Rensselaer Union, Volume 7, Number 20, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 4 February 1875 — The Testimony of One Witness. [ARTICLE]

The Testimony of One Witness.

Doubtless all of those who will read this article - are. aware that Congress has a committee at New Orleans examing witnesses and collecting other evidence for the purpose, if possible, of learning the true cause of the political troubles in that unhappy State, and prepare itself for intelligent action should national legislation upon the subject be lound necessary. Among a multitude of witnesses of various shades of thought and degrees of intelligence that the Committee have examined, is one Henry A. Morrow, Lieutenant Colonel of the Thirteenth United States Infantry, whose sworn testimony is interesting aud important from the fact that it is from an intelligent nonpartisan, whose official position gsjve him the best possible advantage for the observation of transpiring events. Vhe evidence of Col. Morrow as published in the daily papers, is as follows: I have been in the army since 1562. I have been twice appointed by the Department Commander to inspect different portions of the State to see what was its general condition. I have been through Cousbatta, Lincoln, Washington. Caddo, aud all the parishes to the mouth of Bed River, and have never heard any citizen express any hostility toward the United States. I attribute the uncertain condition of the State, in the first place, to deepseated opinion on the part of the people than they have been defrauded of their rights at the .elections; secondly, that they feel themselves to have been imposed upon by some of the processes of law. There is also a feeling on the part of some, that is more imaginary than real, in relation to the negro; they do not regard the black man as exactly eutitlea to the position that he occupies. For instance, in the parish of Natchitoches, a jury of black men, not one of whom could write his name, had sat in a case involving 5180,000. That was regarded by both-parties as something that was not right. I found elsewhere that there was an opinion that the colored men bad been placed in a position of more importance than his education entitled him to. ’ I didn’t look into the character of the State officials, as I didn’t deem it my duty as a military officer to do so. Mr. Zachary —estate the feeling of the condition between the races, and what it is to be attributed to. I talked freely with all classes of people in relation to the negro, and, thinking at that lime that the election had been carried by the Conservatives, I was anxious to know what effect it would have upon the condition of the black man—whether the power that bad been acquired would be used to oppress whether he wouJd be allowed to go forward and

enjoy the privileges guaranteed .to him by the general laws .of ; tbe land and the Constitution. With few ex'Ceptlons I was answered that the negro Would have none of bis rights taken away from him. These rights would be guaranteed to him; there would be no effort to curtail them in any respect. ’ There were exceptions where It was said the darkey would have to take a back seat, but, as a rule, the best class of people (I could name some of them If necessary) expressed the former opinion. Mr. Zachary.—To what do you attribute the disturbed condition between the races? I had little opportunity to witness anything of that sort. I was told everywhere, by officers and citizens, that there was no difficulty at Shreveport. I saw Gen. Merrill find other officers, who gave me an account of the disturbed condition. I talked with a great many colored people, when I could get hold of them, but very few could give me any information. I saw only one colored man who could give any information worth anything. He was a Baptist minister. He seemed to deplore the condition of the State, and hoped that things would get better. He seemed to be Conservative in his view’s, but a friend to Gov. Kellogg. I reported that there was no necessity for the use of troops in Northern Louisiana. I beliftvft that, mv report was considered very acceptable, for I know that it was received by Mr. Morey, Representative for this District, who expessed himself to me that it was an entirely fair and manly report. It was part of my duty to look into the case of Lieut. Hodgson. The result ofmy iuvestigations was that I.embodied charges against him of having u»ed the military harshly and unnecessarily. [Col. Morrow read from his report the result of his examination into the Hodgson affair. Substantially the offenses of the officer were his rude treatment of Mr. Huey, whom he had arrested in the night-time and insulted while he had Dim in charge, his indecent reply to Judge Trimbull, when the latter issued his writ of habeas corpus, and his (Hodgson’s) implication in cutting the wires of the Western Union Telegraph Company.] Mr. Zachary.—From your observation throughout the State, do you think that, if under a free and fair election Republicans of ordinary tiUliliy-HUU 11011 cd‘ people would submit to the officers so elected ? I do believe so, for the reason that in Natchitoches parish the sheriff, being a fair man and fairly elected, told me that there was no disposition to interfere with his work. Mr. Zachary.—Did Conservatives ever claim more than that they were entitled to be inducted to offices to which they were elected? They claimed nothing more. Mr. Zachary.—Were citizens ready and willing to help in executing United States processes in that section of country ? Gen. Merrill and Judge Levize informed me that there was such a state of feeling there that the United States Marshal could not execute processes unaided. The question became a firactical one whether I could get reiable persons of Shreveport to accept the position of United States Marshal aud perform the duties. Gen. Merrill informed me that Judge Levize had tried that, but could not get anybody to accept the position. I made inquiry and determined to see if I Could get auy citizen to take the place. Some names w ere given to me. I handed the names to Judge Levize, who said they were excellent men, and that he would be glad to give office to any of them. On the day following he appointed a Deputy Marshal, and for all I kuow, he is there yet. 1 was informed by citizens that, if this Deputy Marshal was interfered with, they would furnish a posse to assist him. Mr. Levize I saw in relation to that; he informed me that he himself would make one of a posse and go out ami assist this posse. .. Question.—What is your idea of the character of the people in the parishes you went through ? ——- Well, sir, if tne repeated protestations of the people are to be relied on, there is nothing that they desire more than to have peace restored to the country, and to look at the country, 1 should say it needed it. Question. —Did you notice any results that could be attributed to bad government? Fences are down, houses abandoned, etc. Throughout the whole country it looks to me like a country which an army had marched through. Ido not know whether it can be attributed to bad government. The people always complain of the government. The people seem to have fallen into a state of despondency. There does not seem to be ordinary American vitality about them. I was told at Colfax that the general complaint was that money aud not justice determined decrees of court. I will furnish a copy of my report. It embodies the results of my investigations in the Red River parishes. Question.—What do you think would be the proper remedy to apply to the cure of this despondency ? Well, sir, I am no statesman, and the Louisiana question has staggered the best minds in the country, and it* is hazardous for an army officer, inexperienced, in statesmanship, toadvance any opinion on that subject. I’m sure of one thing—that, if it were possible that the natives of Louisiana could be brouglifunder a Government of the State that it would haye a most material effect upon public Sentiment. ■. ‘ Question. —Was there any disposition on the part of whites to establish schools? I made inquiries in more instances than one. I stated to some persons: The negro has his freedom ; he has something that cannot be taken from him, the right of voting; he is to live with you. and you should educate him. The answer was that money had been levied, raised, and stolen. Mr. Marshall.—ls it not the desire of the people to have a good Government, in which they can trustsecurely for protection of person and property? The people desire, of all things, to live peaceably and quietly. If their statements are to be relied up6n. From my knowledge of American character, I believe that every American community would prefer peace ant) quiej to turmoil and disorder—-

that there is scarcely a community in the United States that would not submit .to an impartial election. Mr. Marshall.—Would not people prefer even a military government that would deal equitably with them to the preeent state of anarchy aud. I disquiet? I was told many times by Conserv- ; atives and thorough Republicans that { the universal assertion of the people was that they infinitely preferred a military government to the present State Government, for they thought that things would be fairly administered by army officers. If they got control of the Government, they thought they would not be plundered. I have no hesitation in saying that were I a capitalist, anxious to invest my money, Louisiana Would be the last State in the Union where I would invest it. Any one acquainted with Southern character knows that they are more intolorent of difference of opinion than those persons who come from a more northern latitude. I wouldn’t hesitate to take up my residence in any portion of Louisiana, or express mv Republican ideas. Where a white man is thought to consort with negroes, there is always a feeling against him. There is no disguising the faet the former condition of the negro affects the minds of the white people. I do believe if an election were held in Louisiana, in a perfectly fair and impartial without the presence of United States troops to Influence voters, and without any of the ordinary clap trap means of intimidation on the other side, the people of Louisiana, from my knowledge of them, extending from one section of the State to another—l do believe the people of this State would submit quietly to an election, and abide the result. * Mr. Hoar.—This is a very interesting and important opinion of yours. Question.—What are your politics, 90 far as an army officer has any politics? lam a Grant man and a friend of the President. I have no doubt that, if the people of Louisiana take the Government into their own hands, a monstrous effort would be made by them to keep perfect order. I entered the army in 1862; am from Michigan, and was Collector of Customs for the State of Michigan during the administration of Mr. Johnson.