Rensselaer Union, Volume 12, Number 2, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 25 September 1879 — Page 6

OUR SOLDIER PRESIDENT.

(Ja Speech at the Renaion of the SarrlTora of Hi* Sediment, at Tonncstown, Ohio. (MM PRESIDENT MAKES A MEW DEPART DEE IE EMPHATIC ALLY DENOUNCING THE DOOTEINE OP STATE EIGHTS jin coin’s flew* on Peaceful Secession—Nullification of the Fifteenth Amendment.

A SPLENDID FINANCIAL SHOWING MADE IN HIS REMARKS AT DETROIT.

ADDRESS AT YOUNGSTOWN, OtttO. Crrarsdes and FeHow-eitiseur: I need not enter into *ny discussion of the comee of onr civil war* We all know that the men who plannod the destruction ot the Union and the establishment of the Confederate States, based their attempt on a construction of the constitution called the State-right* doctrine, and on th" hitereet of the people of those States in the extens on and perpetuation of slaverr. The doctrine ot Btate-righU was, that each State was sovereign and supremo, and might Mi’lifr the laws of the Union or secede from the Union at pleasure. They held that slaver? was the natural and normal condition of the colored man. nnd that, therefore, slavery In this country could and should be the oornerstone of a free government. No man ha« ever stated the issuee qf the oivil war more folly, more clearly, or more accurately than Mr. Lincoln. In any inquiry as to wbat may be fairly included among the things settled by onr victory, all just aad patriotic minds in•fioetivcly tarn to Mr. To him, more than to any other man, the canse of nnion and liberty is indebted for ita final triumph. Be •idea, with all hia wonderful sagacity, and wisdom, and lngioal faculty, dwelling hatently, and anxiously, and prayerfully, during four years of awful trial ami responsibility on the questions which were continually arising to porplex and almost confound him. lie at last became the very embodiment of the principles by which the oonntrr and ita liberties were •avfed. All g>M>d citisens mav now well listen to and heed his words. None have more reason to do it with respect snd confidence, and a gsnnine regard, thaa those whom he addressed in his first inaugural speech ■ as ‘‘ray dissatisfied fellow-couutrymen." The leader of the Union e*use waa so juat and moderate, and patient and humane, thatmanv supporters of the Union thought that he did not go far enough or fast enough, and assailed hi*opinions and hia conduot; but now all men tegin to see that the plain people, who at last mine to loye him. and to lean upon hia wisdom and firmness with absolute trnat, were altogether right, and that in deed and purpose he was earnestly devoted to the welfare of the • hole country. and of all its inhabitants. Believing that Mr. Lincoln's opinions are of bigbsr authority on the questions ot the wnr than those of any other public man on either side of the controversy, I desire to present them qn<to fnlly and in hia own language. In the third year of the war, and while ita result waa still undecidrd, Mr. Lincoln made his memorable address at the oonseeration of - the Gettysburg National Cemetery, on the 19th of November, 1863. He waa standing on the field of the greatest battle of the war. He was. no doubt, deeply impressed with the heavy responsibilities which be bad borne so long. He spoke not as a partisan, embittered and narrow and sectional, but in the broad and generoo* spirit of a patriot, solicitous to say that which would be worthy to be pondered by all of hia countrymen throughout all time! In his short speech es two or three paragraphs, he twice spoke of ths objects of the war, once in its opening and again in ita closing sentence. The words have been often quoted, bnt they cannot ho too familiar. They bear clearly and forcibly on tho question we are considering: *

“Four-score and seren veers ago." said Mr Lincoln, ‘ our fathers bronchi forth on this continent a uew nation, conceived in liberty and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal. Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testipg whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure.” ! ■ And acain. In closing, he said: “It is rather foe na * * * that we here highly resolve that the dead shall not have died in yam; that the.nation shall, nnder Ood, have a new birth of freedom; aud that government of the people, by the people, and for the people, shall not perish from the earth.” ■ No statement of the trne objects of the war more complete than this has ever been made. It includes them all—nationality, liberty, equal rights and Self-government. These are the principles for which the Uuion soldier fooght, aud which it was his aim to maintain and to perpetuate. It any one supposes that that construction of onr national constitution which is known as the State lights doctrine, is consistent with sound principles, let him consider a few paragraphs from Mr. Lincoln's first message to Congress, at the extra session of 1861. Speaking of what was called the right of peaceful secession—that is secession in aooord**®*vritb the national constitution—he said: “This sophism derives much, perhaps the whole, of its currency from the assumption that thsre is some cmni>>otent and sacred su-

premacy pertaining to a State—to each Btate ot oar Federal Union. Our State* have neither more nor lees power than that reserved to them in the Union by the Constitution, no one of them ever having been aßrate out of the Union. The "original ones passed into the Union even before they cast off their British colon in I depend enoe, and the new ones each earns into tho Union directly from a condition of dependence, excepting Texas. And even Texas, in its rary independence, was never designated a State. The new on* s only took the designation ol States on coming into tho Union, while that name was first adopted for tho old ones in and by the Declaration of dndependenoe. Therein .be ‘United Colonies’ were declared to be ‘free and independent State*;’ but, even then, the object plainly was not to declare their independence of one another, or of the Union, bat, directly the contrary, as their nmtnal pledge, and their mutual action, before, at tho time, and afterwards, abundantly show. The express plighting of faith by each and all of the original thirteen, in tho articles of confederation. two years later, that the Union shall be perpetual, is most conclusive. Having never hbeon State#, either in substance or in name, oaterde ot the Union, twbeuoe this magical omnipotence of ‘State-rights,’ asserting a ofai m .of power to lawfully destroy the Uhion itself! Much is said about the ‘sovereignty* of the but the word, • even, is not in the National constitution, nor, as kt believed, in any of tho State constitutions. What is a ‘sovereignty.’ in the political sense of the term! Would it bo far wrong to define it, ‘A political community, without a political »u----penorf Tested by this, no one of nor States, exoept Texas, ever was a sovereignty; and even Texas gave ap the oharacter on ooiuing into the Union; by which set she acknowledged the coeatitattoo at the United Ststte, and the laws and treaties of tho United States made in pur

• %J ‘ aauoe of tbo e->nsiitatioa. to be, for her, the supreme |*w of the land. 'The States hay* their status tn* the Union, sad they hare no other legal Matos. If tber break from this, they can only do so against law. and by revolution. The Union, and not themselves separately, procured their independence and their liberty. By conquest, or purchase, the Union gave eaoh of them whatever of Independence and liberty it baa. The Union is older than any of the States; snd in fast, it created them as States. Originally, some dependent colonies made the Union, and, in turn, the Union threw off their old dependence tor them, and made them States, suah as they are. Not one of them ever had a Bt*ts constitution independent of the Union. Of course, it la not forgotten that all the new States framed their constitutions before they entered the Union; nevertheless, dependant upon, and prepatary to, coming into we Union." Unquestionably the States hare the powers and rights reserved to them in end by the national constitution, and npoo this point, in another pert of this great message, Mr. Linooln anas This relative matter of National power and State rights, as a principle, is no other than the principle of generality and looslity. Whatever oonoerna the whole should be confided to the whole—to the general government; while whatever oonoerna only the State should be left exclusively to the State. This is all there is of original principle about It.” Mr. Linooln held that ths United States is a nation, and that ita government possesses ample power under the constitution to maintain its authority aad enforce its laws in every port of its territory. The denial of this principle by those who asserted the doe’rine of State rights, ami who rightly claimed that it was iuoonttiv tent with State sovereignty, made up an issue over which arose one of the leading controversies which led to the oivil war. The result ot the war decided that controversy in favor of nationality and in favor of the supremacy of the nstiouai government.

This decision ie in aooordanoe with tbs prlnoipies of the father* Ou this day, ninety-two years ag®- the delegates in convention at Philadelphia agreed to the constitution of the United States, which was slterwnrda ratified and adopted. On the samo day, September 17, 1787, General Washington sent a letter transmitting the constitution to the Congress in session in New York In that letter he said: ‘The friends of our country have long since desired that the power of making war, peaoe and treaties, that of levying money and regulating commerce, and the correspondent executive and judicial authorities should be fully and effectually vested in the general government of the Uuion. * * * It is obviously ini practicable In the Federal government of these States to secure all rights of independent sovereignty to each, and .vet provide for the interest and safoty of all. • • * In all-onr deliberations on this subject, we kept steadily in our view that which appears to os the greatest interest of every true Amerioan—thejeonsoiidation of our Union—in whiob is iuvolved onr prosperity, felicity, safety, perhaps our national existence." Again, in his farewell address, Washington said: ‘Ths unity of government, which constitutes ,you one people, is also justly dear to you, • • The name of American, which belongs to you in your national capacity, must always exalt the just pride of patriotism, more than any appellation derived from local discriminations." On the question of human rights Mr. Linooln was equally explicit, and often declured that it was involved in the conflict, and to be decided by tne result. In bis matchless message, alrenav quoted, he says: ‘ Onr adversaries have adopted some declarations of independence, in which, unlike the good old one penned by Jeficrson, they omit the words 'all men are created equal.’ Why!* They have adopted a‘temporary national constitution. in the preamble of which, unlike our good old one, signed by Washington, they omit •We, the people,’ and substitute ‘We the deputies of the sovereign and independent States.’ Why! Why this deliberate pressing ont of view the rights of men and the authority of the peopleL This is essentially a people’s oonteat. On the side of the Union it is a straggle (or maintaining in the world that form and substance of government whose leading object is to elevate ine condition ol men; to lift artificial weights from all shoulder,-; to dear the oat Us of laudable pursuit to all; to afford all an aufettened start and a . fair chance in the race of lile. Yielding to partial and temporary departures, from necessity, this is the feeding object of the government for whose existence we contend. lam most happy to , believe that the plain people understand and appreciate this" On tho subject of suffrage. Mr. Linooln’s guiding principle was that “no man is good enough to govern another man without that other man’s ooosent."

Thus we have from the lips and pen of Mr. Lincoln —the great leader find representative of the Union cause—in the moat solemn and authentic form, a complete statement of the issues of the war. He held that the Union is perpetual; that its government is national nnd supreme ; and that all of its iubabitantsshould be free, and be accorded equal civil aud political rights Those are the great fundamental principles, affirmed on the one side, und dented on the other, upon which the appeal was made to the God ol battles. Ido not undertake to review the debate as to the nature and powers of the government of the Uuion, and as to the dootrine of State-rights, which began at the fonndatiou oi onr institutions, and whioh was continued until it was bushed by tlie clash of arms. It is enough for my presont purpose to say that, as a matter of history all the political parties of the past, when charged with the responsibility of directing the affairs of the government, have maintained, in their practical administration of it, precisely the same principles which were held bv President Lincoln. The principles as to the powers of the national government which were acted upon bv Washington and Jackson and which are sustained by the decisions ot Chief-justice Marshall, and by whioh Liaooln and the Union armies crashed the rebellion aud resoued the Republic, are among the legitimate and Irreversible results of the war whioh ought not to be questioned. v Touohiog the remaining important controversy settled by the war, the public avowals of opinion are almost all in favor of the faithful acceptance of the new constitutional amendments. On this sntyoot the speeohes of publio men and tne creeds of platforms of the leading political parties have for some years past been explicit, In 1872 all parties in tbelr respective national conventions adopted resolutions recognizing the equality of all men before the law, and pledging themselves, in the words ot the Democratic national convention, “to maintain emancipation and enfrauobisement, and to oppose the reopening of the questious settled by the recent amendments to the constitution.” In 1876, the great political parties again, iu the language of the St. Louis national oonveution, affirmed their “devotion to the constitution ot tho Uuited States, with its amendments universally accepted as a final settlement of the controversies that engendered tbe civil war.”

REM A. RKS AT DETROIT. At Detroit, in response toa oall, the President said: Tbe evidence* of good times are unmeroun, pa], pableand cheering. One bright day Id Jane last, more steamers—more shipping, of all sort*—gathered la New Tors harbor than was ever before seen- In that great mart of ooameroe and their tonnage was In greater exceea comparatively than tbennmimr of vessel*. The Hoes ot tbe Pennsylvania railroad east of Pittabnrg and Brie lor the first seven months of this year, as compared with the tame period in 1878, show an increase of gross earnings of $1,208,284, an Increase of expenses of 8759.885. and aa increase of net earnings of 8448.309) tbe lines of tbe Philadelphia and Reading railroad (tbe great anthracite ooal-road) a net increase of 81,340,000 for tbe same period. Tbe latest published statement of tbe Brie Railway Company shows a net inornate of 8561.000. Tlie Baltimore and Ohio Railroad Company shpwa a net increaw of 8033.000 for tbe first ton months of its current fiscal year, beginning m October laat. It la estimated that mote than a 1.000 miles of railroad track have already boon laid this year in the United States—a greater mileage than in tbe same period in any year since 1878. Workers in iron and steel find their besinras recovering so rapidly from its great denreeeioe that they are unable to fill their orders, and their annual production is likely soon to sums* tbe bigheet figures ever reached. Tbe building of ban steamships in snoeeaefal oompeti Uoa with Europe is fully established on the Delaware. Our ooitoa factories are again all at work aod running ou. full time, Our mines of precious ■steals are innreaeing Utetr product, and It mainly stays at heaae. Oar manufactures go ebraM more

SUPPLE UL E N* T .

thaa ever before; ear etrrrenev is exchangeable at aar in ths markets of tho world with tho moaov of tho world;, sad. finally, aad mast important, tbs demand fee labor ha* increased nnd la increasing It extends to oo t-a mills, iron aad glass works, n» chine shops, brick-making, building, tbo clothing trade, aad aoariy all branehos ot industry. Tho Philadelphia Record, on the authority ot a wallknown statistician. states that there are twenty thousand mors laborers employed la that city than

DOMESTIC KXFOnTS. Ysines of tho principal commodities of domestic production, tho exportation of which greatly increased truss Jane 30, 1863, to June 30. 1878. Yslne exported daring tho yeer In e ro a so is CoMMODinsa. ended June 30— 1879 eVO r ' ■ , —.—■ ■ 1868. 1868. 1878. Agricultural implements —....- *673.381 82,933,388 *3 260007 Animals, 1iving........................................... 7*3,898 11.487,734 10,754,359 Bread and breadstuff* 69.0*4.069 210,885,8*8 141.831.469 Coal T. % ?! 1,516,220 2,819.898 803.178 Copper snd'brass, and manufactures of. notlncludtng cop- • _ „ ro . ... per ore 496,329 3,031.924 2,535.595 Cotton manufactures of. 4,871 064 10.858.950 5.982.896 FroltJ. 406,512 1,91*882 1,509,870 Ires and steal, and manufactures of, exclusive of firearms, bat* Including scales sad balances, sewing machines and flreengines - 5.491.806 12.766.294 7.274.983 Leather of all kiada. 607.105 6 800.070 6.192.965 Miners! oil illuminating 19.752 143 85 999.862 16.247,719 Provisiona/..... . ”7.7. 30.486.642 116 858.650 86 423.006 Sugar, refined.... 313.878 & 164.024 5.850.646 Tallow 2.540,227 6.934.940 • 4.394.713 Total. 136661,751 1 428,422,164 291.560,413 VALDES OV CURTAIN DOMESTIC RX PORTO. Comparative statement ot the values of certain articles of aomeoMo production exported from tho United State* during tho fiscal years ended Jnae 30. 1873. 1876, and 1379. ' Fiscal ysnr ended June 80— g-5 3 la amass In 5 * AEncLß* 1876. 1 3 1873.. 1776. 1879. V : o Indian corn *23.704.604 833.265.280 840.655.120 87.389.840 22/2 Wheat a. 51.452.254 68,382,899 130.701.079 62,318.180 91.1 Wheat flour.. * ~ 19 381.664 24.433,470 29,567.713 5,134.243 81. Cotton manufactured (colored and un- . • colored l 2,262.028 6,770,200 * 497.416 2,727.216 40.8 Railroad bars 104.054 57.109 233.514 176,405 808.9 Locomotives 952.655 561.559 567.302 5,743 1.0 Mineral oil. illuminating 37,195.735 28.755.638 35.999.862 7,244,224 25.2 Bacon and hams 35.022.137 39 664 456 51.074 433 11.409.977 28.8 Beef, fresh and salted 2,447, *Bl 3.186.304 7.219,458 4,033 154 126.6 Batter - 952.919 1.109.496 5.421 205 4,311.709 388.6 Cheese 10.498 010 12.270.093 12.579.968 859 885 2 5 Lard .; 21,245,815 22.429.495 22 856.673 427 188 1.9 Sugar, refined ...; 1.142.824 5.552 597 6.164 024 611.437 11.0 Tobacco, leaf 22.689.135 22,737.383 25 157.364 2.419.981 10.6 Indian com, bushels 38 541.930 49.493,572 86.296.252 36.802.680 74.4 Wheat, bushels 39.204.285 55.073,122 122.333.938 67.280.814 122.2 Wheal flour, barrels.... 2,562,086 3,935,512 5,629,714 1.694,202 43.0 Cotton, manufactured (colored and uUcolored), yards 13,774,774 75,807,481 129,197,377 53,389,896 70.4 Locomotives. No Railroad bars, pounds 2.832,592 2.244,704 14.097.583 11,852.879 528.0 Mineral oil. Illuminating, gallons 158.102,414 204.814.673 331.586,442 126,771.769 619 Bao«n and hams, pounds. 395.381.737 327,730.172 732.249.576 404.319 404 123 4 Best, fresh snd salted, pound* 81.605,196 36.596.150 90.976.393 54.380.245 148 6 Butter, pounds : 4.518.844 4.644 894 38.248.016 33.603 122 - 723.4 Cheese, pounds 80.360 549 97,676.264 141.654 474 43.978,210 45.0 Lard, pounds 230.534.207 168 405,839 326.658.686 158.252.847 94.0 Sugar, refined, pounds. 9.870.738 51.840,977 72 309.009 20.469.032 39.5 Tobacco, leaf, pounds 213,995.476 218,310.265 322,279,540 103.969.275 47.6 ‘ IMPORTS. Values of lbs principal commodities of foreign production, ths importation of whiob greatly decreased from Jane 30. 1873. te June 30. 1879. Value imported daring ths ysnr ended June 30— De*re*se of COMMODITlES. - «”»• .isriSn. Watches snd watoh-movem’ts and materials *3,274.825 6812,582 *02u,599 $2,354,226 Textiles! Cotton, manufactures of (not Including bosiery, shirts and drawers) h 29,752.118* 14 398791$ 14.930 975$ 14.821. t4l Flax, manufactures of 20.428,391 14,413,600 14.693.842 5.734 549 Silk, manufactures of 29.890,035 19,837.972 24.013.398 5,876.637 Clothing (Including hosiery, shirts snd drawers of ootton snd wool) 8,496.993 6,540,587 6.560.456 1,936,537 Wool and msnufactares of • Un manufactured : * 20.433,938 8,363.015 5,034.555 15399383 Carpets 4.388,25/ 398.389 367 105 4 021 152 Dress-goods. 19,447.797 12.055,806 12,436.861 7,010.936 Other mannfsetures of (not Inoloding hosiery, shirts and drawers) 26.626,721 12.198.037 11.158.030 15,468.601 Total textiles .” 159,464,248 88,201,197 89.195.222 70.269.026 Iren and steel, snd manufactures of: Pie-iron 97.293.769 $1,250,057 $1 924 128 $5,279,641 Bar. boiler, band, boop, scroti snd sheet-iron 7,477,556 1,627,052 1,378.976 6,098.580 Anchors, cables, obsins, castings, hardware, machinery, old and scrsp-ir&n 9.416.263 920,790 845 366 8 570 927 Railroad bars or mils ~ 19,740.702 530 78 257 19 662 446 Steel ingots, bars, sheets and wire 4,156.234 1.220.037 1.281.942 2 873 292 Fire-arms, files, ontlery. saws and t 0015..... 4.093,097 1.629 061 1846 626 2 216 471 All other manufactures or. . 7.221.801 2.41U.105 2,091.853 5 129 948 Total iron and eteel 59.308.452 9.057,632 9*447 148 49 881,304 Copper and manufactures of (not including > ' ' copper 0re).... $3 687.096 $371,518 $294,707 $3,392,389 Lead, and manufactures of ....... 3.247.153 361 894 64 340 3 182 813 Leather of all kinds..... 6.766,202 8,784,729 3,667,564 3,098.638 India-rubber and- guttapercha, manufactures of 900.187 242.564 174 137 726.050 Tea 24,466.170 15.660.168 14.577.618 9 888 552 - " ' Grand total 261.114.333 118.492 284 118.341.385 142,772 998

With these authentic and significant foots and figures before ns, we may reasonably assume that tbe country has entered agalu upon a period of bnsineai prosperity. The Interesting questions now are, have the good times come to stay! What can we do in private aud In public affairs to prolong the period of prosperity, and to mitigate the severity or bard times when they again retain! The prospects are now bright, but all experience teaches that tbe wheel of hnraan affairs, always turning.* brings around those tremendous events oalted financial panics, if not with regularity, at any rate with certainty. The writer of an intelligent article in one of the monthlies says: ‘'Pantos, It has been observed, recur about every twenty years in this country, and almost every ten years in England.” Tbe explanation of this is not difficult to discover. - In good times tbe tendency is to extravagance, to speculation, and to running in debt. Many spend more than they earn, and the balance of trade soou beginto ran against communities and individuals. When this has continued until the buslne-s ot the oountry is loaded down with debts, a financial crisis is inevitable, and only waits for “the last straw.” If this view is oorrect, ths wav to meet the dangerous tendencies of flash times is plain. Let two of Doctor Franklin's homely proverbs be strictlv observed by individuals and by communities. One is: "Never five beyond your means;” and tbe other is Ilk* unto it. namely—" Pay aa you go.” It is easy to see that, if these old maxima of tbe philosophy of common sense could have general practical acceptance, the period of good times would be greatly prolonged, and the calamities of hard times would be vastly diminished. There can be no great finaooial crisis' without large indebtedness; and the distress which It brings is in proportion to the extent of the extravagance, speculation, and consequent indebtedness whioh have caused It Those who are oat of debt euffer least. Where tbe debts are heaviest the calamity is heaviest Bnt kls of pabllo indebtedness, and especially of tbe debts of towns snd cities, thst I wish tossy a few words. Tbs prsetloe of creating publio debts, as it prevails in this country, especially in municipal government, baa long attracted very serious attention. It la a great and growing evU. States, whose good name and- credit have been hitherto untarnished, are threatened with repudiation. Many towns and cities hava reached a point where they must soon fsco the same peril. I do not now wish to discuss the mischiefs of repudiation. My purpose ia merely to make a few suggestions aa to the beat way to avoid repudiation. Bat, in passing, let me observe: Experience in thtb country has shown that no Bute or community can. nnder any ciron instances, gain by repudiation. Tbe tepndiators themselves cannot afford It. Tbe oommnnky that deliberately refuses oorovMe for Ha honest debts losesd Its good name and shuts the door to all hope of future prosperity. It demoralises and degrades all olaaaee of Its dti eees. Capital and labor and good people will not go to such communities, but will sagely leave them. If I thought my words oould influence any ot my countrymen who are so unfortunate as to be compelled to consider this question, I would say, let no good eitiaea be laduoed by any prospect of advantage to himself or to bis party to take a single step towards repudiation. Let him aet his taee like flint against tip first dawning of so attempt to enter upon that downward pathway. It hn been well said that tbe most expensive way for a community to get rid of its honest debts is repudiation. Returning to tbe subject of municipal debts, U is not alone those that live la towns and cities who are interqeted In tbelr wise and economical government, All who trad* with their cUiseos, all who buy of them- ail who sell to them—ln a word, the whole of the laboring and producing ciaases—most bear a share of their hardens. Ths taxes collected In the city find their wav luto tbs price-lists of what Is bought of and sold to tbs formers snd laborers ia tho country. Ou tbe questions of debt and taxation tbs dwellers of tbe eity sad loose who habitually deal with them form together one community aad have a common interest. Tbe nSoal anumeat in favor of creating a city <Vebt is. that the proposed building or improvmneat to not for this generation alone, bnt la also for tho benefit of posterity, and. therefore, posterity ought to help to pay for (a This reasoning will not bear examination. Bach ceaentio* has its own demands upon its perse, It should aet be called on to pay for the oast-off garments of its ancestors. Tbe anpllaaeaa aad structure* wbich our ancestors provided for water, light, stroma, parka eraetertee, lor potting-Mt flroa. for noiie*. for locomotion, for iduoatiun, aad for lha thousand other necessities es

there were a year ag*. Oar exports Mr tas year 1878 aamated ts $710.439.44L aad tbs excess es experts ever Imparts was $364.661.681, both soma being greater thaa ih say piwrteaa v. ar. Tbs following tables show ths rapid advenes oar farmers aad manufacturers are making is supplying both ths foreign ami tbs boaae markets. Thar ware prepared by Mr. Joseph Nimmo, Jr., ths tahtmohisf of the borsan of staHatice of tbs Treasury Dapjut-

olty life, would nob be well salted to the testes, habits, and wants of onr day. This generation must have steam fire-engines and water-work snd its taxes vers do not want to be called upon to pay for tbe cisterns, the flre-bnoketa, aad the pumps of thirty years ago. Municipal borrowing is the parent of waste, profit, gacy, 'and corrupt ion. Money that comes easily goes easily. In this career of reckless extravagance, cities bnild and bur what theytdo not need, and pay for what they get, for more than it ia worth. I adopt tbe words of tbe valnsblo report of thr Pennsylvania commission appointed to neriae a plan tor the government of cities. To sum it up, it too often happens that “the men who authorise tbe contracts are substantially the men who profess to perform them. Tbe men who fix the prloee are substantially the men who receive the pay for performing the labor, and the men who issue ths bonds are tha men who receive the money.” The magnitude and the growth of this evil are shown by statistics with which ths pabllo ere fbmilisr, Ido not choose to detain yon by rapes tin z them in detail.

OLD TECUMP' TALKS.

Chicago, September 16.—A Times special from Salisbury, N. C„ says a grand reunion of tbe survivors of the Confederate and Federal armies has been arranged to take place there on the 3d of October. Invitations were sent to both armies. Lieutenant-general P. H. Sheridan politely declined, on eooonnt of preseing business engagements. He expressed bis hope of the success of tbe movement. General W. T. Sberraan wrote a letter which has created no little exoitement. The letter is as follows: “The tune is too remote for me to make a promise; but I assure you tbat it would be most agreeable to me personally aad socially to meet you on any suitable occasion. There is no use of my minolng terms. Whenever and wherever the honest men of North Carolina seek to allay sectional and ,party animosities and to cultivate feelings of fraternal respect for their fellow eittzens of the United States. H will be to me most tempting to come to Salisbury. I would far prefer to come alone than as berore, with a vast army, leaving desolation behind; bat I must not be' construed as assenting to tbe proposition that Confederates nod Union men were alike worthy of a celebration for the terrible history of 186165. I would much prefer to eotne on some oivie ocean ion, when all are absolutely equal—all alike interested in tbe present and future gtorv of our common oountry. There were few Union soldiers in North Carolina daring the war, though wo believe the people generally were opposed to secession; and I will say that your meeting, it confined to tho surviving soldiers of North Carolina, will be in foot e Confederate reunion, where I would oertainly be out of piece. ‘‘All soldiers ia tbetr social reunions glorify their deeds of heroism, aad this reunion will bardtv be an exception; aqd it would be a strange sight for General Sherman to cheer tne victories of his enemies, aod respond to tbe claim that because tbe soldiers of North Carolina wore brave, and true to their State and section, their cause was as sacred as ours, which finally triumphed, and made our Union more glorious ana more resplendent than before. Were I present, aad you should suppress this natural feeling, I would feel myaelf an - intruder, marring the natural happiness of a festive oooaeion. I know that the soldier element was tbe first to lay aside angry partisan feelings of the war. and are now leaders in tbe now epoch whioh is sure to add wealth and prosperity to our whole' country; and whoa some oeeaaion arises when we may all meet on ootemoo ground in North Carolina to celebrate some re volution ary event, or to encourage aom* modern enterorise, it will give me greet pleasure to ooiee to Salisbury, to Raleigh, to G .Ilford Courthouse, er aay ether place la tho Old North State.”

The Weeili Indiana State Journal For 1879 and 1880. [[ ! » , , • * | s , j 't - _ - , . ’ I j - *\j' - - r i I ‘ L . . ! •' , .. : ;1 v- j 4 ALWAYS REPUBLICAN, ALWAYS TRUTHFUL, i M ■ / ALWAYS NEWSY, ■ '■ . ■ m '\ . ' ’ t" ' | : ff".'. 1 ! 1 ■■ ■■■■-"" 1 ■ *, * j • THE BEST PAPER FOR THE MMTS. The Best for the Farmer, AND THE BEST FOE THE TEADESMAN. ■ J t .". ’' . |. . ■j . _ - _ . ■ -■-<* •/' - ' j. | ' • j It presents by the following PROSPECTUS the Greatest Inducement ever offered to Newspaper Readers: 7 The publishers of the Indianapolis Journal have now in press - " : -k , ‘ The Journal Atlas, 1 ' ■ L A. COMPLETE • * / .1 Political HaMM of Indiana for 1880. 4 ' IT CONTAINS: •

First—A perfect map of Indiana, giving the legislative apportionment for Senators ana Representatives in colors. Second —Thirteen maps, being one each of the thirteen Congressional districts of the Stale, townships in colors and names oftownships, towns, railroads and riven distinctly given. Third—The vote by townships and precincts of each county in the State, for Governor and momijers of Congress for 1876, and Secretary of State and member* of Congress for 1878. j , Fourth—The Presidents of the United States and their cabinet ministers front the organization of the government down to 1879. Fisth —The electoral vote cast for all the Presidents from Washington to Hayes, and the vote to which each State is now entitled in the.election of President Sixth—The salaries of all the government officials from the President down to the clerk in the various departments, including the diplomatic and consular service. Seventh —The pnblio debt, the receipts and disbursements, the exports and imports of the end of each fiscal year from the organization of the government op to 1879, and the indebtedness of each State in the Union at this time. Eighth—The Chief Jnstices and the Associate Justices of the United State* Court from the organization of the government down to 1879. Ninth —The names and dates of all the battles fought in the war of the rebellion. • Tenth—The number of soldiers in the standing armies of all principal nations in the world. t Eleventh—The Governors, Lientenant-govemors, and State officials of Indiana from the organization of the government ap to date. • Twelfth—The judges, clerks and reporters of the Snpreme Court of Indiana, from the organization of court, and tho time of holding the several courts of the State as now fixed by law. Thirteenth—The Senators and Representative* in Congress, from Indiana, from' the organization of the government to date. f Fourteenth—Tlie name, post-office address and politics of each judge, prose-cuting-attorney and county officer in the Btate of Indiana. Fifteenth —The name and postoffice address of the chairman and secretary of tho Republican Central Committee of each county in the State. Sixteenth—The apportionment of the State for legislative purposes, and dm vote cast by each political party in each Senatorial and Representative district in 1878. > Seventeenth—A statistical table showing facts in each county in the State, towit: Present population, number of acres of land, iss«ssed value of land, assessed value of improvements, assessed value of personal property, rate of taxation, amount paid into school fund, amount received from school fund, number of hog*, * horses, rattle, sheep, mules, bushels of wheat, bnshels of com and bnshels of oat* produced annually, with the estimated value of all the products of each comity ror the rear 1879. Eighteenth—A large amount of other political and business information which cannot be here enumerated. The Journal Atlas is one of the moat complete compilations of political H business frets ever published. It will be given away to each annnal subscriber to the “Weekly Indiana State Journal” until the Presidential election of 1880, at the regular price of $1.50 per year. Postage will be prepaid on both paper and Journal Atlas. It is the most valuable nnd expensive premium ever offeted to a single yearly subscriber by anv newspaper in the government. There is no better newspaper for an Indiana man than the Weekly Indiana State JournaL In the great Presidential contest of 1880, the Weekly Journal and the Journal Atlas will bf> the most valnable aids to the intelligent voter. All subscriptions made after this date at sl-50 will mn until after the Presidential election, and the subscriber will receive by mail, postage prepaid, the Journal Atlas AH subscribers to the Weekly Jonrnal at sl-50 may elect to take any one es toe folio wingval liable premiums, to-wit: The map of Indiana, published by the Jonrnal in 1878. The map of the United States, published by the Journal in 187 T. The Life of 0. P- Morton, published by the Journal in 1878. The Jonrnal Artqq and Political Handbook of Indiana, published by toe Journal in 1879. The pries single subscription to the Weekly Journal for one year without premium will be M 35. In clubs of ten and upwards, one year, per copy, without premium 81.00. Single subscription one year with premham, $1.50. In clubs of ten and upward* one oopy one year with premium, $1.35. . The above prioes are invariable. We pay a cash commission to agents, and give special premiums to those raising the largest dub to the Journal For infoiSl? tion persons wishing to act as agents, will be supplied by private Circulars*and specimen copies of the paper. AJJ remittances should be made by Drafts dir pStofflee MonevOrder, if possible, and where neither of these can be DrocurS oSS* the money in a Registered Letter. AH Postmaster, are ££ste?TeS« when jested todo, and the system is an absolute proteSSonngXttowSbr maiL Give fall address, postoffloe, county add State. Addmnn * “ . E. B. MARTINDALE & 00.,,