Rensselaer Union, Volume 11, Number 31, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 17 April 1879 — More Congressional Intimidation. [ARTICLE]

More Congressional Intimidation.

The general Democratic programme has become pretty familiar to Hie public, and the notion taken by the House on the Army bill, along with the radical utterances of Randolph Tucker and others during the debate, indicates a desperate purpose to carry it out to the end. The Washington, Herald, which is understood to represent the extremo Bourbon element in Congress, supplements the projected destruction of tho Election law with some further schemes that are oontemplated. It appears, to start with, that a refusal to vote supplies is not the only extra-Constitutional method which the Democrats propose to adopt for the coercion of the President into a surrender of the veto power. It is now suggested that, as the oonsent of the Senate is necessary to the Executive appointments, the Democratic majority in that body should refuse to oonfirm any of the President’s nominations till he indicate a willingness to sign the obnoxious bills. This suggestion is thoroughly Democratic. To the mind of the average Democrat the enjoyment of office is the sole aim of political life, and any action likely to abridge this privilege is naturally regarded as the most effective weapon for either defense or attack. The theory of the Democratic politicians, echoed by the Herald, is that favored applicants for offices in the gift of the President will set up such a howl, when they find that they are excluded because tho President will not,yield to the dictation of the Democratic majority in Congress, as will induce Mr. Hayes to abandon his principles and sacrifice the public welfare to. their selfish clamor. The history and character of Democratic politicians warrant the assumption that this would be the case if the relative position of the two parties were just the reverse of what they are. But there is not much danger that either President Hayes or his advisers will yield to so base an influence, whatever the attitude of the office-seekers may be. This sort of pressure was tried upon the President to a limited extent in the case of the New York appointments, but in vain. If the President was not willing to abandon his position in regard to a single branch of the public service in order to gain the ready confirmation of his appointments, it is not probable that he will surrender the principles of his life, the tenets of his party, and the welfare of the country to this selfish purpose. Beside, the Democrats will not be able in this way to embarrass the Administration as much as they seem to imagine. President Hayes has been in office two years. During that time he has probably fixed the personnel of the public service as satisfactorily to himself as he hopes to have it; there will be little occasion for any changes except in the case of vacancy by death or resignation, or on account of actual maladministration, and, if the Senate refused to confirm his appointments in such cases, the blame for the resulting injury to the Government’s interests will be upon the majority of that body, and not upon the President. He can afford as well as any other citizen to share the damage that will be done.

That intimidation is the main reliance of the Democrats in their effort to reimpose State Sovereignty upon the country is further evident from another suggestion made by the Herald. This is to the effect that Congress shall improve the time, pending the President’s consideration of the obnoxious political legislation, to mature and pass a bill taxing incomes. This is a blow aimed at the capital of the country, and is designed to create a pressure among the prosperous and provident people for the approval of the Democratic political measures. It is tantamount to saying to these classes: “If you will induce tho President to sign our bills for the emasculation of the Election law and the negation of National Sovereignty, we will adjourn, and make the business of the country no further trouble; if you fail to do "this, we shall puni|ih you by reviving, in a time of peace and returning prosperity, the most inquisitorial ana burdensome of all the wartaxes.” It is not necessary now to dwell upon the manifold objections to an income-tax as a permanent means of revenue. They are well known to business men everywhere, and thoroughly understood even by the demagogues who advocate such a .scheme. Its revival at this time is in the nature of a threat, but the threat will not work out its aim, because the classes thus threatened have good reason to believe that, even if the democratic project for the repeal of the Election law be approved, the imposition of an income tax and a corresponding reduction of the taxes on whisky and tobacco will be one of the first measures proposed at the regular session of the Democratic Congress. It will be a matter for surprise if Congress shall not throw open its doors to general legislation at this extra session. Mr. Carlisle is reported as saying that Congress will adjourn after passing the Appropriation hills, whether the President approve them or not. This is not likely, for there are enough conservative men among the majority to oppose this last step in the conspiracy until it shall become absolutely necessary. If adjournment should bo enacted without passing the Appropriation bills, the President would probably conceive it to be his duty to call another extra session. During all this time it will be difficult to hold Congress down to the Appropriations and political bills laid out for this extra session; and, if miscellaneous legislation be admitted at all, there will be a perfect avalanche of bills, with a preference given to those which threaten the business interests.— Chicago Tribune. (' '