Rensselaer Union, Volume 10, Number 50, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 29 August 1878 — THE LABOR INVESTIGATION. [ARTICLE]

THE LABOR INVESTIGATION.

The Congressional Labor Committee resumed its semion in Now York, on the 21st. W. Godwin Moody, of Boston, was the first witness. He said he could not discover that there was any conflict in the theory between capital anil lalior, but he found tiiat there was an artificial conflict between them, growing out of a misconception of the relations between them by Ixith parties. The direct cause*, he thought, were that the tailoring clas-es could not understand whv tin- capitalists could tie in atll nenes and they in poverty. He had no sympathy with the hostility against capital on the part of lalxir. One was. to a great extent, dependent on the other. He believed that in Massachusetts they were living in as much harmony as they could in the present condition of things. Witness continued at sopie length, but even under crowM'xamination nothing practicable was stated. Herliert Radcliffe. Agent for the Business Improvement Society of ltot4on. advocated a reduced tariff, and submitted statistics regarding trade in Massachusetta. Prof. Sumner; Professor of Political and Social Science in Yale poJlege, was the first witness, on the 22d. He directed attention to the fact that within the last few years the means cf transportation and communication became greater, and by these means overproduction was the consequence, and had ms»de a revolution over the whole world. He said that when the Suez Canal was first opened, goods came much quicker and canned a glut in the English market —new goods accumulating on each of the old—but this glut had now been overcome. Within the last quarter of a century there had lieen a great improvement in machinery of all kinds, and. taking the accumulated effect of these machines, they must produce a temporary set-back. This effect would reach everybody, for the effect that machinery would have would be to cheapen luxuries, and bring down things to the poor classes which a century ago they never thought of. Machinery had been a great good to the masses, thowgii in cases of individuals and classes it had woraed then: evil. If the United States had had a free.tariff in 1872, tiie country might have been able to compete with England when the coal and iro» trade was being carried on to a great extent. The laborer in the United States, at the present time, is not haying as good a time or as good subsisteiice as the laborer in .England. In this country there were twelve people to the mile, and in Belgium there were 460 persons to the mile, and the latter lived fairly. He did not think a revolution would cause a change in this respect. The people of the whole country, since 1873. had been trying to solidify and settle their accounts. During the last five years many persons had accumulated capital by reducing expenditures. He thought legislation could do nothing for this stagnation in labor. Every person must work along the best way he could. We had heard a great deal lately about overproduction. When there was this disproportionate production, witness thought it was due to the protective system. The tariff congested population in some districts to where it would not otherwise nzve been attracted. The only way to remedy this waa the redistribution of people among the industries of the country. This redistribution was going bn under its natural laws. He was not in favor of the Government colonizing lands, but found no fault with private orgauiartions doing so from a spirit of benevolence. The only way in which the Government could assist the noncapitalist in the accumulation of capital was to give the greatest amount of privileges in using his liberties and energies for production, and by removing the restrictions on trade and leaving him free to profit by the fruits of his industry. Prof. Sumner spoke for a long time, and was listened to attentively. William E. Dodge, iron merchant, appeared in his official capacity as President of the National Temperance Society, and claimed that the use of intoxicating liquors waa one of the causes of the present condition of the laboring cla«ses. This distress in tabor might be relieved to some extent by the modification of the tariff, and action of the Government in the matter of resumption of specie rayments. He never knew capital to be so abundant as now; but there was great difficulty in using it jn business. Another factor in alleviating this distress would be legislation in the matter of the liquor traffic. Other officers of the National Temperance So ■ciety appeared, after which the Committee adjourned.

Hor ace White was called by the Committee, on the 23d, and stated that he had studied the financial question, and had paid a great deal of attention to it when he was a journalist and since he retired from journalism. He thought , the present commercial crisis is only one of a series that have occurred among Nations for the past 200 years, and they have been preceded by nunpant speculations. In 1873 he thought speculations in railroads had a great deal to do in !. causing the depression which existed. There was enormous speculation in lands all over the •country. The prices of real estate multiplied beyond anything in the recollection of the witness. The obligations incurred by the building of these railroads and the purchase of real estate caused rmany parties to become insolvent. The condition of the currency had not increased this state of things, the witness thought. He found that ttiese periods of crisis came upon Nations, no i satter whether the currency was gold or paper, llhe speculative era which existed from 1869 to 1873. the witness thought, had something to do with the present condition of affairs. Over-pro-duction by machinery had contributed to decrease business, by producing more than there was a demand for, and prices fell accordingly. He did not think that the introduction of machinery bad produced this speculative era and the collapse which followed it. He did not think that a protective tariff would raise the wages of the working people. It might raise the price of some of the commodities to be bought. Protective, tariffs 1 would stimulate some branches cf business and lead capital to some extent into it. Witness said be did not think the wages of the laboring classes had been decreased by competition between countries in producing and exporting. The . wages of the laboring classes had been greatly increased during the past 200 years. About the middle-men question,the witness said that a great many of these had been driven out of business, and went into bankruptcy because they were unnecessary. He said that business was injured to a great extent by a protective tariff. It stimulated some manufactures, if it was properly laid down. The accumulation of capital has been so irreat that we had to go elsewhere to spend it. had more capital than we could employ. The limitation in the hours of labor should not Ire made the subject of legislation. The main object of the Government was to prevent murders, robi'ieries and all deeds of violence. An abridgement of the hours of labor would transfer a part of the wages of the employed to the unemployed, Every legislative attempt to transfer capital from the nch to the poor has resulted in thin way—that the rich became richer and the poor poorer. He aid not think that the proceeds of the sales of the public lands could be - used by the Government for colonization purposes. He did not think the surplus population in cities would be content to live on lands in the West, and did not suppose that they could be drawn there with a yoke of oxen; and,- if taken there, they would not stay on the lands. The witness thought the working classes would be better off under free trade than under a tariff system. Charles F. Adams, Jr., of Quincy, Mass., was called, and spoke of railroad construction, and said excessive construction led to the present depression in business. '1 he railroad manager had nothing to do with the construction of railroads, and so had nothing to do with causing the depression. He did not see how legislation eould help or remedy the present depression. The railroad system was engnped in a ruinous competition, and this led to two points—one was violent fluctations and discrimination against localities. He thought this could only be remedied by equalizing rates and fares. He doubted if it would be advantageous to have the Federal Government apply remedies to railroad troubles. He thought the manner in which |he English railroads were run would soon be adopted in this country. That manner was “bands off. Let the railroads take care of themselves, and consolidate on any measure they may desire. The Federal Government could not supervise the railroad rates; at least it could not be done at present. He was of opinion that Federal supervision of railroads might be cautiously begun in a short time. If any change had taken place in the power of railroads over legislation within the post few years 'he thought it had slightly diminished. He was not prepared to say that the establishment of Government Commission to supervise railroads would alleviate the depression in labor. He did not suppose it would be feasible for the Government to purchase railroads or become possessed of them. Witness stated he believed Mr. Ven derbilt would have done better to have only at - tended to local business, and left the through business to take care of itself.

A wag of a pickpocket was arrested in Washington, a day or two ago for practicing Ms art on one of the foreign Legations. “ What have you to say in Salliation of your offense?” asked the udge. “ I did it in pursuance of aduty, sir.” “By what process of reasoning do you arrive at that conclusion F’ “Well, sir, we deem it to lie purely in the line of our rob legations.”— Yonkers (N. K) Gazette. a . Farmers' daughters should be taught to be good housekeepers, while their sons are taught to be good husbandpien.—Jf, Q. Picayune,