Rensselaer Union, Volume 2, Number 24, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 10 March 1870 — THE LEGAL-TENDER DECISION. [ARTICLE]

THE LEGAL-TENDER DECISION.

While I do not approve'of this decision, ss .1 had never doubted that th* Legal Tender act mi constitutional as to past contract, still it ha* had the effect to greatly simplify the financial situation, and to remove the vast piles of rubbish with which the Democratic party were endeavoring to obstruct the vision of the people As it was made by the Democratic members of that tribunal which the Democracy hold in such supreme regard, they can not complain that It is a Republican outrage committed for the benefit of bloated bondholder*. The decision of the Supreme Court, if not hereafter overruled, has substantially settled the question of the emission of any more legal tender notes, and the financial question in the future will be between the National Banking system and the possible revival of the system of State banks, The latter seems to be popular with th* Democracy, as a reminiscence of the doctrine of State Rights, and their aversion,of everything that grew out of the war, DEMOCRACY AND THE COLORED .VOTERS. Vor many years the Democratic party lin-d upon prejudice against the colored race. This prejudice was stimulated by every mean* In their power, by heaping upon the colored man the foulest abuses and ridicule; by denying his humanity and manhood; by describing him as a semi-baboon, and as a cross between the ape anil the human, and by denying to him every right that can make life sweet and attractive. Year after year, canvass after canvass, this disgusting drama was repeated, ami the lowest passions of the white race appealed to by the meanest motives that can move mankind. My late colleague, Mr. Hendricks, a few days since made a speech in New Orleans to a Democratic meeting, composed of ex-Confederates. The burden of it was devoted to telling them they should conciliate the colored vote, ami how to do it. They should tell the colored men-that the Democracy had always been their best friends, and were in favor of just and equal laws, and would protect them in the enjoyment of civil and political rights; that the licpublicans were their enemies and would betray them, and that the men who had gone to the South from the North werej&liens and foreigners 10 their interest, upon whom they (honk) turn their backs in behalf of their former owners. He also reminded them how nobly and patriotically the colored men of the South had stood by them during- the rebellion ; and this fact seems to have excited the gratitude ot Mr. Hendricks. I quote his own language : “ You have no cause to entertain against the colored people a feeling of prejudice. When your young men were far off in the field, and even your aged men—many of them were absent during the four years of the war—you left these colored men at your homes, where they stood sentinels at the doorspiwhere your wives and children were safe uhder their protection. They labored and cultivated yonr lands and raised the products which supported! thir armies in the field ; and now is it possible the foreigner—l speak not of the foreigner as a man from another country, but men foreign to four interests, men of other sections of the country—is it possible that they shall come in and make these colored tnen to hate you and destroy you ? Tour interests are the interests of the colored men.” He forgot to tell them that last spring he advocated the breaking up of the Legislature of Indiana, to prevent the ratification of the Fifteenth Amendment, and that his whole political life had been devoted to a warfare in behalf of slavery, and to excite against the colored people the bitterest prejudice and hatred of the white race. He also told them that political equality did not mean social equality, and would not lead to it, and that the colored man had no desire or purpose of that kind; and this, after Jie had proclamed from every rostrum in Indiana that political equality would inevitably lead to social equality, and that this was the great thing the Republican party had in view. Where now are the Democratic mottoes, “ White husbands or none,” and, “Fathers, this is a white man’s Government?” Where are the “White Boys in Blue?” These war-cries of the Democratic party are suddenly hushed forever by the Fifteenth Amendment, and in place are now issued, on perfumed paper, polite invitations to eat and sleep at the house of Democratic editors! What a wondrous change has been wrought by the Fifteenth Amendment. The colored man has hi? revenge. It has been long coining, but has come at last. What a luxury it must be to him to now despise the fawning demagogue who now crawls at his feet and begs to kiss his hands for his vote ! But now that the colored man is no longer the “ daily bread ” of the Democratic party, and is himself invited to sit down at the feast, they have cast about lor a substitute, aud have fixed upon the bondholder, the man who loaned his money to the Government to carry on the war. This man is now presented in their speeches and platforms as the embodiinent of all villainy,-as-the-usurer and extortioner, the plunderer of his Government in the hour of its extremity, and is now fattening on the sweat and blood of his people. But they were not always his enemies, for during the rebellion, when the Government appealed to the people for money to pay the army and carry on the war, these Democratic politicians advised them not to lend their money, and warned them that they would lose it—telling them that the bond would be worthless, and that the greenbacks would perish in their hands. Then they exaggerated the risk, assured them that' the rebellion could not be put down, and in the expressive language of one, that they “ might as well throw their money into the river as to loan it to the Government.” Their raven cries were not heeded then ; and because they were not, the men who had faith in the Government and were willing to risk their money or existence are now calumniated as the enemies of their country. But if they hate the men who loaned the money to carry on the war, they hate the soldiers who fought our battles still more, and would characterize them in fouler phrases if they dared. But the soldiers are a very numerous body, who cannot be insulted with impunity, and it is therefore considered safer to attempt to excite their prejudices against the men who furnished the means to prosecute the war. But this is alike an insult to their intelligence and integrity ; for what soldier does not know that armies can not be raised and maintained i without vast expense f •

When Harriet Martineau visited this country, a number of the wise men and women of the East were assembled to welcome her; in a certain house; not many miles from Boston. One of these Magi, on appnoaching this star, was so bewildered by the uulooked-for presentation of her ear-trumpet as the only mode of access, that ha horrified himself by the utterance of a most malapropos speech. “ Madam,” said he, “ have you observed how charmingly our birds sing?" A tax gatherer was observed the other evening all alone in a corner, moody, meditative, and frowning. His work was over for the day, but from force of habit (coining from being always at the receipt of custom) he was collecting himself. What we hope or fear may npt come to pass. No human scheme ciata so accurately projected but some little circumstance intervening may spoil it.>