Richmond Palladium (Daily), 10 August 1904 — Page 2

TWO

EIOIHIOND DAILY PALLADIUM, WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 10, 1904.

JUDGE PARKER HAKES REPLY

TO THE COMMITTEE WHO NOTIFIED HIM ADDRESS OF ACCEPTA'E IAeral Quotations From JeffersonDeclares For the Gold Standard. Esopus, N. Y., Ausr. Parker in accepting tin 10. Judge Democratic nomination for the Presidency replied fix follows: Air. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Committee : I have resigned the office of Chief Judge of the Court of Appeals of this State in order that I may accept the renponsibility that the great convention you represent has put upon me, without possible prejudice to the court to which I had the honor to belong, or to the eminent members of . (he judiciary of this state, of whom I may now say as a private citizen I am justly proud. At the very threshold of this response and before dealing with other subjects, I must, in justice to myself and to relieve my sense of gratitude, express my profound appreciation of the confidence reposed in me by the convention. After nominating me and subsequently receiving a communication declaring that I regarded the gold standard as firmly and irrevocably established, a matter concerning which I felt it incumbent upon me to make known my attitude so that hereafter no man could justly say that his support had been secured through indiscretion or mistake, the convention reiterated its determination that I should be the standard bearer of the party in the present contest. This mark of trust and confidence I shall ever esteem as the highest honor that could be conferred upon me an honor that, whatever may be the fate of the campaign, the future can in no degree lessen or impair. The admirable platform upon which the party appeals to the country for its confidence and support clearly states the principles which were so well condensed in the first inaugural address of President Jefferson, and points out with force and directness the course to be pursued through their proper applcation in order to insure needed reforms in both the legislative and administrative departments of the government. While unhesitating in its promise to correct abuses and to right wrongs wherever they appear or however caused; to investigate the several administrative departments of tbe government, the conduct of whose officials has created scandals, and to punish those who have been guilty of a breach of their trust ; to oppose the granting of special privileges by which the few may profit at the expense of the many; to practice economy in the expenditure of the moneys of the people, and to that end to return once more to the methods of the founders of the republic by observing in disbursing the public funds the care and caution a prudent individual observes with respect to his own: still the spirit of the platform assures conservative, instead of rash action; the protection of the innocent as well as the punishment of the guilty; the encouragement of industry, economy and thrift : the protection of property and a guarantee of the enforcement for the benefit ; .of all of man's inalienable rights, among which, as said in the Declaration of Independence, are "life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness." Liberty, as understood in this country, means not only the right of freedom from actual servitude, imprisonment or restraint, but the right of one to use his faculties in all lawful ways, to live and work where he will and to pursue any lawful trade or business. These essential rights of life, liberty and property are not only guaranteed to the citizen by the Constitution of each of the several states, but the states are by the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution of the United States forbidden to deprive any person of any one of them without due process of law. Occasionally, by reason of unnecessary or impatient agitation for reforms, or because the limitations placed upon the departments of government by the Constitution are dis regarded by officials desiring to accomplish that which to them seems pood, whether the power exists in item or not, it becomes desirable to

call attention to the fact that the people, in whom all -power resides, have

seen fit, through the medium of the Constitution, to limit the governmen tal powers conferred and to say to departments created by it: "Thus far shalt thou go and no farther." To secure the ends sought the people have by the Constitution separated and distributed among the three de partments of government the executive, legislative and judicial certain powers, and it is the duty of those administering each department so to act as topreserve, rather than to destroy, the potency of the co-ordinate branches of the government, and thus secure the exercise of all the powers conferred by the people. Thomas Jefferson, in a letter to William C. Jarvis, touching the perpetuity of our institutions, written many years after he had retired to private life, said: "If the three powers of our government maintain their mutual indepen ence of each other, it mav last long, but not so if either can assume the authority of the other." It must be confessed that in the course oi our History executives nave employed powei's not belonging to them; statutes have been passed that were expressly forbidden by the Constitution and statutes have been set aside as unconstitutional when it was difficult to point out the provisions said to be offended against in their enactment; all this has been done with a good purpose, no doubt, but in disregard, nevertheless, of the fact that ours is a government of laws, not of men, deriving its "just powers from the consent of the governed." If we would have our government continue during the ages to come, for the benefit of those who shall succeed us, we must ever be on our guard against the danger of usurpation of that authority which resides in the whole people, whether the usurpation be by officials, representing one of the three great departments of government, or by a body of men acting without a commission from the people. Impatience of the restraints of law, as well as of its delays, is becoming more and more manifest from day to day. Within the past few years many instances have been brought to our attention, where in different parts of our beloved country supposed criminals have been seized and punished by a mob, notwithstanding the fact that the Constitution of each state guarantees to every person within its jurisdiction that his life, his liberty or his property shall not be taken from him without due process of law. In a struggle between employers and employes, dynamite is said to have been used b' the latter, resulting in the loss of life and the destruction of property. The perpetrators of this offence against the laws of God and man, and all othei'S engaged in the conspiracy with them, should, after due trial and conviction, have had meted out to them the most rigorous punishment known to the law. This crime added perhaps to others, led to the formation of a committee of citizens that, with the support of the military authority, deports from the State, without trial, persons suspected of belonging to the organization of which the perpetrators of the dynamite outrages weresupposed to be members. In both cases the reign of law gave way to the reign of force. These illustrations present some evidence of the failure of government to protect the citizen and his property, which not only justified the action of your convention in this regard, but made it its duty to all attention to the fact that Constitutional guarantees are violated wherever any citizen is denied the light to labor, to acquire and to enjoy property, or to reside where his interests or inclinations may de termine; and the fulfillment of the assurance to rebuke and punish all denials of these rights, whether brought about by individuals or government agencies, should be enforced by ev ery official and supported by every citizen. The essence of good government lies in strict observance of con stitutional limitations, enforcement of law and order and rugged opposition to all encroachment upon the sovereignty of the people. The foregoing suggestion but emphasize the distinction which exists between our own and many other forms of government. It has been well said, in substance, that there are but two powers in government, one the power of the sword, sustained by the hand that wields it, and the other the power of the law, sustained by an enlightened public sentiment. The difference in these powei's is the difference between a republic such as ours based on law and a written constitution, supported by intelligence, virtue and patriotism and a monarchy sustained by force exterted by an individual, uncontrolled by laws other than those made or sanctioned by him; one represents Constitutional ism, the other Imperialism. The present tariff law is unjust in its operation, excessive in many of its rates and so framed in particular

instances as to exact inordinate profits from the people. So well understood has this view become that many prominent members of the Republican party, and at least two of its State conventions, have dared to voice the general sentiment on that subject. That party seeems, however, to be collective ly able to harmonize only upon a plank that admits that revision may from time to time be necessarv. but it is so phrased that it is expected to be satisfactory to those in favor of an increase of duty, to those who favor a reduction thereof, and to those opposed to any change whatever. Judged by the record of performance, rather than that of promise, on the part of that party in the past, it would seem as if the outcome, in the

event of its success would be to Grati fy the latter class. With absolute control of both the Legislative and executive departments of the government since March 4th, 1897, there has been neither reduction nor an attempt at reduction in tariff duties. It is not j unreasonable to assume, in the li-ht of that record, that a future Congress of that party" will not undertake a revision of the tariff downward in the event that it shall receive an endorsement of its past course on that subject by the people. It is a fact and should be frankly conceded that though our party be successful in the coming contest we cannot hope to secure a majority in the Senate during the next four years, and hence we shall be unable to secure any modification in the tariff save that to which the Republican majority in the senate may consent. While, therefore, we are unable to give assurance of relief to the people from such excessive duties as burden them, it is due to them that we state our position to be in favor of a reasonable reduction of the tariff; that we believe it is demanded by the best interests of the manufacturer and consumer, and that a wise and beneficient revision of the tariff can be accomplished as soon as both branches of Congress and an executive in favor of it are elected, without creating that sense of uncertainty and inability that has on other occasions manifested itself. This can be achieved by providing that such a reasonable period shall intervene, between the date of the enactment of the statute making a revision and the date of its enforcement as shall be deemed sufficient for the industry or business affected by such revision to adjust itself to the changes and new conditions imposed. So confident am I in the belief that the. demand of the people for a reform the tariff is just, that I indulge in the hope that should a Democratic House of Representatives and a Democratic executive be chosen by the people, even a Rpublican Senate may heed the warning and consent to give at least some measure of relief to the people. The combinations, popularly called trusts, which aim to secure a monopoly of trade in the necessaries of life as well as in those things that are employed upon the farm, in the factory and in many other fields of industry, have been encouraged and stimulated by excessive tariff duties. These operate to furnish a substantial market in the necessities of eighty millions' of people by practically excluding competition. With so large a mraket and highly remunerative prices continuing long after the line of possible compe tition would naturally be reached, the temptation of all engaged in the same business to combine so as to prevent competition at home and a resulting reduction of prices, has proven irre sistible in a number of cases. All men must agree that the net result of enacting laws that foster such inequitable conditions, is most unfortunate for the people as a whole, and it would seem as if all ought to agree that the effective remedy would be to appropriately modify the offending law. The growth of monopoly, of which complaint is justly made, cannot be laid at the doors of the courts of this country. The decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States, the Court of Appeals of this State and the courts of last resort in many other States, warrant the assertion that the common law as developed affords a complete legal remedy against monopolies. The fact that they have multiplied in number and increased in power has been due, not to the failure of the courts to apply the law when properly moved by administrative of ficials or private individuals, but to the failure of officials charged with the duty of enforcing the law to take the necessary procedure to procure the judgments of the courts in the appropriate jurisdiction, coupled with the fact that the legislative departments of some of our State govern ments, as well as Congress in the man ner already referred to,2have, by legis lation, encouraged their propagation What is needed in addition to the passage of a statute revising the tariff duties to a reasonable basis is not so much other and different laws, as offi cials having both the disposition and l the courage to enforce existing law.

While this is my view of the scope of

the common law, it it should be made to appear that it is a mistaken one, then I favor such further legislation within the constitutional limitations as will give the people a just and full measure of protection. It is difficult to understand hom any citizen of the United States, much less a descendant of the Revolutionary stock, can tolerate the thought of permanently denying the right of self-government to the Filipinos. Can we hope to instill into the minds of our descendants reverence and de volt ion for a government by the people, while denying ultimately that right to inhabitants of distant whose territory we have acquired either by purchase or by force? Can we say to the Filipinos, "Your lives, your liberty and your property may be taken from you without due pro cess of law for all time," and expect we will long glory in that feature of Magna Charta. which has become incorporated, in substance and effect, VIIAT 7E GET FROM NATURE. Vitality From The Fields. FROM the pure fountain of nature flows the stream of energy and health which renews and invigorates our race. In every period of the World's progress, men and women have received the greatest strength and inspirations direct from nature. Not only do we get inspiration from nature, but health as well. To live in the open, in the sunshine, in the fields and woods, drinking pure air into the lungs, is best for those who have the opportunity. For people who are run-down, nervous, suffering from occasional indigestion, or dyspepsia, headaches, night-sweats, whose machinery has become worn, it becomes necessary to turn to some tonic or strengthener which will help them to get on their feet and put the body into proper condition. For centuries it has

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.into the Constitution ot everv fetate as well as into the Fourteenth Amend ment to the Constitution of the United States? Can we hope for the respect of the civilized world, while proudly guaranteeing to every citizen of the United States that no law shall be made or enforced which shall ab -

ridge the privileges or immunities of the assurance that it will come as soon citizens of the United States, or deny (as they are reasonably prepared for it. to any person the equal protecton of .There need be no fear that the asserthe laws, and at the same time not t ion so often made of late, that we only deny similar rights to the inhab- have now become a world power, will itants of the Philippines, but take then be without supjwrt. Ours is 5i away from them the right of trial by world power, and as such it must be jury, and place their lives and the dis- maintained, but I deny that it is at all position of their property in the keep- recently that the United States has ing of those whom we send to them to attained that eminence. Our country 4 be their governors ? We shall certainly became a world power over a century rue it as a nation if we make any such atro. when, having thrown off foreign attempt. Viewing the question even ' domination, the people established a from the standpoint of national sel- free jrovernment. the source of whose

hshness, there is no propect that the (twenty million of dollars expended in the purchase ot the islands and the six hundred and fifty millions said to have , been since disbursed will ever come been known that nature's most valuable and health-giving agents are roots, herbs and barks and berries, and some forty years ago Dr. R. V. Pierce, chief consulting physician to the Invalids' Hotel and Surgical Institute, at Buffalo, N. Y., found a combination of roots, herbs and barks, taken from the fields and woods, and made into an alterative extract, produced results in the system which were satisfactory in almost every case of stomach disorder and bad blood. This medicine was used for a long time in his private practice, and was so successful m curing these diseases that Dr. Pierce began to prepare it in quantities, and it is now known the world over as Dr. Pierce's Golden Medical Discovery. This concentrated extract of nature's vitality purifies the blood by putting the stomach into condition, helping the assimilation of food which feeds the blood, and stirring the liver into activity. Read what Mrs. Hooper, of Red Bluff, Mont., says : "A year ago I was troubled with dys I I .--J. . North E and Tenth Sts.

IN CANSPINTS and GALLONS

back to us. The accident of war brought the Philippines into our pos. session and we are not at libertv to disregard the responsibility which thus came to us, but that responsibility will be best subserved by preparing the isanders as rapidly as jH.ssible for

' self-government and giving to them authority sprunir. and was continuously to prm-eed. from the will of the people themselves. It grew as a great world power as its sturdy citizens, to whose natural increase were added iui pepsia; thought at the time that I had heart trouble and was expecting to die at almost any minute," writes Mrs. Lois Hooper, of Red Bluff, Mont. I made up my mind to write to Dr. R.V. Pierce, which I did, and received a prompt reply advising me to take his Golden Medical Discovery. I took six bottles, and can truthfully say that I have neither heart trouble nor dyspepsia now. I would advise all who are suffering from either trouble to write to Dr. Pierce at once." Q $ There is nothing that will cauoe so -much suffering ana general disturbance in the system as surely and insidiously as will trouble with the stomach. The distress of an acute gastric catarrh is very severe, and often causes complete grostration. It is usually brought on y some error in diet, passes off in a short time, but will return if care is not used to avoid the cause of the irrita- ' tion. One of the first signs of chronic stomach trouble is the loss of appetite. This is frequently followed by heartburn, sour eructations and headache. As soon as this organ becomes weakened, the whole system suffers, and loss of weight and strength show that the body is not getting sufficient nourishment. Without a healthy, active stomach the food taken into the body cannot be properly cared for, and as all our strength comes, of course, from the food we eat, it follows that a healthy stomach must be the foundation of ail strength and energy. Many cases of so-called heart trouble are simply aggravated cases of stomach weakness. The heart lies very close to the stomach, and when the food taken in is not digested properly, but stagnates and ferments, gas is formed, and this not only distends the stomach like a balloon, but it also presses against the heart and greatly impedes its action, which is the cause of heart-burn. By the action of the decomposing materials, the walls of the stomach are stretched and lose tone, and are unable to secrete the necessarv fluids to disrest the food, and in this way the trouble rapidly becomes worse and worse, and the muscle walls of the stomach, which should thoroughly churn and mix the contents, are not equal to the task. In such a case a good reliable remedy will often work wonders, and Dr. Pierce's Golden Medical Discovery is unsurpassed as a stomach tonic. Bitters simply 6tir up the diseased organ to further exhaustion, and alcoholic medicines dry up the blood. Dr. Pierce's medicine, on the contrary, gives tone to its walls, and the natural appetite promptly returns. If you are suffer ing from any kind of stomach or blood trouble, you can confidently expect the best results if you take Dr. Pierce's Golden Medical Discovery. In case you are uncertain as to the nature of your trouble, write Doctor Pierce, at Buffalo, N. Y., and he will send you advice free of charge. For 31 cents in one-cent stamps, to pay postage, he will send you his "Common Sense Medical Adviser," a magnificent Doctor -book of 1008 pages.

profusely illustrated, which should be in everv home. -T

Medical Discovery does not World's Dispensary Medical Association,

PRXSIDMXT. "N Merit Wins having.

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