Richmond Palladium (Daily), Volume 9, 21 August 1884 — Page 2

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Richmond Palladium

abliiaed every Evening, (Sunday .xoepted.) fry ISAAC JESKIHSOM. ; , Offlo, No. 831 and KM Main it earner Math. THURSDAY. AUGUST 21, 18SI. awrd at flosonl-Claai sfattor, at Portoffice, Hiclimond, Indiana. THE DAILY PALLADIUM. TEM CmUTB A WEEK. Uivea the latent newa, r lcianh. TIM UImI narket report ay tele. rroph. All the general nd salseeUaaeenw news af th day. Fall and ee nlete local nevta ol tb elty, and tm the a.ta.ui eheanent newananer la East. i U II REPUBLICAN TICKET. , FOB. PKESIDBNT, , JAMES O. BLAIVE, OF MAINE. ' FOB VICE FBEHTDENT,' GEN. JOHN A. LOGAN, OP ILLINOIS. r-' STATE TICKET. v OOVKItNOB, - WHXIAM H. CALKINS, La Porte county. . ECGESE H. BUKDY, Hnry aunty. " " " SKCBKTAKT Of BTATK, KOBEUT MITCHELL, Gibson county. ACTJITOBOr 8TATK, BRUCE CARR, Orange county. TBEAHtJKKB OV IT ATI. ' r"!BOGEB U-BHIEL, Marion county. r , Wmi.IAM e. WILSON. Tippecanoe county. judoi or iutuvi ootmx, fifth district. EDWIN P. HAMMOND, Jasper county. KKFOBTBB SCPBEM COUBT, WILLIAM M. HOGOATT, Warrick county. SDTKRIMTKNCEMV PUBLIC mmOOTIOM, ' fUBNABAB C. HOBBS, Parke county. ' Uli ... . tvi: ... . : - VOB OONORBSS, THOMAS M. BROWNE. , COUNTY TICKET. "a" ji" LMOinTCBE,.'.' . f JAMES- M.TOWN8ETO, - JOHM B. M AUK. . ...5 ft CmOTR JTTDGB, DANIEL W. COM8TOCK. PBOSRfUmNO ATTOBHBT, JOHN P. BOBBINS. TBKAStTBEB, STEPHEN 8. HTKATTAN. BHBBrrr, ISAAC A. OORMON. ooniriBSioWKBaJ ABKAM OAAR. MARK MAUDLIN, flUBVBTQB, . ADDISON H. STUDY. j fc flnaoMBB. ' .. CHABLES S. BOND. Cleveland accepts and Hendriclre accepts, but the people object, and the people are the majority, i I . X Hendricks is a jrreater know noth ing than Cleveland. In his letter of ac ceptance he is only sure of two things that he was nominated for the vice presidency and that he 4 ' 'CLEVEtAXD says "contented labor is a sign of national prosperity," and to make laborers, contented he compels them to labor sixteen hours a day. That i briii!s4 proierity to the : nation he y thinks U i ! itf j.l f --Ir our workioffmen- are not asking unreasonable indulgences," as Cleveland says in, bU letter, why , did he veto their request to have 'their hours of labor reduced from sixteen to twelve hours a day? ... . . , , 't f . liCTVER neea not nave waucu ior

, ( leyeid s letter, there was nothing to wait for; but evidently Cleveland was ; nikms to hare Butler out of the way before he presented his indorsement of the Democratic platform.

t , rrrr: Ben BctLer, in his speech at Rocky Point, said he left the Democratic party because. that party at Chicago refused to recognise the rights of labor, and he appeals to the people to sustain him. Butler jw -a laborer is an imposing figure. Neither of .the candidates on the Democratic national ticket are aware that American laborers are demanding protection for their labor. They are probably more interested in the money the Cobden club is sending over from .England to help elect them to office. The New York Independent, which has been supporting Cleveland for the Presidency, and which has been his main moral support, comes out this week against him and demands his withdrawal from the ticket. Will our neighbor of the Democrat please note this fact. ' - Mr. Alexaxptr- Sclliya, the president of the Irish National League, declines re-election because he proposes to enter the canvass as a publio speaker in behalf of Blaine and Logan. The Irish-Americans will generally follow 6 hi eiiinnple, hj ivtag ,fot ,the Repubjicaqf f andidatet. I : tii , j We always knew Mr. Hendricks didn't want the nomination , for the Vice Presidency, hut it is a great relief to know that "a deep sense of public . duty'. ha. constrained hitu to accept. Mr. Hvodficks was always a patriotic ritiita; willing to sacrifice his feeling "for the public good and an office. If Mr. Voorhees is not inconsistent he is nothing. He lands the doctrine that all power is inherent in the people, ami that all free "governments are', and'of right ought to be," founded on their authority, and then proceeds to argue thai the people of Indiana hare no power U prescribe their form of government, i Daniel is exceedingly? in his logic

MB. VOOBBtEg' KXT-IOTE. '; I Mr. Voorheer tu stranjed the keyii6t of nil party in this Stat), sad announced the ground .upon which it proposes to" fight during "the present campaign so far, at least, as Daniel caa control its action. - It is to ignore all general issues, say nothing about the tariff, nothing about any of the national questions, keep the candidates in the back-ground, and devote the whole energies of the Indiana Democracy to the repayment of the Liquor League for its valuable assistance in attempting to place the Democracy in power. This was the leading theme of Mr. Voorhees speech at Terre Haute on Tuesday evening. He opened first upon" the Baxter law, which he declared had a brief, inglorious career," and which was "cast aside by the Democratic party as an insult to an intelligent and virtuous people." He denounced the attempt of a Republican Legislature to even permit the people of Indiana to express their views by a vote on the prohibitory amendment, and condemns the same party for consenting that a similar vote be permitted the people on the adoption of . a new constitution. Mr. Voorhees is evidently afraid of the people, and does not propose that they shall have any voice in declaring what eh all or shall not be the fundamental law of the State on this or any other question. He denounces the Prohibitionists, who propose to support a ticket of their own, as unsparingly as he , doe all others, and declares they "will 'concentrate their forces in the election ot members pledged to a convention for the amendment of the constitution." Indeed, he believes that no

class of people have any right to entertain or express views upon any question not approved tby the Democracy and their allies. This, then, is the issue tendered the people of Indiana by Mr. Voorhees total, abject submission to Democratic dictation in thought and action. : He who dares to think must think with the Democracy, and he who votes must vote with the Democracy or be reviled and denounced by them. Free thought, free speech and a free ballot are to be denied the people upon the subject of the use of liquors. Mr. Voorhees claims that -this arbitrary course of his party is founded upon divine right and divine example. He says: The Divine Author of our religion while in human form on earth, used wine as a beverage, and at least on one occasion manufactured it tor use at a social gathering. Did Christ come to teach immorality? Did his apostles. fresh from his presence, disseminate vice and evil when they advised the use ot winef -.Nor have the great ecclesi astics who have arisen since, and who have adorned nearly two thousand vears of church history, without reepect- to sect or creed, been at variance on this abject with the Savior and his ' immediate followers. The fathers ot the old church of Rome have taught temperanoe, but not prohibition. jiartin Lu ther, the great Protestant, while in the work of i the Reformation drank his wine-: and beer and thought it no sin The .divines called in council by King James, and who gave us the Isible in, its present revision and as it has been preached in all lands now nearly three hundred years, were strangers to the practices as well as to the doctrines ot prohibition, or even to the self-imposed restraints of total abstinence. The Holy Scriptures and the history of the churches are alike without warrant for the Prohibitionist. We need say no more. Mr. Voor hoes' reasoning, to adopt his own style of expression, ''is an insult to an intel ligent and virtuous people." Mr. Voor hees in this speech represents his party only in its baser instincts, and if third party Prohibitionists still feel that they can by indirection continue to assist in placing a party in power, whose most prominent and popular leader utters sentiments like the above, they will exhibit a meekness and submission to the chastening rod unusual among a free and independent people. THE IRISH AMERICAS TIOS. REVOLCOne of the most remarkable features of the present canvass is the general secession of the Irish-American vote from the Democratic "party. It was something not counted on, and came with such suddenness as to be almost bewildering. If there was anything in the past history of politics in this coun try that could be regarded as absolutely certain, it was that the almost solid vote of Irishmen would be given to the Democratic candidates. This was regarded as. eo much a matter of course that Democratic politicians never considered it necessary to make any special effort to retain that vote, it was one of the certain quantities always to be ' depended upon, no matter who might be nominated for the offices. The Germans re quired looking after, and a German representative generally graced the ticket, but the Irish needed no such induce ment. This was the Democratic view of the situation. The Irish revolt was therefore ' a startling surprise. There seems to have been, however, all the time a smouldering spark of discontent ith this assumed ownership of ! the Irish vote, "by the Democrats which only needed a touch to rriake it burst into a fierce and angry flame. This touch was given at Chicago, where a candidate was nominated over the earnest protest of representative Irishmen, accompanied by the gratuitous insult tnat he was all the more popular and indeared to the party because of the enemies he had made among the Irish eaders of the country. - The reeult was not only a mrprisd it was bewildering to the startled leaders

of the Democracy. They eould not and would not believe for a time that it was

anything more than an angry impulse which would soon die out, and the Irish smothering their discontent, be foon supporting the nominee. But the in suit rankled deeper and was sorer than they supposed, and a political revolution soon confronted them. ' One l their own number describing the fierceness of this revolt says : "This is the situation from Maine to California, but, as might be expected, the irritation and resent ment are greatest in this State, where the original authors of the insult exer cise their power,and where it is conced ed by all the contest must be praC' tically decided. And to say the feeling among Irish citizens of the Empire State is confined to irritation and re sentment alone would be putting the matter very mildly indeed. It is a re volt of the most determined character and of the widest possible scope. It reaches from end to end of the State and from top to bottom of the social structure. It is equally strong in the workshop of the mechanic and the mansion of the wealthy merchant. The young Irish-American and the gray haired 'exile of Erin' who has stood by the Democratic party for nearly half century feel the insult with equal keen ness, and the women of our race have. for the first time since the dark days of Know-Nothingism, become active workers in a cause that appeals to their feelings as no ordinary question of party politics can." This statement is a strong one, but it is scarcely any exaggeration of the truth, But Republicans must remember that this is only a revolt from the Democ racy, ana not properly an accession to Republicanism. Many thousands of these Irishmen will vote for Blaine and Logan and do it heartily and cheerfully, miners win support rsuuer, ana some possibly remain indignant neutrals, They have broken with the Democrats, but they will be slow to form perma nent party affiliations for a time. They will be allies of the Republicans in the present campaign, but they will await Republican recognition before enlisting permanently under the banner of the party. They will be the uncertain quantity in future political contests, and will no more serve blindly any party, If the Republicans treat them and their interests with proper respect they may hope for their support, but the Irish-American will hereafter assert himself in the politics of the country as he has never before done. The mobt important question before the people of this country at this time is that of a tariff to protect American industries. It is one of especial inter est to the farming and laboring classes, and one which they are discussing more than any other. Yet Mr. Cleveland in his letter of acceptance totally ignores this important subject. He has no views' upon it whatever. He doesn't know whether he is for protection or free trade, and is willingjto indorse anything his party may suggest. He does indeed indorse his party platform, upon all points, and this may properly be considered as included. But what is his party's position on this question? Some of the leaders say it means free trade, others equally prominent in the party say it means protection. There is no agreement among themselves as to what it does mean. Then what are Mr. Cleveland s views upon this important question. Which of the factions of his party will he represent if he should be elected ? No one can answer this question from anything Mr. Cleveland says in his letter. He simply has no views upon the subject, he knows nothing about it. And this is the statesman the Democracy present as their candi date for the presidency. In what strik ing contrast are the bold manly utterances of Mr. Blaine on this subject. Mr. Voorhees, in his Terre Haute speech glorifies the Democratic party for framing the constitution of 1851, and quotes from it the following: ''That all power is inherent in the people, and that all free governments are, and of right ought to be founded on their authority and instituted for their peace, safety and well being." And yet the Democratic framers of that instrument violated that declaration at the time they made it. It was not until the Re publican party was organized and had suppressed the Democratic rebellion, that "the peace, safety and well being" of a large portion of the people of In diana were secured. Under the Democratic constitution as it was originally made, it was a crime to recognize a por tion of the people of Indiana as anything better than the brute creation They had no rights that the Democratic party were willing to respect. No de cent Democrat should refer to the constitution of 1S51, as the Democrats made it, without a blush of shame. Mr. Hendricks neglected to repeat, in his letter of acceptance, his prize of fer of 50.CNX) offices for votes enough to elect Grover Cleveland to the presidency. Possibly G. William Curtis told him it was wicked to attempt to bribe the people, or, probably Grover insisted that the offer was too small and wouldn't half supply the hungry de mand. But whatever the cause, Mr. Hendricks failed to reassert that im portant Democratic principle. It is now understood that Mr. Til Jen did not revise the letter of acceptance of Grover Cleveland, except to strike out the first sentence, which was as fol

lows: "I take my pen in hand to inform you that I am well and hope these few lines will find yon enjoying the same blessing." And this the old sage of Gramercy must have run his pen through maliciously, knowing it was the best thing in the letter.

A FREE TRADER ANSWERED. latere ting Letter from Hn. Scaalan. John r. Cambridge City, Ind., .August 2U, 1SS4. j To the Editor of the Palladium: My attention was called to the article printed in the Evening Item ot your city, asking me to answer in my sjeech last night certain questions printtd in that paper and signed "Laborer." I regret 1 did not see the article before I made my speech or I should have been glad to accommodate "Laborer," for it is bo seldom that tree traders seek information that I am always pleased to let some light in on their oenighted souls. When they do seek information and try to defend their destructive doctrine they usually "put their foot in it." as "Laborer" has in this article. to your readers may have the full benefit please print the article in full: "As Mr. Scanlon is to address the laboring classes this evening, will you permit me to call his attention to the following figures and ask him to explain them? The figures are from the United States census of 1880, part 2, paees !28 to 931: "'Capital employed. 1850, ?533,245,351; 1800, fl ,019,855.71 5. Increase in ten years ot low tariff, 95 per cent. Wages paid, 1S50, $2,755,4G5; 1800 $378,878,900". Increase in ten years of low tariff, 60 per cent.- Value of manufactures produced. 1850, l,019,10t;,t16; 1860, $1,S85,864.676. Increase in ten years of low tariff, 97 per cent. "'Capital employed, 1870, F2,118,208,769; 1880, $2,790,272,606. Increase in ten years of highest tariff known, only 32 per cent. Waees paid, 1370, 775,584,343; 1880. f94753.795. Increase in ten years of high tariff, only 30 per cent. Value of manufactures produonly 1870, 432,325,442; 1880, $5,369,579 -191. Increase in the ten years of high tariff, only 25 per cent. " 4Do not these figures show that in ten years of low tariff manufactures so prospered that 95 per cent, more capital was invested in them; there was an increase of 60 per cent, in wages, and of 79 per cent, in value of products, while in the ten years of high tariff there is an increase of but 32 per cent, in capital, 30 per . cent, in wages, and 25 l r cent, in the value of products. Does this show that high tariff benefits all classes more than does low tariff? . "Laborer. It is seldom that a man appearing in Erint leaves such deep foot marks ot is own ignorance, .or presumes on the ignorance of his readers, as Laborer has in this little article, for ho seems not to be conversant with the laws of per centage, or deliberately deceives his readers Ly perverting the real facts in order to tnake out an argument in favor ot tree trade. The ignorance that "Laborer" betrays of the facts that he perverts is this: That the per ventage ot urofat of smaller cap ital is ' ereater than the tier centaee of pront ot larger capital, even when the profit of larger capital is many times more ini amount. lo illustrate: A man invests 1 000 and makes $1,000, his per centage of profit is 100 per cent., while a man investing tlOO,OOU and making a proht ot o0,000, his per centage ot pront is onlv &0 per cent. While . the actnal gross profit in the latter case is $49,0o0 more than in the other, still if we were to look upon it as "Laborer" does, and look at it onlv from the per centage stand-point, ordinary individuals would think the $1,000 investment made the most money. 1 his is just the ignorance or perversion that Laborer has been guilty of in his article to the Evening item. hirst, the capital employed by the oountry between the years 1850 and 1860 was less than the capital employed between itftO ana 1SKO; hence, when looKea at from the stana-point ot per centage, it is larger, while the actual ngures show that the capital employed between 1S0 and ISSsO was 10,4o3,471 more than between 1850 and 1800, and that the wages paid in the same years was ouy6i,ifyi in iavor or me protective period, and the value of manufac tures was $270,695,689 more than in the tree trade years ot 1850 to 18t0. ! you see, ?lr. Laborer, the growth of wealth from manufactures, the capital employed and the wages paid in the protected period is hundreds of millions of dollars against you and in favor of the American people. By the by, Mr. Laborer, when you were looking over the census why did you pick out that period between 1870 and 1880, when we had five years of stagnation in busi ness, when the laborers wandered this country as tramps, idle and begging bread, for reasons that protective tariff is not responsible for. Why didn't you give us the per centage of the growth of wealth. hen we took our panic-rid-den, empty treasury vaults, and idle manufacturing country from out of your hands and created an industry, an army, a treasury and a money, (all of which are now acknowledged to be the best in the world) subdued a free trade rebel lion, reduced the interest of the public debt, paid our debts, paid the soldier and placed the manufacturers of this cauntry in a better position than they ever were. I refer to the period between 1S60 and 1S70. I hope I have made this thing clear to Laborer. If not the next time I eome to Richmond will, if he has any property, show him how easv it will be to get rid of it if he figures his business on the same basis that he tries to uphold his Democratic free trade growth of the wealth ot this country. Very respectfully yours. John t. scaslas. Broke Her Pipe. Atlanta Constitution. 1 wancher to be pow'ful 'tickler wid dat pipe," warned Aunt Gincy to Unele Bytes, as the latter pic Km np ner ciay pipe and limped around the house to ats favorite seat against the chimney. ' He had been eone oruy a iew moments when Aunt Gincy heard a terrible rumbling on the outside, followed by a negro woman running in, and crying mournfully- - ; ; "O, Aunt Gincy, de caimbiy aone fall an' kill ole Uncle SykesI" With pain distorted countenance, and terror blended in her gaze, Aunt Gincy looked passionately np. and moaned: , 'Lrxx. now. tress ae aawck an' l bet a dollar dat bit done broke my pipe all to pieces."

M & Cafe,

Vaughan sTew Block, Has some decided Bargains In Dwelling Houses. Has decided Bargains tn Lota. Has decided Bargains in Farms. Come and see me I will do yoa good. Have yon money to loan? I hare some first-class securities for yoa. Do yon want to borrow mosey f Come, and I wfll supply yon if your title and security is right. Insure your property in my Agency. If yon have a loss. I win see you are paid promptly. 4 ; Renting bonses a specialty. Come and see me. ALVDT E. CROCKER. auglSdtf FLORENCE NIGHTINGALE. ltolera Kol Stopped ? Quarantine Nor Corisss. New York Herald. In reply to an inquiry, Miss Florence Nightingale, the Crimean heroine, kindly nds to The New Herald: Sir: I bg to rvply to your note ask ing for 'pracueaJ advice in view of the rapid spread of cholera." That our whole experience in India, where cholera is never wliolly absent, tends to prov nay, aotually does prove that cholera is not communicable from person , to iierson. . That the disease cannot be ascribed to "somebody else," that is. that the sick do not manufacture "special ixiison" which cau.ses the disease. That cholera is a local disease an epidemic affecting localities, and there depending on pollution of earth, air, and water and buildings. That the isolation of the sick can not stop the disease, nor quarantine, nor cor dons, nor the like. Ihese, uidt-ed, may tend fatally to aggravate the disease, di rectly and indirectly, by turning away our attention from the only measures which can stop it. That the only pre ventive is to put the earth, air, and water, and buildings into a healthy state by scavenging, liinewashing, and every kind of scavenger work, and, if cholera does comes, to move the people from the places where the disease has broken out and then to cleanse. Persons about cholera patients do ; aot "catch the, disease from the sick air more than cases of poisoning "infect other. If a number o persons have Ixjwi poisoned, say by , arsenic put by mistake into food, it is because they have each swallowed the arsenic. It ' ia not because they have taken "it," tlie "mysterious influence," of one another. ,. In looking .aatily at ij-it Jiirypt, where cholera did not begin anywhere along the route from India to : Europe, but at Uainietta, where no ship and no passenger ever stops, ; and where the dreadful insanitary condition of the place fully accounts for any outbreak of cholera in sorrowfully looking at Egypt and at Lurope now, one might almost say that it is this doctrine of a special poison emanating from the sick, and which it is thought can be carried m package that has (mentally) "poisoned' us. t eople will soon believe that you can take cholera by taking a railway ticket. They speak as if the only reason against enforcing quarantine were, not that it is an impossibility and an ab surdity to stop disease in this way, but that k is impossidle to enforce quaran tine. "If only we could," they say, "all would be well. Vigorously enforce sanitary meas ures, but with judgment e. scav enge, scavenge, scavenge; wash, cleanse and limewaah; remove all putrid humat refuse from privies and cesspits and cesspools and dustbins; look to stables and cowsheds and pigsties; look to common lodging-houses and crowded places; dirty houses ana yaras. TSet your house in order in all ways sanitary and hygienic, according to the conditions of the place, and "all will be well. The real danger to be feared is tn blaming somebody else and not our own selves for such an epidemic visitation. As a matter of fact, if the disease at tacks our neighbors we ourselves are al ready liable to it. To trust for protec tion to stopping intercourse would be just as rational as to try to sweep back an incoming- flood instead of getting out or its way. With the most earnest wish that America, as well as England, may "set her house in order," and so defy chol era and turn its appearance elsewhere into a blessing, pray, believe me, ever her and your faithful servant. Chief Justice Cockbsra Ktmmtacneaw Notes and Queries. Amongst English judges and ters there has always been a barris strong prejudice against wearing hair on the face, and until within the last few years wouia nave oeen impossible to nnd a barrister with a mustache, and, I believe, no English judge for some cen turies has adopted this natural hirsute appendags. No doubt this custom is a survival of the days when "the priest all shaven and shorn" was the principal lawyer. We know the coif of the sergeante-at-law was designed to hide the tonsure. ' ! A an illustration of the judicial dis like to mustactiee, the following observations, which I heard at the Sussex assizes about six or seven years since. when - they were held at Brighton, may be of interest. Lord Chief Justice Cockburn said to a witness: "Witness, in consequence of your having a mustache, I cannot hear distinctly what you say. 1 don t mean to say that you should cut it off, if yon think it an ornament; but it prevents me from hearing you. and yoa must, therefore. speak more loudly." It is somewhat singular than the use of the wig is now connned to the judges and the bar. having been abandoned by the rest of society; possibly, therefore, the artificial use o hair on the top of the bead may be considered to make up for the re moval ot the natural hair from the face. The heart of a Greenland whale is a yard in diameter.

WE

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fire prompt attention to all orders in the line of Wire and Iron Hark, Wlr t'ltq, Cswiii itaiem. Ktc. and If tne Hardware and Wtoaawar dealers. Arenlterta, stalldera and Hill Fnrnlanlas; trade of the United Htatea who do not succeed in having their orders filled promptly, wtU send tbem to ns we will endearor to fill them without delay. "Oatalogaea of Iron Fencing and other lines of goods free on application.

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RICHMOND BUSINESS DIRECTORY JIAirCrAtTOBIEN. ' ROBINSON sY CO., Ifannfactnrers of Portable and Stationery Ru nes, .Morse rowers, separators, circular Maw U18. Draff Haws. UOTer hi all era. Haw Tables. jjousot, uasunga, etc BARKS. it. E. Biitm, Pres't. J. P. Kzxtes, Cashr. :ftbbt national bank, Blchmond. Indiana Capital stock paid in t9O0,0O0 surplus runa, riw.uuu rrompt attention paid to au ooueonona. Lyon's Drug store Corner Mlstn and Statu Street, j i angSd.wtf ODORLDM Excavating Company! Office Hatfield & Tanghan's Stables, No. 13 If orth Eighth street. I am better than ever prepared orders for to attend aQ Vault, Slit or Cess Fool Cleafliat! '"Office eentrarrr located fHA'rVIKLD A VALOHAN-B 8TABXJS.) All orders toft there will reeeire prompt attention. I' rices shall be anuormiy low. June sdtf Manager. KAMI SCHOOL FOR BOYST Select Borne eomforta. Foon nm I ss mm n VA ' I to age. Careful personal sa. pernaion. no better eqnipp school in America. Foreatabvn jddreas Trafaat 4k Msnh, Oxford. Butler voonty.Otuo. iun23-d-tl CAMPAIGN UNIFORMS. Bend forTH nitrated Catalogue, with diseoonte. E. A. ARMSTRONG, sinnfaelujei of - J. of 1 I. o. O. F. And aB other Caltornaa, Kesralia, Etc. 208 210 Jefferson, are Detroit, Mich. angTtUwlm University of Cincinnati,!). Tbe Asademle Year fa aJI djmavfenaM fc.,.-. . Tuesday, loth September next. Kxannaaboo tor entrance 16th and 17th September. For Catalogues, address X. B. lTiraXT, Clerk. aogSldim

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at t.xac3. ctXa atreetsj. SUBVITE! respectfully announce that we are prepared to Mich. DR. DAVID KENNEDYS REMEDY Por the Care at Kidney and I4r Coat' plaint.. Constipation, and all disorden) anmn from an impure state of the BIXXlD. To womra who suffer from any of the ills pom liar to tbnr sax it is an unfailing friend. All Drorriat. One Dollar a bottle, or sililisss Ir. Dsnd Kennedy, Bondont, M. f . AMONG RAILROAD MEN Pepnlsrtty and ITaefalnesa of " Fsveri t RemedyA Tn rut ins; specter Iron a am Jleebanie. M a.teh Mar-HAinc's A Berr'naLiawi's Orncm, I Lowkll Har Ala Bnopn, Bosroa 4k Ixjwrn.r. B'y V Ix)wrr.L, Mass, Mareh 85, labs. DR. DiVTD KimtDT, Roitdoct, N T. : Dear Sir I think it is dne to nm tnat I ahneM make the following statement, and I make it voluntarily and willingly : On tha tth day of 'ana, 11, I was taken with what was oaUon paralysis of the bo vels. The seizure was unexpected and terrible. The stomaen and utliai organs enemed to sympathise with ft and to bare lost all power of action. For a long time my life was despaired of. but at length I recovered so far as to be able to ride out. Br too advice of my physician I rial ted Poland Springs (Vt.), hoping to benefit from the waters. Bat ther did me no good. Neither ware the beet pbystaians of Lewell and Boston, whom I soasaited. able to aSord no mm than ti.ii.l.-i relief. I gained ao strength, and my ease appeared almost hopeless. In the Fall a fi I mil advised me to try KENNEDY'S PATOBITE KEsf KD Y. and although opposed to patent medicines, I made tbe trial. To make a lone storv abort FAVORITE KKJifEDT, la mySbnon. eared my life. I eonsider It Ike hektaJ l-.JZ tion in the world for stomach dimoalUea, aawell as of the liver and other organs. I am g1- to say it is in general use among the R. Jt, ntm ia this vicinity. loura.ete, A . 1. QD7FOBD. Mr. Gi ffnrd is tne Master if ..k.-l.TT LoweU division of the Boston A lrw.ll and his illness and recovery are known to manr woo can testify to tbe facte in his letter. t se tnis meaicino ior an itisweses of tbe Blond. Kidneys. I Aver, Btnmarh. Bowels and nin fi may save yon or yours from pain . -Irsth Address, if desired. Dr. David Kr,n. d dont,N.T. july3amon.wed.trlAw U AYEB'S Ague me "saaasTtnwttt, tB eases of 01 to raver and Agon. InterTlZLZilZr- tpwvwS eZtTot feUlnre, after Turn lS7 dSlrsari ai gg1 eular ofJulyMaTg St Dr. i. C. Ayer & Co., LoweU, Mi

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