer. Here's .hat I said in 1883, and it's good docrine yet: I am for a tariff that will yield sufficient avenue for the economical and proper exend it ii res of the government, and in that iirln I believe incidental protection to our hdustrles Is right and proper. I If a tariff for protection is robbery, the penitentiary with the whole outfit! ye can't cozen the people by denouncin' he crime while supportin' the government on the swag. I I see you have lugged in the old chesttit about protection building up "the business and property of the few at the 'xpense of the many." Don't you know fiat property and wealth in the United ftates was never as widely distributed i to-day? that in all industries more fian GO per cent of the gross income , oes to the wage-earners, and that the 'age-earners are our only true imperialIts? I I notice with gratification that you Jdestep in regard to trusts. v I was deeply affected by your reference , ,.to .our martyred President, William ictvmiey. Iet me recommend his careilly thought-out policies to your study pd adoption. Otherwise this appreciation of the dead leader will redound to lie honor mid irlniv nf litu -m n cus. I .1 . WW., V . . ?ssur in ine w nue House, who lias not verved a hair's breadth from the chart fid down for him by William McKinF' 1 What do you mean by "tolerating franny" in the Philippines? Who's ! jnyin Andy Jackson over there? Do you know the record of our Demratic Congressmen on the subject of Vvil service how they have persistentf voted to withhold the appropriations cessnry to the administration of the atute? Alton, if we can t be elected, t us be honest. You talk about "the Executive acquires the Panama route and rights." Don't u know that these were acquired by e government, and not by the execute? The Senate ratified the treaty and Jmgrcss appropriated the money ' to 'inch the opportunity to do what you y "hns long been the hope of our jntesnnn. to-wit. dig the canal?" If you e in earnest about the right to dig ha'v- ' f been wrongfully obtained, why don't Jm urge its renunciation? There are 1,111 revolutionists on the isthmus who juiu welcome a return to the good old Kiys of "devolutions on the half shell jhile you wait. 1 Don't you know that "American botnis carry such a contemptibly small Jaction of our exports and imports." cause foreign bottoms carry them at ch contemptibly cheap rates that our ;op!e can better afford to pay the rate an withdraw their funds from better vestments? If you favor ship subsiVs. what do you mean by sayin you In't? l am glad you accepted Teddy's defi Id promise to revoke Pension Order No. It shows that you have more spunk an discretion. Look at me. I'm over hty, and do 1 look as if I needed a jpsion for puttin down the rebellion? .guess if a sutler of the war of 1S12 u walk up one flight of stairs, in an elitor, veterans of 02 and 70 can get g without nensions of $0 a month. (What do you mean by Pension Order p. 8 being "largess distributed by the ief Executive?" Is Teddy paying it t of his own pocket? I thought Con

gress voted $1,500,000 in the deficiency bill for last year. Steve tells me that $1,410,000 has been covered back into the treasury as the t unexpended balance of that constitutional appropriation. Catch a Democrat coverin anything back into the treasury, once he got it appropriated. Alt, my boy, I fear you have been lambasting a rnare's nest filled with hornets, as you will find out when the old soldiers are aroused. I see that Jn our foreign relations you favor a sort of spineless Monroe doctrine that would invite every European power to annex American territory without any real opposition from Uncle Sam. Steve says the sturdy miners of West Virginia won't stand for any such pusillanimous policy. They believe with Dick Olney that on this continent the will of the American people is sovereign and its fiat law, without consent of English King, German Kaiser or Russian Czar and they don't care who knows it. I see you are kickin' because the national expenditures were .$582,000,000 in 104, against $274,XX),000 in 1875, the year before Tilden was not elected to reform them, though you seem to think he was. You appear to have forgotten that this country has nearly doubled in population and trebled in wealth, business and national importance since 1875. In my "Liniment for Man and Beast Almanac" for 1904 I find such facts as these: 1ST.". lt04. Population . 43.y57.000 82,000,000 Wealth $30,000.01)0,000 $100,0)0,000,000 Farm prop'y. 10.0oo.ooo.0O0 22,0u0,ooo,00 Sav'jrs dep's 'J24,037,304 a 2,93o,204,843 Xatu'l hank deposits .. GSG.478,030 a 3,312,439,841 Money la circilation ... 754,101,947 2,521,151,527 V. O. revenues 20,701,300 a 143,224.443 Pensions ... 30,253,100 141,752,870 n 10O3. Panama ca'I 50,000,000 Navv expenditures ... 21,497,020 102,956,102 Army expenditures ... 41,120,640 115,035,411 Where are you goin' to begin cuttin'? Will you inform your aged but strictly business associate on the Democratic ticket and it shall go no further how in the sacred name of Sammy J. Tilden you expect to run a billion dollar country on a million dollar scale? I tell you, Alton, my boy, the American nation is out of knickerbockers, and it ain't no use tryin' to jam the healthy number 11 foot of 1904 into a Sammy Tilden No. 4 prunella of 1870. I notice you ignore the repeal of war taxation as accountin' for the reduction in government receipts. This is slyness worthy of the sainted Sammy himself, who was something of a juggler in ciphers, as you may remember I now perceive that you are not altogether too good to achieve the presidency by suppressing the truth. Believe me, I shed tears over your peroration, in which you speak so feelingly of puttin' aside the congenial work of n lifetime to assume the responsibilities the convention thrust upon you. My eyes are bleared yet Steve says it's old age over this confession of a selfsacrifice for which you and Dave Hill and Bill Sheehan and Pat McCarren have been pulling wires for two years. When I shut my eyes I think of you as Ajax defying the lightnin' with one hand on the electric sparker and one foot workin' the sheet iron thunder. "That's right, partner," says I, "defy the presidential lightnin' bug. O, thou sage of Esopus! Don't be afraid; it'll never strike either of us." It's after 8 o'clock and I've been yawnin', so the nurse says I must be put to bed. So good night, from Uncle HENRY GASSAWAY.

WATSON'S VIEWS. The Georgian's Opinion of Roosevelt and Parker. Thomas E. Watson, the candidate of the People's party, is getting a great deal of amusement out of what he calls the independent- side-show of his own, of which he is "in full militant aggressive control." He says he respects Roosevelt and the Republicans because they know what they want, are candid in stating their position and fearless in fighting for their principles. He prefers Roosevelt to Parker, because the former "is not seeking the support of Bryan Democrats upon false pretenses. He is not playing a confidence game on the negro question. He is not attempting to win Jeffersonians by a sham adherence to Jeffersonian principles. He is not iu ambush; he is behind no 'blind'; he stands out in the open and says to his enemies: 'Here I am, a Republican who stands pat on all existing conditions: If you want a fight, come on.' " Mr. Watson's letter is full of vitriolic contempt for Judge Parker as a weakling and artful dodger. It ridicules his position on the pension question and says his pledge to revoke Order No. 78 amounts to sayiug, "Roosevelt did the right thing, but not in the right way, and if you will elect me President I will do the same thing in the proper way." As to the Democracy itself Mr. Watson asks: "Who could put faith in the pledges of the party which has so little unity of conviction as the National Democracy V" "What party ever made and broke so many pledges?" "What party ever changed its ground so often?" "What other party ever unloaded all of its principles at one quick throwdown as they did at St. Louis?" Candor compels the answer "None." It remains the party of nothing but big professions, unfulfilled promises and pledges. A Walkaway for Roosevelt. "I'll carry you, New York," said Par- . ker. The good old State said: "How you talk! On this plain truth just put a marker I'm more than old enough to walk." 'Until our opponents as a party explicitly adopt the views which we hold and upon which we have acted and are actinic, in the matter of a sonad currency, the only real way to keep the question from becoming unsettled is to keep the Republican party in power." Roosevelt's letter of acceptanceGrover Cleveland originated the phrase, "It is a condition that confronts us, not a theory." Applying it to the present situation it may be remarked that the condition is Republican prosperity and the theory consists of Democratic promises

CHOICE OF PARTIES.

Why Tonng Men Should Vote the Republican Ticket. Ex-President Cleveland, who has declined to make a speech for Judge Parker, has found it worth while to write a magazine article on "Why a Young Man Should Vote the Democratic Ticket." With what may be regarded as the pardonable egotism of advancing years, Mr. Cleveland gives his own mistake in choosing between Fremont and Buchanan half a century ago, as a sufficient argument why young men should make the like mistake of allying themselves with the party which has learned nothing and forgotten nothing since. If Mr. Cleveland had cited his choice of Buchanan as 'his political idol and guide as a warning to all young men to avoid when making choice of the party with which they are about to affiiliate his reasoning would have been comprehensible. It may be recalled that Buchanan was the last Democratic President before the war. The party to which young Cleveland (age 19) gave his callow allegiance in 1850 went into deserved eclipse in 18G0, from which it did not fully emerge until 1884, when he was elected President by th Mugwump diversion of that year. From 1800 to 1S84 the Republican party successfully administered the government of the United States through the tribulations of a terrible civil war, to which the temporizing vacillation of Buchanan contributed, and through the trying period of reconstruction, resumption of specie payments and wonderful national expansion. When Lincoln was first inaugurated the population of the United States was 31,443,321; at the time of Cleveland's first election it was 54,911,000. During the same period the wealth of the republic had risen from $1G,159,G1G,000 to about $30,000,000,000. When Lincoln was inaugurated the national debt was less than $90,000,000; by the close of the war of secession it had risen to $2,074,815,850. By 18S4, when Cleveland was elected, it had been reduced, through Republican financing, over one billion dollars, to $1,438,542,995. When Buchanan was President, fulfilling all the ideals of young Cleveland of "safe and sane" government, the circulation of money in the United States ranged from $15.81 DOWN to $13.85 per capita. During the succeeding twenty-four years of Republican administration it ranged from $13.98 UP to $22.65 per capita. During Cleveland's first term the money in circulation ranged from $23.02 DOWN to $21.82 per capita, rising from $22.52 to $24.50 under President Harrison, Republican, only to drop again from $24.03 DOWN to $21.41 during the second term of the "sober and conservative" Cleveland. Starting at $21.41 in 1890 the lowest point in sixteen j-ears the per capita circulation of money in the United States has risen steadily during the terms of Presidents McKdnley and Roosevelt until, according to the latest statement of the Treasury Department on October 1, 1904, it was $31. 1G, estimated on a population of 82,214,000. The fluctuation of the per capita circulation of money during Republican and Democratic administrations affords a representative barometer of the success or failure of the conduct of national affairs. Mr. Cleveland says he was attracted to the Democratic party by its "doctrines and methods." The Republican party invites and attracts all young Americans to its support by the soundness of its principles and an unbroken record of splendid and substantial results. Mr. Cleveland finds a "slight resemblance" in and attempts an invidious comparison between the campaigns and candidates of 1856 and 1904. He speaks of Fremont's nomination as an appeal "to the people's romantic sentiment and love for the spectacular," while on the other hand "the Democratic party challenged the sober and conservative thought of the country by the nomination of the mature, nndramatic and experienced Buchanan." There can be no mistaking the unwarranted parallel this ds intended to suggest and emphasize. That Roosevelt does appeal to the romantic sentiment of the American people is- true, but he appeals to them because of the singular candor and genuineness of his nature, the positiveness and courage of his actions, the remarkable versatility and resourcefulness of his mind. To depreciate Mr. Roosevelt by inferring that he suffers anything by contrast with Buchanan revived in the person of Judge Parker as being immature, dramatic and inexperienced is to invite a comparison altogether favorable to the Republican candidate. In age Mr. Roosevelt is within two years of being as mature as Mr. Cleveland was when he was elected President, and in experience he has had more variety of responsibility than both Mr. Cleveland and Judge Parker rolled into one. When it comes to choosing between parties because of their candidates the youug voter will not look beyond Theodore Roosevelt as the best living incarnation of the spirit of aggressive manliness a duty-loving, duty-doing citizen. If the choice is between the records or the personnel of the two great parties the choice is equally easy. The Democracy to-day offers nothing to young men starting out on careers but wornout creeds and unfulfilled croakings. It only survives as a brake on the swift advancing wheels of American public life. On the other hand, the Republican party invites the affiliation and support of young men because of its splendid achievements and the vitality and virility of its treatment of government affairs. It stands before the country today as the party of conscience, candor and progress as opposed to pretense, promises and retrogression. It is the party of individual and orgauized initiative. If the young voter wishes to ally himself with the party which does things rather than that which does nothing but sit on its senile haunches and snarl at the present as it whirls by, he will vote the Republican ticket this November. Railroad Prosperity Benefits the People. The Illinois Central's total pay roll for the year ended June 30, 1904, according to its annual report just issued, showed a gain of $2,400,595 over the previous year. This is a significant bit of testimony as to how times are still improving nnder Republican rule, and as to the absurdity of the statement of H. G. Davis, the Democratic candidate for Vice President,

that "The apprehension whieh now prevails in business circles and the present unsatisfactory industrial condition of the country, seems to demand a political change." The official announcement that the stockholders of the Pennsylvania Railroad Company now number 44,950 an increase of 57 per cent, since May, 1902 is a significant bit of testimony in a new quarter to the fact that here in the United States not only is wealth increasing, but that it is being more generally and widely distributed than ever before. More men receiving larger wages, more stockholders getting better dividends, is the condition as regards the railroads of the United States now as compared with four and eight years ago. FOR HOME AND FIRESIDE. Lincoln Signed Homestead Law Millions Thus Become Freeholders. The Homestead Law was passed by a Republican Congress Democrats opposing and signed by President Abraham Lincoln in 1SG2. It has proven to be one of the most beneficial measures ever enacted by a Congress or signed by a President. It has largely populated the West, up to date, with independent home-owndng citizens. It opened to immediate settlement millions of acres of public domain, chiefly west of the Mississippi. Settlers rushed in from the Eastern States and from Europe. More than any other influence, it has contributed to the development of the Western States and the rapid growth of the nation. The Democratic party was true to its policy of obstruction in this, as it has been in every other measure intended for the good of all the people. The first bill, introduced in 1859, passed the House by a vote of 120 to 76. The Republicans were supported by a few scattering Northern Democratic votes, but the Southern Democrats voted in a body against it. The Senate was then Democratic, and no vote was taken in the upper house. In March, 18G0, Mr. Lovejoy reported the Grow Homestead bill, and it was passed by a vote of 115 to 65; all of the affirmative votes, except one, being from the free States. The Senate passed a different bill and there was a conference which finally agreed upon a modified bill. This was vetoed June 22, 1800, by the Democratic President, Buchanan. In 1802, when the Republicans had a majority of 32 in the House and 12 in the Senate, a new homestead bill was passed and signed by President Lincoln, as stated. The measure was framed by Republicans and passed by Republican votes. At the .same session were passed the acts establishing a Department of Agriculture and providing for agricultural colleges. In 18G4, 1870 and 1872 bills were passed by Republicans giving Union soldiers special homestead privileges. These measures encouraged thousands of soldiers who were discharged in 1805 and 1S66 to emigrate from the East to such States as Iowa, Nebraska, Kansas and the Dakotas, in the middle West. There are many and strong reasons why the western farmers, ranchmen and miners should vote the Republican ticket, but the national Republican legislation that gave homesteads to millions is enough, of itself, to bind the West irrevocably to the Republican party.

MINERS LIKE ROOSEVELT. William Little Tells Why the President Should Be Elected. Democracy's campaign managers are trying their utmost to show that President Roosevelt is not the friend of the wage-earner, but are meeting with rebuffs on every hand. All the big, prosperous labor organizations are non-partisan, strictly ignoring politics as a body, but influential members are not chary in expressing their views individually. William Little, a member of the executive board of the United Miners of America, is as careful an observer of public sentiment as can be found in the great army of toilers. He travels extensively, and has become convinced, after talking with representative labor unionists through the country, that there is "nothing or nobody in it but Roosevelt," as he tersely sizes up the political situation. In an interview in the Labor World of Pittsburg, printed in its issue of Sept. 2, Mr. Little says: I find a Roosevelt sentiment prevailing among those who do not take much interest In politics as well as among those who do. Roosevelt will certainly have a big vote among the workingmen for it is their Arm conviction that he is their friend. And let me remark that he is a true friend. 1 have watched hJs policy toward organized labor ever since he became a public man. and beyond all doubt he is in sincere sympathy with the man who works for wages. There is no denying this fact, lie may not be able to secure all that we reasonably need, but we can depend upon it that he will get us more than any other man I know of. I am aware that among the workingmen there are many who will neithfr vote the Democratic or Republican tickets. They will vote for some radical candidate. Let me point out a great truth and It Is this: If we do not want to throw our vote away let us cast it for Roosevelt. To vote for the Socialist ticket la wasting a vote, for there is no possible chance for other than the Democratic or Republican candidate being elected. It is simply a contest between Parker and Roosevelt, and we all know that "Teddy" has been our friend and will remain so. We don't know what Parker is, but he cannot be any better than Roosevelt, and there are 50 chances to 1 against his being as good. It is our duty, therefore, to use our votes In a way that they will do most good. We can do this by voting for Roosevelt. Senator Bacon has been reduced to tears because the North continues to present a practically solid front to the Solid South nearly forty years after the closing of the bloody chasm. The emotional Senator should reserve his tears for the Solid South. When they can dissolve that Bourbon combination of traditional mistrust and exploded political dogmas the chief cause and excuse for sectional politics will disappear. Why doesn't Senator Bacon begin a campaign for the secession of Georgia from the Solid South? Of course he will answer "The Negro." But, so far as national politics go, the negro is the merest bogey ever conjured out of the brain of political demagogues. President Roosevelt personally stands for courage, honesty, decency, strength and common sense. As a RepuDncan he stands for wise administration of the laws, serving all classes alike. He realizes he is the servant of all the people, sworn to act without discrimination. Oh, I wish the war were over! Would the cruel work were done! Would the party were united, And the many cranks as one! . A. B. P.

ROOSEVELT'S COURAGE.

lt Quality Is Such that It Commands Kespect and Admiration. This Presidential campaign has resolved itself into a study of President Roosevelt and the three years of his administration. Beginning with much confidence and good will, the public has learned, from an extended examination of the President's public acts and utterances, fresh respect for the man on the bridge of the ship of state. And the study of events and how they were met has revealed how much is needed in the make-up of the American Chief Executive the quality of courage. Not physical courage, merely, but that enduring, steadfast holding to duty without fear of present or future personal consequences which nerves men of strong moral and mental fibre. It takes the strongest kind of moral courage to meet the questions which confront the American people of our day. The President, as representing the whole people of the country, must meet these questions as best he can. He must be eyes, ears, hands and feet for the tremendous interests confided to his care. In short, he is the executive head of the nation. To this great office President Roosevelt brought a highly organized brain, an educated understanding, a cultivated personality. Of ardent temperament, he easily secured public affection and admiration. But, along with his charming good fellowship and broad humanity, he had the supreme quality of courage. Very soon this possession was called out in a manner both unexpected and unprecedented, and the people began fully to know their President. The first record breaker was the taking up by President Roosevelt of the coal strike, and its happy settlement. Let no one under-rate the firmness of purpose, the sense of duty, and the high appreciation of public accountability with which this step was taken. No one of President Roosevelt's friends advised him to attempt what everyone believed would be a failure. But the commission was appointed, its work was carefully laid out for it, and, backed as it was by President Roosevelt's personality and position, it won peace from the gripped hand of greed, and. millions of men, women and children were, in consequence, warmed and fed and sheltered from the storms of winter. In this life of ours the first gift to all the sons of men is courage. And then courage, and again courage! Again, when the people began to despair under the heavy tread of the overpowering trust monopolies. President Roosevelt took the initiative toward regulation by law of the illegal combinations which threaten the smaller corporations as well as individuals. Now, again, there were discouragers of action. Again there were many who, seeing the danger, still could see no way of escape. And, again, through the constituted channels of legal action. President Roosevelt took the initiative in the defense against trespassers upon the national laws of commerce and labor. In the Northern Securities case the Court sustained the position of the executive, and gave the people a lesson as to one lawful way by which illegal monopolies can be controlled. There have not been wanting other examples of courage and sense of responsibility in Roosevelt's Presidential career. The two instances referred to here are enough to remind people what manner of man sits now in the President's chair at Washington. We need courage there at the head of the nation. We are not going to part with it at this stage of our growth and progress. MUST TRUST ROOSEVELT. There Is No Other Alternative for the Workinjtmen. Wage earners, though saying little, ar taking a deep interest in the campaign. They have compared the records of the two leading Presidential candidates, and have found Parker wanting in sympathy for the workingmen. Roosevelt's record speaks for itself. He has never lost an opportunity to show, by word and deed, that he is heart and soul in sympathy with the toiler. In this connection the following extract from an editorial in the Western Laborer, of Omaha, one of the best known organs of union labor in the West, is interesting: The workers of the doubtful States must trust Roosevelt because they know him and because of what they know him to have done as assemblyman at Albany, as governor of New York and President of the United States. If the workers In the doubtful States will read Parker's letter of acceptance they will fall to find any comfort for labor In that, and will certainly conclude that the long-looked-for document Is the work of a designing knave or incompetent and certainly not the work of a statesman, because It is flat, stale and unprofitable to the reader, closely resembling all his other expressions In which he has expressed nothing tangible In any of his promises or propositions, wherein "nothing Is but what Is not." and the very fact that the anti-union solid south is anxious for his control of the government should be sufficient to alarm all liberty-loving, generous-hearted and fair-minded men. We must trust Roosevelt. There Is no alternative for the workers of the United States. A Coming: Surprise for Tammany. There are likely to be some surprises for Democrats, even in the New York city elections. The Russian and German Jews are, to a man, for Roosevelt, and for obvious reasons. lie is the champion of the oppressed of all nations, and has spoken out, with no uncertain tones, for the most oppressed, maligned and abused race in existence. "You're the first Parker man I've seen," said an Illinois man to a New York Democrat who had strayed away from the city and traveled west for a change. "Well," said the New Yorker, "'we don't expect to elect Parker, but we are gathering the pieces together to reconstruct the regular Democratic party, leaving out the wild-eyed wonders of 1806 and 1000. In about eight years we'll be ready for business." Rather hard, that, on the Esopus candidate! "It is idle to say that the monetary standard of the Nation is irrevocably fixed so Ions as the party which at the last electioncast approximately fortysix per cent, of the total -vote, refuses to put in its platform aay statement that the question is settled. '-iXJiseTelt's letter ot acceptance. The election next month will indeed turn upon the trustworthiness of the respective parties, and Republicans bide the result with the confidence born of a stewardship faithfully, courageously and successfully Administered,

THE PARTY OF THE FLAG. The old flag's still a-waving, the stars are clean and white. The red and blue are gleaming, a joy to every sight. With drum beat and with trumpet, with musket and with sword The old flag came to being, each thread witli glory stored. We held it high, triumphant, when it was but a rag. And still we stand beneath it, the party of the flag! The old flag and its story! The old flag and its truth!

We wove it in the passions that marked the nation's youth; We dyed it in the lifeblood of our heroic ROUS ; It wrapped the laureled caskets of our heroic ones. It waves to-day in honor from forepeak and from crag. And we stand proud beneath it, the party of the flag. The old flag and its honor! The old flag and its pride". It shakes a silent challenge whenever it's defied ; It whispers us a blessing al! through the starry night; It sings a song of safety when blazing in the light. It hushes all contention, all bluster and all brag. And we stand firm beneath it, the party of the flag. The old flag and its meaning! The story it has made! The story of brave actions, of soldiers, unafraid. The story of stern duty; of faith that there should be One land from south to northland, one land from sea to sea. We held it high, triumphant, shot-riddled and a rag; And still we stand beneath it, the party of the flag! THE "BIG STICK" LIE. Nonpartisan Testimoay that Roosevelt Is Leader of Peace Movement. Apropos of the silly Democratic charge that Mr. Roosevelt is a "war lord," it is interesting to note how the Interparliamentary Union views the President. The Union is composed of some of the leading parliamentarians of Europe, who visited this country in the interest of international arbitration and peace. The visitors were entertained at luncheon by the National Civic Federation in New York recently. Here is what Thomas Lough, an Irish member of the Union, , in proposing a toast to the President' of the United States, eaid, as reported by the New York World, a newspaper that has been picturing Mr. Roosevelt as a veritable god of war: We, who are visitors here, after a few days regard him as a ruler of one of the mightiest powers of the earth, who has taken a more distinct step in the interest of peace than perhaps any other power has taken. He is not only a great ruler himself, but is a worthy representative of a great line of rulers who have done much for the liberties ot mankind. W. Randall Cremer, a noted member of the British Parliament, also praised the President. The sovereigns of Europe, he declared, were ready to listen to "peace propositions," "always with a 'but.'" He then said: Not so your young President; no, but, but, but, with him In any of his utterances, lie talked in a clear, manly tone, straight from the shoulder noble words and we all rejoice in his statement of Saturday and In his assurance that the great United States will sign what we failed eighteen years ago to get. Others spoke in the tame strain, giving non-partisan testimony that President Roosevelt has done more to aid the universal peace movement than any other President. I The "big stick" bugaboo is not worrying anybody but those Democrats who are foolish enough to think they can beguile the voters by mutilating the President's speeches and twisting their meaning into the opposite of what he said. Democracy has never yet been able to conduct an honest campaign. Hypocrisy, deception and forgery are the chief tenets of its creed. McCarren and the Others. What started the trouble at Milligan'a wake was that Casey brought a bottle of wood alcohol and drank it! McCarren of Brooklyn has drunk a pint of wood alcohol, and that is on of the things that is accomplishing tht disintegration of lower New York politics and will prevent the giving of tha great foreign Democratic majority down around Manhattan Island, which sometimes offsets the vote throughout the State, where apple blossoms grow. They are talking about "Odellism and factions in the Republican party. Undoubtedly there are some differences among the Republicans in New York. Rut, as for preventing the accumulation of votes the differences between the silent, fierce factions about Manhattan Island among the Democracy may be said to offset any differences in the Republican situation. Some one of the Democratic leaders has admitted that Roosevelt could be elected should a vote be taken . to-day. This is going to be one of the most golden of Octobers, blending into a November when things will happen, and , the extent to which Roosevelt could be elected to-day does not compare with that by which he will be elected on Nov. 8. One Credit Mark to New York Demo crats. One good thing can be said of the New York Democracy. It is rapidly clearing the higher court bench of active political bosses. First Judge Parker, and now Judge Herrick. Next? The Truth About It. "A doubtful State!" the Demmies say. But later on they'll shout less. For after next election day They'll find the State was doubtless. The Railway Employes Twentieth Century Club of Illinois is up to date. It adopted a resolution indorsing President Roosevelt and denouncing the Democratic national platform as "devoid of sincerity." It's hard to fool a good railroad man. There will be a ballot-box famine in the middle West unless the election officials provide a good stock of new ones to hold the first voters ballots for Roosevelt. - ' . - Republicans in Maryland are making a gallant fight- For , pure grit and "&t there," a Marylander every time!