Rensselaer Union, Volume 1, Number 31, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 29 April 1869 — President Grout’s Administration. [ARTICLE]

President Grout’s Administration.

Tun appointments thus far made, and the general course pursued by President Grant, have given a distinctive tone and character to his administration, of which we may already speak with confidence, though some time will be required for the development of comprehensive and thorough reforms in all departments of the government First and foremost it is clear that President Grant has no theory tbat it is his duty to distribute the offices, as the rain falls, equally on the just and on the unjust; to J?lace those who support the principles of equal rights to all men, on which he was elected, on the same basis as those who still cling to the lost cause. In nominating General Longstreet, formerly a rebel, but now a Republican, to be Collector of Customs in New Orleans, and the colored Mr. Pinchback, of Loui sian, to a minor office in the same State, as well as in the nomination of colored men for a leading Post Office in South Carolina, for Justice of the Peace at Washington, and for Ministers of Hayti and Liberia, President Grant has shown that he desires to recognize neither color nor past participation in the Rebellion if followed by earnest conversion to the principles of freedom as any bar to office or preferment. This is a broad, sound basis on which to conduct the government in the future, and we are heartily glad that President Grant has so promptly acted upon it There is a possibility of overdoing magnanimity so as to defeat justice; but as yet the President has not exposed himself to that charge. Every appointment thus far made has commended itself to the party that placed General Grant in power, frogi a party point of view. The repeated predictions thrown out before the election, that the Republican party had nominated a mailed sphynx, a political enigma, which would yet prove to be a Democratic President, have all vanished under the first six weeks of Grant’s administration. No retrogade ideas have been urged upon Congress, though the President has not been slow in adding the weight of his name and power to important measures tending toward peace and justice, which had been de, nounced as ultra-radical. The vigor with which be has pushod the Fifteenth (universal suffrage) Amendment to the Constitution will, doubtless, secure its passage a year or two earlier than coaid have been done without his aid. This done, and the Union restored on its basis, the mission of Rsdicallliß, so far as the negro question is concerned, is ended forever. So fer from Grant proving a Democratic or nentral President, he has put his shoulder vigorously to the wheel to consummate the complete triumph of Republican prln tittles. The disciples of Copper-Johnsonism are in as fall flight ont of office' as the rebels were out of Richmond at the news of Five Forks. The same unostentatious signature which signed the acceptance of Lee’s surrender is assigning the Johnsonites to private life and obscurity. They go like the dead. The places that but yesterday knew them now know them no more. In his Cabinet, as in other appointments, many judge that the President has come short of that masterly sagacity and perfect knowledge of men which characterized his military appointments as a Gen craL “ Then," say they, “he did nothing from favor; he refused trading permits to his relatives and special friends as promptly as to all others. Now he appoints many officers on the basis of admitted personal obligation,” though in most cases the fitness of the appointment in itself is not seriously disputed. Then he brought forward no men who were feilnres, ana many who were great successes, while every man whom he branded as a charlatan or humbug proved to be so in the long run. It is not to be expected that he should be equally successful in his civil career. As a soldier he roee step by step from the lowest round to the highest, and learned his way as he traveled over it Asa civilian, he is thrust at once to the topmost round, and before he haa-time to study he most act. We doubt if any civilian has . bad a much better preparation than he for the Presidency, but his preparation is leas thorough than for the chief command of the army. In his Cabinet appointments there was a hitch which very few lawyers would have avojded. In looking for the ablest practical financier in the country, for the Treasury Department, he selected one whom an obscure statute prevented from filling the offioe. Foiled by the technical difficulty, he selected another candidate in deference, it may be said, to the views of Congress, as a whole, though Informally expressed. Mr. BoutwfU commands the confidence thus fer of the country. His parity is without taint. His abilities in Treasury affairs remain to be tested. Strong attache have been made upon Mr. Boris* both on the ground of inexperience and ill-health. A still more severe ground of objection has bees that his only claim to distinction beyond other reepeMkbto mercantile gentlemen is that he was prominent iu presenting General Grant wKh a house in Philadelphia. Should these objections be fraud to impair his the President will, doubtless, apply the rale he has an-, nounced for all cases, and promptly request him to resign. President Qtknt’s course, especially relative to the Temiraof-QflUg law, hwbeen characterized by thejßOnifl tood®&tion |na prudent Judgment * which distinguished him as a commander. He has aimed at

substantial remits, not to vindicate personal vanity or dignity. The tone of his administration has been progressive yet conciliatory. All men respect his motives, and the country generally is willing to await, in conflaence and hope, the frill resalts of his action. We believe Us civil administration, like his military career, may meet with a Belmont or Shiloh at the first, but it will come to a Vicksburg, Chattanooga and Appomattox in the and.—Chicago Tribune, HWA.