Rensselaer Union, Volume 9, Number 2, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 28 September 1876 — THE BOYS IN BLUE. [ARTICLE]

THE BOYS IN BLUE.

area* iuxt EmUHMiMtie OatbertM «T UWIMI istelsrs at Mrtlaa<qpoM£B|» eqaeat aad Patriotic Hemarke. Imuiawafolib, Sept. 90. The feltv U fun to overflowing with boys in blue, and every train thatamves brings additional delegations from all sections of the country. During the night and this morning large delegations have arrived from New York city, Cleveland, Cincinnati, Columbus, Philadelphia, Harrisburg, Pittsburgh, Allegheny City, Baltimore, Washington, Chicago, Louisville, and from the States of Illinois, Missouri, New Jersey, Wisconsin, Indiana, Texas, Michigan and other States. Seventeen States are represented. Advices have been received of a large number yet to arrive during to-night and by the early trains. ADDRESS BY SENATOR MORTON. At three o’clock the veterans assembled in Circle Park, and were called to order by Gen. Spooner. After prayer by Chaplain A. C. Allfen, and music by the Lombard Glee Club, Senator Morton made the address of welcome as follows:

SMierttf Ulf. Union: Tome has been assigned the grateful duty of bidding you welcome to the State of Indiana and to her Capital. Every Indiana soldier bids you welcome. Every true heart blds yon welcome. To the men who saved the Nation by their valor upon the field of battle we owe a debt of love and gratitude which we can never repay. To refuse to manifest this love because it might be offensive to our eneinies, would be alike unwise, unpatriotic and unjust. It would indeed be a poor encouragement to patriotism in our future National troubles if we should now Ignore the de'enders of the Nation for the purpose of conciliating those who have been its enemies. I know we are told that the time has come when we ought to forget which army a man lias served in; that we ought to forget whether he wore the blue or the gray: that we ought to ignore all distinctions between loyalty and disloyalty; to put all upon the same platform; to blot out all differences between the two, whether in law or in politics. To do this we should be required not only to display the grossest Ingratitude of which a free people could be guilty, but to strike the word “Loyalty” from the Pension laws, from all the laws for toe payment of claims, to put all upon an absolute equality, whatever may have been their merits or their crimes in the past. For us to forgive those who have lately been in rebellion is one thing; but to place them in positions of trust and power is another thing. We have forgiven those who have been in rebellion, the erring men of the South, but it docs not follow in reason, in justice or in wi-dom that we should place in their hands the control of the Government and give to them a distinction and a consideration which should belong to its defenders. I hope, my friends, ttiat this reunion will be to you a season of rejoicing. I hope that you will all go away from here feeling that It was “good to have been here;” that the chain of mendship which was first linked together in the camp, on the march, on the field of battle, will bo brightened. Many of your comrades are lying in Southern graves; many are fallen by the wayside from year to year, and in a few years none will be left; but as you pass down the declivity of time, hand in hand, to find honored graves, may the love and gratitude of the Nation, may the choicest blessing of heaven and of earth attend you. I am surrounded to-day by distinguished soldiers who have written their names high upon the scroll of fame. Their voices will come back to you like familiar echoes from the far-off fields in the South, where you first heard them amid the crash of battle, as they cheered you on to victory. My friends, grateful for the opportunity of welcoming you to the State of Indiana, rejoicing in my heart to be in your presence, I now retire, that you may hold sweet converse with your old comrades in arms. [Great and long-con-tinued applause.] I have the honor to present to you Gen. Garfield, a distinguished soldier and a distinguished statesman.

GEN. GARFIELD’S REPLY. At the conclusion of Gov. Morton’s speech, Gen. Garfield addressed the assemblage as follows: Comrades: You have heard the welcome extended to you by the late Governor of Indiana. It was fitting that he should welcome you, who commissioned and sent so many of you out to the field in the days of our great war. It was fitting that you should come here and meet him as you left him, to go out and save the flag and the Nation from destruction, and you have asked me to tell him that we have come here as members of a great Organisation, called together first for social purposes, and second to express our opinions as citizens socially. We meet to recall the old memories and principles formed in the day of battle, memories green forever with the glory of war and the victories which war brought In that capacity we meet to greet' each other, to look again into each other’s faces, to remember the struggles through which we have passed, and to express our love for each other in the life we are yet to live. But our second purpose is not less marked. When we were soldiers we never ceased to be citizens. It was as citizens that we went forth to act as soldiers, until citizenship became honored throughout the Republic. [Cheers.] We fought to. make citizenship universal. [Cries of “Right,” “ Right? J We fought to make citizenship equal, [cries of “Right,” “ Right”] wherever the flag flies, and when we had made it bath-equal and universal, we returned to share It and enjoy, it [Cries of “ Good,” “ Good.”] And in doing that we lost no rights of citizenship becauso we had been soldiers, and coming back into our old homes, the duty of old citizens requires us to help choose our rulers. We have met here to-day on a special call of the National Committee to express our opinions in regard to the great choice that Is to be made of our rulers In this Centennial year. It is the second object of our great gathering in this city, and to that Object we shall devote ourselves to-day and to-morrow. That is right We shall talk to each other and to our fellowcitizens, with the utmost freedom, abont the policy that ought to govern us, and the men that ought to be appointed as the embodiment ot that policy. [Cheers.] The Nation has again honored you ail by offering for candidate to its highest office your old comrade and friend Rutherford B. Hayes, [Great cheering.] Weiiave come together to send him our greeting and our cheer, and to assure him that the old confidence we felt in him in the days of peril is no less than that we feel for him in our hearts to day. [Cheers.] That’s it And now, soldiers-let me say a word more in this direction. You are every day met with the word, spoken at all the street corners bya class of men in this Republic, that “We ought to let bygones be bygones;” [a voice~-‘‘ Never”]; that we ought never to revive nor remember the Seat events of the war through which we ve passed. If that was a mere war of brute force and nothing else, then I agree we ought to forget the war. Prize-fighters go out into the ring to fight to see who can pound the hardest, and which can stand the moat punishment, and when one has given it up there Is no resaon why they should not shake hands, for they never had any principle at the bottom of their fighting [laughter]; out our war was not a prize-fight of bullies. It was not a brutal struggle to see who was the strongest. Ideas fight more than men, and every one of you who went out into battle, went under the inspiration of an idea, sacred, deep, high, far-reaching—an idea that mast triumph. We never know until long after a war is over which idea has triumphed. The battle may not always be with the conquering flag. The cause that appeared lost on the field may yet be won in the forum of history, and therefore, as you believe in the sacred justice of the cause you fought as soldiers, so you will stand around it as citizens, guarding that cause until it is carried and fixed forever in history as a great morel truth. [Cheers.] We propose to stand guard around the war and the victrriee of the war, not to awaken any bitter mem-

ories; not to keep alive any hostility, Bor do any discredit to any human being, but to do etereal and immortal credit to the truths of the victory we won. That is what we meat for to day [cheers], and to-day, fellow-cW-seas, we are confronted in our American politics with a united South, made up, root and branch, in its great majority, of those who fought against ns in the field. To this united South we respond with the better name of the United States [great cheering] and the men who saved the United States from being no United States are here to-day and throughout this Republic to make the United Bta>es united forever in liberty and justice. [Cheers.] Now, gentlemen, it is my duty, in the absence of the Chairman of the Association, as next in order, to preside here momentarily until you yourselves shall have organized this Convention for itepermanqnt work; but before I close 1 must read to you what our great comrade, the Chairman of this Association, and of the great Committee organized four years ago at Pittsburgh, sends to you in place of coming himself. This document is signed by the man who gave the order more than fourteen years ago: “If any man pull down the American flag shoot him on the spot” [Applause.] This letter to you is signed by Gen. John A. Dlx. [A voice: “Three cheers for Gen. Dlx.”] Gen. Garfield then read the following letter from Gen. Dix, who w:is absent on account of illness:

OBN. DU’S LETTER. Headquarters TJ. V. National Cox-' ) mittbe, Firm Avenue Hotel, > New York, Sept. 18,1878.1 Comrades: It was my purpose to be present, as Chairman of your National Committee, at your Convention on the 20th inst. Causes unforeseen until the last moment prevent my attendance. It is a source of unfeigned regret that I am unable to meet an assemblage of the gallant men who periled their lives for the salvation of the Union. My regret is the deeper as it was my wish to speak a few words to you as follows: Soldiers: Face to face on the occasion which calls you together, its importance cannot be over-estimated. It is my sincere belief that the tranquility of the country purchased by your hardships, your perils, your endurance, and your valor depends on the election of Gov. Hayes, the gallant commander, who led many of you to victory, independently of all party considerations. I believe it to be far better for the South, better for the North, better for every portion of our vast Republic, that the Executive power of the Government should be confided to him rather than to his opponent. In placing him in the elevated station once filled by Washington, you will all feel that he will enter upon the discharge of his responsible duties with a patriotism as pure, a life as unblemished, and an integrity as unquestioned. The civil war through which we have passed with so fearful au expenditure of blood and treasure, in re-establishing the Government on the foundations which we trust may, by God’s providence, be unshaken for centuries to come, has brought with it new responsibilities. A race held in bondage has been emancipated and elevated to the rank of citizenship. The rights with which they ha ve been endowed by the general assent are to be Recent occurrences indicate, I regret to say, that there are at the South individuals who are intent on disturbing the established order, while all such purposes are to be resisted and foiled if need be by the whole legitimate power of the Government. A generous confidence and support should be extended to those who sustain it in its manifest duty to enforce the requirements of the Constitution and law. Yofcr organization was framed In no spirit of hostility to any portion of your fellowcitizens. It was formed to maintain by the ballot in the political field the principles which you upheld by the bayonet on the field of battle. We will sustain our Southern brethren in the enjoyment of every right and every privilege which we possess. Their security is also ours, but we resist and will continue to resist, now and hereafter, the elevation of any Northerft man to the highest office in the gift of the people who was not openly and actively engaged in upholding the Government when it was threatened with destruction. I believe that the election of Gov. Tilden would be most unfortunate for the South. He would go Into office distrusted by the whole body of the patriotic citizens of the North who sustained the Government in the great peril. The overwhelming majorities in Vermont and Maine were called out by his nomination. The other Republican States are oply waiting for the opportunity of pronouncing the same emphatic judgment upon him. lie could not carry on the Government successfully against this deeply-seated feeling distrust, and without warming into life tire sectional animosities which have proved so disastrous to the country, and which could not fail to involve us in new dissensions. We are starting off at the beginning of the second century of our National existence on a new career of prosperity, animated by the hope and confidence which are inspired by the triumphant success of the past. They must not be clouded or turned into disappointment by our own errors of judgment or of conduct. There are already dawnings of renewed activity in the channels of industry. A country with such immense powers of production cannot long continue unprosperous. No portion of the Union has so great an interest in preserving toe internal order which is essential to the successful development of our resources as toe South, none which would be affected so disastrously by its disturbance. The public quietude cannot be maintained by Mr. Tilden. He has no other prestige than that of a party manager, and it is now understood in his own State and will be clearly shown throughout the Union that his claim to be a reformer is baseless and fraudulent I leave for discussion elsewhere his longcontinued association with the profligate politicians by whom the city of New York was plundered, and the recent developments which have so seriously impaired toe public confidence in Ids personal integrity. It is enough for us that he is presented to toe people as the exponent of the principles and policy of toe Democratic party, that he declared the war a failure when you were bringing it to a triumphant conclusion, and that he refused to take part in upholding the Government when it was menaced ana imperiled—a Government which would not be in existence if his example and his counsels had prevailed with his countrymen. Comrades, in seasons of danger and trial, you have hastened to the support of the Republican party with a devotion and an energy which have always been crowned with success. It appeals to you again for. aid in a contest involving the public honor and prosperity, and the continued tranquility of toe Union. No party in toe 100 years of our National life has done so much for the good name and welfare of the country by its patriotism, its firmness and its perseverance. It upheld the Government and aaved the Union from dissolution; it abolished slavery and obliterated forever the only blot on the National escutcheon. In eleven years, by its financial management, It has paid off 1700,000,000 of the debt contracted for the preservation of the Union. I conjure you by these triumphant achievements of the last sixteen years; by toe remembrance of your heroic comrades who are slumbering in honorable Saves, and by toe memory of toe martyred ncoln, under whose guidance in saving toe Union and abolishing slavery we achieved the greatest of all human victories; by all these brilliant recollections I conjure you to stand by the party which was inspired and ennobled by his example and the cause which was consecrated by his blood.. Your fellow-

citizen, comrade and friend.

JOHN A. DIX.

SPEECH BY GEN. LOGAN. Gen. Logan then came forward and addressed his old comrades in the following words: Comraaa- Ishali respondbut a moment toyonrcail white the (tom mi tree call compare th wrrepctv We have met here to-day aa fellow-soldiers who have served in the same great cause and as fellow citizens, but I have been surprised to hear it remarked as a reproach that this is a political meeting. Suppose it IS! Who have a greater right to

meet together and consult together in regard to toe political future of their country than toe men who in its hour of direst calamity stood forth for the flag and the ConsUtu lion and fought treason to toe death, •wearing that this Republic shall live and be for the benefit of all? [Great cheers.] Why shall we not consult together? Does noy one charge that we hold a political meeting? I answer yes, and I have a right to do so. The soldiers who fought, and who are still faithful, Who are not aoured by pettv personal grievances, have met to ratify the nomination of one of their comrades, the honest, faithful, patriotic and brave soldier, Rutherford B. Hayes. When they say soldiers have no right to meet and express their views on the political condition of the country, you have but to ask them wben<toe country was severed by traitors, the Treasury plundered, the army destroyed, and navy scattered, who then came at the call of toe President to save the Government? Whose strong arms steadied the mighty fabric when its great pillars rocked and tottered. In that hour of supreme trial the soldier-citizens who rescued the Nation earned the right that never should be questioned to consult and to be heard la regard to our National affairs. For this only are we here to-day. Look at this mighty assemblage of soldiers to ratify the nomination of Hayes and Wheeler, and. look across toe Ohio River at such a meeting of soldiers M would ratify toe nomination of Tilden and Hendricks. Of what material would that soldiers* political meeting be made up? Of rebels, of conquered traitors, of broken-down secessionists, of old negro-traders, of every sort of enemies of toe country. We are told to let bygones be bygones, and look at the future. Yes, but upon one condition: When the men who tried to destroy the Government, to tear up the flag, to trample the Constitution underfoot shall become law-abiding, and love the flag, and obey the Constitution and all its amendments, and protect every citizen, white or black, in all his rights, and say, “ We have had enough of war, and treason and murder,” then, and not till then, shall we shake hands across toe bloody chasm. Talk about their being satisfied with toe Constitutional amendments and the condition of the codntry as a union of free citizens with equal rights! It is a mere sham. They present no candidates who ever indorsed a Republican measure, or upheld toe cause of the Union during toe War or since the War. They opposed every law that gave freedom or guaranteed it; that conferred toe right to vote or protected the ballot-box. They now pretend to acquiesce in the great enactments of freedom that they may get control and leave those very measures null and fruitless for want of legislation to carry them out Their declarations now are as misleading as tney were during the War. They have nominated Mr. Tilden for President. What did he ever do to suppress the Rebellion? Nothing. And Mr. Hendricks for Vice-Pres-ident What did he ever do to encourage men to fight for their country, or what vote did he ever cast for a law or Constitutional amendment giving their rights to the people ? We demand not empty professions, but earnest men whose lives prove their devotion to their country in its extremity—such as Gen. Hayes. What Union speech had Tilden ever made? It is said that a newsboy created a sensation in the streets of New York one day during toe war by crying, “ Here’s your Herald! Great Union speech of Samuel J. Tilden!” The first man caught at toe paper, ran it over in vain for the speech, aud said to the boy, “ You are cheating me. Where is the speech? There’s uot a word here;” but the boy answered, “ That’s all that Mr. Tilden ever said on the subject” Who are their Union Democrats? Who are the Democratic soldiers? This morning a gentleman who was supposed to be a Democrat remarked in a barber-shop. “ This is a big meeting, but we are going to have a grand Democratic soldiers’ meeting soon.” “ What,” said the simple-minded barber, “Is the Confed, erate army coming up here?” Compare the two parties in this great struggle for toe Government between those who tried to destroy jmd those who saved it. The demand to hand it over to its enemies is like that of an unsuccessful incendiary to be put on guard over a house he has tried to fire in place of the man who is protecting it against him.

Gen. Logan recalled to his hearers the glorious memories of the war, and appealed to them to never forget the lesson it sought; never confuse loyalty with treason; never relax in vigilance over their rights and the rights of their fellow-men. Stand by the great Republican measures and the leader nominated for the Chief Magistracy of the Nation. •• , GOV. NOYES AND OTHBBfI. • After reports of the Committee, Gen. E. T. Noyes, ex-Governor of Ohio, having been chosen Permanent Chairman, on assuming that position returned his thanks for the honor done him, and, in the course of his remarks, compared at some length the record of the two parties during the war, giving unmeasured praise to the tens df thousands of Democrats who responded to the call, and denouncing the course of 8. J. Tilden and Thomas A. Hendricks. He answered the cry of “ Bloody Shirt,” saying the way to get rid of it was to stop shedding innocent blood. ‘‘Whenever our Southern people shall respect the laws and the Constitution then we will forgive the past, and never from our lips again shall be heard one word about issues of the war or the bloody shirt. [Cheers.] But until the Northern Republican or colored man can speak or vote in the South as the rebel does in the North you may expect to hear about the war andthe bloody shirt. ” He claimed that the magnanimity of the Republican party toward the South was unparaleled in history. Hethen commented upon the action of the Lower House ot Congress in replacing Northern soldiers with Confederates, and made special reference to the speech of Ben Hill, and thought, in view of the events of the last twelve months perhaps a. mistake had been made in not hanging six or seven df the more prominent Confederates at the close of the War. He claimed that at least 10,000 innocent colored men in the South had been murdered for no crime other than that of refusing to vote as their former masters did. Referring to Gens. Hayes and Harrison, he appealed to the soldiers .to vote as they had fought. Continuing at some length, he closed amidst vociferous cneering, and was followed by floeecres from Gens. Hartraft, Burnside, Hurlbut, and others.