Rensselaer Standard, Volume 1, Number 15, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 27 September 1879 — OUR SOLDIER PRESIDENT. [ARTICLE+ILLUSTRATION]

OUR SOLDIER PRESIDENT.

(to Bseeeb at the Seoiieu es th* Sarrinr* at His luftaiit, at launUva, Oh is. -»ma tkssidbnt makes a waw detant VMMIN r.MPBATWALLT DSXOVSOIXQ TUB DOOTMiBM OB STATS 810 STS • • jiaeolaVTlfW sa PeaeefW Baw»gtaa—Walllleatiaa as th* Pifteeatfc Amendment. - . 4 SPLENDID FINANCIAL SHOWING MADS IB BIS REMARKS AT DST SO IT. ADDRESS AT TOTTNQBTOWN, Off la tnd Ttf»w<l(nwi: 1 need sot enter to to any diaouseion of the causes of on riyfl war. Wo ait know that the me* who pteaued the destrnetipo or She Union mid the establishment as the Confederate State*, baaed their attempt on • construction of the rowstUntien cal tort the Brnte-righta doctrine, and on th» iatereet of the people of thoee Staten in the extcnsou and perpetuation of slavery. The doctrine or State-rights wo*, that each s»*te wra sovereign and supreme, and might rn'Miy the laws of the Union or secede from ili'* Union at pleasure. They held that slavery w*» the natural and normal condition of the colored man. and that, therefore, ala very in thin counter eoald and abonld be the corner* •ions of a free government Ko man ha* ever stated the issues of tn> civil whr mom fn'ly. more clcarfy. or more accarnte* ly than Mr. Lincoln. In any inquiry us to what may be fiairiy included among the things settled by ear vieforv. all jnat and patriotic minds inatfoetivelv turn to Mr. Lincoln. To him, more than to any other man, the cause of nnion and liberty la Indebted for its final triumph. Be rides, with all his wonderful sagacity, and wisdom, and logical faculty, dwelling intently, and anxiously. and prayerfully, dnriu? four yearn of awful trial and responsibility on the questions -which were continually arising to porplex sad almost confound him, he at last became the very embodiment of the principles by which the country and its liberties were saved. All good dHxene may now well listen to and beod hia words. Mona hay* more reason to do it with respect and confidence, and a Pennine regard, than tboae whom be addressed in his first inaugural speech as “my dissatisfied faltow-oountrvmao” „ Tlia leader of the Union cause was so just and moderate, and patient and humane, tost many supporters of the Union thought that be did not go far enough or fast enough, and assailed his opinions sad hia oonduct; but now all men I egia to aeo that the plain people, wbo at last ccme to love him. and to lean upon his wisdom and Jinn new with absolute trust, were altogether right, and that in deed and purpose he waa earnestly devoted to the welfare <»1 the whole country, and of all its inhabitants. Believing that Mr. Lincoln's opinions are of bigbebteuthority on the questions ot the war than those of any other publio man on either side oft he controversy, I desire to present them qnite fully and in his own language. Li the third year of the war, and while its result was stilt undecided, Mr. Lincoln made his memorable address at the consecration of the Oattyaburg National Cemetery, on the 19to of November, 1863. lie was standing on the field of the greatest battle of the war. He was. no doubt, deeply impressed with the heavy responsibilities which be had bores so long. He spoke not as a partisan, embittered and narrow and sectional, but in the broad and generous spirit of a patriot, solicitous to say that which would be worthy to be pondered by all of bis countrymen throughout all time. In hia abort speech of two or three paragraphs, be twice spoke of the objects of the war, onoe in its opening and again In its closin'* sentence. The words have been often quoted, but they cannot be 100 familiar. They beer dearly and forcibly on the question wa era considering: ‘•Four-score and seven Tears ago," said Mr. Lincoln, ‘ our fathers brought forth on this continent a new nation, conceived in liberty and dedicated to the proposition that all men era created equal. Now wo are engaged in a great civQ war, tea'mg whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure." And airain. in doting, he said: “It is rather for na * * • that we here highly reeolvo that the deed shall net beva died in yam; that the nation shall, under God, hare a new birth of freedom: aud that government of the people, by the people, eed for the people, shall not perish from the earth." No statement es the true objects of the war more complete than this has ever bean made. It includes them all—nationality, liberty, equal rights and self-government. These are the pnnotates for which tha Union soldier fought, and which it was bis aim to maintain and to perpetuate. r If any one supposes that that construction es oar national constitution which is known aa the State-tights doctrine, is consistent with •waad principles, let him oonsider a few paragraphs from Mr. Lincoln’s first message to Congress, at the extra session of 1861. Speaking of what was celled the right es peeeafbl secession—that is seeemlon in aceordanca •with the natioati constitution—he said: "This sophism derives much, perhaps the whole.'of its currency from the assumption that there hi aomn omnipotent and sacred eu- . pram soy pertaining to a State—to each State at oar Federal Union. Our States bays neither more Mt leas power than that reserved to them ia the Union by the eonatttutiou, no one of them ever having been nßtate eat of the Union. The original own passed into the Union even before they oast off then British colonial dependence, and the new ones each came into toe Union direotly from a condition of dependence, excepting Texas. And even Texas, ra it* tempo rary independence, waa never designated a State. The new on-* only took toe dariffcaium ot Scales on oomisg into the Union, while that name waa fire* adopted for the old onea in and by the Declaration of Independence. Therein die *Usited Colonies’ ware declared to he ‘free and independent States;' bat, oven then, too object plainly waa not to declare their iade prudence of one another, or of too Union, hot, directly toe contrary, aa their mutual pledge, and their mutual action, before, at the time, and afterwards, abundantly show. The express plighting of into hy each and all of the original thirtran, in toe arilties of confederation. two years later, that toe Union shall be perpetual, Sa meet coariuaiv*. Having never Wen States, eatoer in sabotauea or in same, outride of the Union, awbenee this magical omnipotence of ‘State-rights,’ aase-tiog a claim of power to lawfully destroy tbs Union iteelfl Mush is said about the ‘sovereignty’ of the States; but the ward, - even, is net b the National constitution, nor, as to believed, la say of toe State oooetitntieoe. What is a 'sovereignty,’ In the polities! sense of the term! Woald lt be far wrong te define it. 'A political eommnnlty, witoont a p-dittos! superior* Tested by this, no one ft mtr States, axeept Texas, ever wee e sovereignty; sad even Texas rata an tha character on owning into toe Union; by which mat she acknowledged the eoastitatton of the Halted States, and the laws and treaties of too United States mads in pur

♦hair liberty. Bv eimqna*. or pnrehsae, the Ua»«m gar* each of theaa whatever of in«iepeadence and liberty it baa. Tha Untaa to older EZFui - £sr aJw-is dependent colonics made the Union, and, in turn, the Union threw off their old dependence tor them, sad made them States, seek as they Site Not one of them ever bad a State con at itntton fa fi epee dint es the Union. Of esuree, it is net fbrg' tten that all the aaw States framed ♦hair constitution* before they entered the Unto* nevertheless, dependent npon, and propntery to, coming into the Union.* Unquestionably the tastes have toe powers and rights restored to toon ia end by toe Battens! aimatifutteii. and upon tote point, te another pert of this graft massage, Mr. Lincoln my* This relative matter of National power and State right*, aa a principle, is no other then the principle of generality end locality. Whatever .eoneerns tha whole should he confided to the whole—so tha general government; while whatever eooeeraa only too State should be left exolnaively to the State. This to all there to of original principle about it." Mr. Lteeuia hrid that the United States to a nation, and that its government possesses ample power under the constitution to maintain its authority eed enforce its laws in every pert of its territory. The dental of this principle by these who smarted the decline of State-right*, end who rightly elahned that it was inconsistent with State sovereignty, made np an toane over which erase one of the leading controversies which ted to the civil war. The result or the war decided that controverav In favor of nationality and in favor of the supremacy of tha national government. This derisi on ia ia accordance with toe principles of tha fathers. Ou tbia day, ninety-two year* H& tbe delegatee in convention at Philadelphia agreed to the constitution of the Untied states, which waa afterwarda ratified and adopted. On the same day, September 17, 1787, General Washington sent a letter transmitting the constitution to the Congress in •cation in Naw Tork In that letter be said: ‘The friends of our country have long since desired that the power of making war, peaee and treaties, that of levying money rad regulating oommeroe, end tbe correspondent executive sad judicial authorities abonld be fully and effectually vested in the general government of the Union. • • *' It to obviously impracticable in the Federal government of these States to secure all rights of independent sovereignty to eeeb, and yet provide for the interact and safety of all • * • In all oor deliberations on this subject, we kept steadily ia oar view that which appears to na the greatest interest of every true Amerioan—the|consolidation of our Union—ia wkieh is involved oor prosperity, felicity, safety, perhaps oar national existence.” Again. in hia farewell address, Washington "The unity of government, which oonstitnte* yon one people, is also justly dear to yon. * • Tbe name of Amerioan, which belongs to yoh in year national capacity, moat always exalt tbe jnat priiie of patriotism, more than any appellation derived from local discrimination*.” * On the question of human rights Mr. Linooln was equally explicit, and often declared that it wra involved in tbe conflict, and to be decided hy the result. In bia matchless message, alrenar quoted, he says: * Onr adversaries have adopted some declarations es independence, in which, unlike the good old one penned by Jefferson, they omit tbe words 'all men are created equal.’ Whyl They have adopted a temporary national constitution. in tha preamble of which, unlike oor good old one, signed by Washington, they omit ‘We, tbe people.’ and aabetitnte -We tbe deputies of the sovereign and independent grates.’ Whyl Why this deliberate pressing oat ot view the rights of men and the authority of the peo- 1 plot This la essentially a people’s oonteat. On the title of the Uniou it ia a straggle lor maintaining in tbe world that form andsnbntauo* of government whose leading object ia to elevate -the condition ol men; to lift artificial weights from all nhoulder*; to clear the paths of laudable pursuit to aU; to afford all an oofetteaed start and a‘‘ fair ohanee in tbe race of lile. Yielding to partial and temporary departures, from necessity, this is tbe feeding object of the government for whose existence wo contend. lam moat happy to beliere that the plain people understand and appreciate this.” On tho subject of suffrage. Mr. Lincoln's guiding principle was that “no man* is good enough to govern another man without that other man’s oonaent."

Thus we bare from the lip* and pon of Mr. Lincoln—the great leader and representative of the Union eause—in the m«*t solemn and authentic form, a complete statement of the iaanea of the war. He held that the Union ia perpetual; that its government ia national and aivpreme ; and that all of iu inhabitants should b*> free, and be accorded equal civil and political (ijcbta. Those are the great fundamental prtnoiplee, affirmed on the one aide, and denied on the other, upon whioh the a, peal was made to the God ol battles Ido not undertake to review the debate ae to the nature and powers of the government of the Union, and as to the dootrine of State-right*, whioh began at the foundation of our inodtationa, and whioh was continued until it waa bushed bj the oleeh of arms. It ia enough for my present purpose to say that, aa a matter of history, all the political parties of the past, when charged with the responsibility of direoting the sffaira of tbe government, have maintained, in tbeir practical mdminiatration of it, precisely the •erne principle* whioh were held by President Lincoln. The principles ae to the powers of the national government which were anted upon by Washington and Jackson and which are sustained by the decisions of Cbiei-jusiioe Marshall, and by whioh Liaeoln and the Union anulea crashed the rebellion and reoouod the Republic, are among the legitimate and irreversible results of the war whioh ought not to be questioned. Touching the remaining important controversy settled by tbe war, the public avowal* of opinion are almost ail In favor of the faithful acoeptaaee of tbe new constitutional amendment*. On this subject the speeobee of public mm and the creeds of platforms of the leading political parties have fsr some years past been explicit, Ia 187 S all pertiae in tbeir respective national oonveotiona adopted reflations recognising the equality of ail men before tbe law, and pledging themselves, In the words of the Democratic national convention, “to maintala emaacipaUou and eafraaobiaemeat, and to oppose tt.e reopening of the qneettoua settled by tbe recent amendments to the constitution.'' In 1876, the great political parties again, in tbe language of the 8t Loots national convention, affirmed tbeir “devotion to tbe constitution oi tbe United Slates, with its amendment* universally accepted as a final settlement of the controversies that engendered the civil war.* SB MARKS AT DETROIT. At Detroit, in response to a call, the President The evidence* «f feed times are numerous, b*l- - sad cheering. Qn* bright day ia Jobs last, more steamers—more shipping of all sorts—gath•rat la New York barber tbaa was ever before seen in that grass mart eCeesmseree and tbeir tannage waa la greater sxoea* comparative!v tbaa the a ameer of vessils Tbe Host et the Pmaavlvsuie raUrsad east of PKtaburg end Kris, tor the fires seven wmths of this year, as miiinml with sas fißftSSrtrtr shows east toareess of figfil.ooo. The Baltimore and Ohio Railroad Company shows a set inerea<to of » 3*ooo fsr the trtttsa months sf Its current fihoal yosr. beginning a October tost. It is estimated that assn then a 1,000 mflas of raUread tiaek hare atmsdp bee* laid tale year ta the Umtad EgUs}jF£Sisrsrjrs& jagaaagats«& t iJSsT* os^Smf2Sirte^^*** ,a sad nubg os fail tias Osr mtaea of msfsls are liarsnatog their prodnet. and It amtaly stays at beasa. Oor ■sashotnrss go abroad mom t

ShaHiSf’j iS- *•— —• “«•» SWW“ *• ““ «*o vtmmni

Tbe foUoff&g tabies shew tbe rapid idnawtor “J— sT ton “rumor Sqpai sii onito 4-. p' .. .■

TU -" - -•» Tains exported during the year I a e r e a a e ia commodities. rates Jim SO— 1879 ava r 1868. 1875! JIBS Sri Tr. .!:......-!..!.!!!..... - ! ... Lmaao 2.319398 902.178 . „s ■■■iihnfuii nf nit fart* iftar nra .....TZn.TZ. , 496 829 *•“*•»£ Gotten, maaafestarassf 4,871.051 10.859 950 r 5.982.896 Frnlt.. * 406,512 1,916,382 1,509,870 Iren and mranfeetares of, sxalntive vs ftreratoeseTd ftreeagiras?!?!?.. * 5.491.806 12.76&294 7,974.968 Leather of all kinds 607.105 . 6.800.070 6.192.966 MlraraloU, Illuminating 19.752 149 95 999.862 16.947.719 Provisions 80.436.642 116.858.660 86.492.666 Basra, refined 313.978 6.164.024 .5.850.646 Stew 2.540,297 6934.940 4.394.718 Total 186.861,751 1 428,422.164 291.560.413

▼ALOnS Or CEBTAIM DOMBSWIO KXPORTS. Com par* live statement as the vatara of certain articles es eomeetic production exported from tha Untied itata* during tee fiscal veers ended Jane 80. 1873, 1876. and 1879 Fiscal jeer ended Jura 30— -V Increase In 8 * f Awnana,. 1876. II • ' 1873. 1776 1879. j ■_%_ In !iae‘ sera 923.794.604 683 265.280 940.655.120 *7.889 840 22.2 'VTbent 51.452.254 68.383,899 130.701 079 62.318.18tt - 91.1 Wheat fleer 19 88L664 24,433.470 29,567.713 5.134 243 21. . ( .!° l ° r T 4 .“. 2,252.028 6,770,200 9.497.416 2,727,216 40.8 Kailrosd bare 104.054 » 57,109 233.514 176405 308 9 Lecemotivaa 952.655 561.559 567.302 5,743 , 1.0 Mineral ell. Illuminating 37,195.735 28,755.638 35.999 863 7,244.224 25.2 Bacon and ham* ”! 35.022.187 89 664456 5L074 433 11.409.977 28.8 Beef, fresh aod salted 2,447,181 8.186.304 7,219.458 4.038 154 126 6 Batter * 952 919 LlO9 496 5.421 205 4,311.709 388.6 Cheese 10,498.010 12,270.083 12.579.968 B‘>9 885 2 5 Lard 21,245.815 22.429.495 22 856.678 427 188 1.9 Segar, refined 1.142.824 5,552 587 6.164024 011.437 110 ToWoe, leaf 22.689.135 20,737.393 25.157.364 2 419.981 10.6 Indian core, bushels 38 541.930 49 493.572 86.296 Wheat, bushels 89.204,285 55.073.122 122353.036 67,280.814 122.2 Wheat fleer, barrels 2,562,086 2,935,512 5.029,714 1.694.202 43.9 Cotroa. manufactured (colored and uncolored), yards 13,772,774 75.807,481 129.197,377 53,889.896 70.4 Loaomotives. No 58 44 73 29 65.9 Bn 11 road bar* pounds 2.832,592 2.244,704 1A097.583 11,852.879 528 0 Mineral ml, llluminsting, gallons 158.102,414 204.814673 331.586,442 126,771.769 619 Bacon and hams, pounds 395.381.737 327,730.172 782.249 578 404.519 404 123 4 Beet, freeh and salted, pounds. 81.600,196 96.596.150 90.976 895 54880.245 148 6 Butter, poande. 4513.844 4644.894 88,248.016 38.603 122 723.4 Cheese, pounds 80.866540 97,076,264 144654 474 43 978,210 45.0 Lard, pounds 230.534207 168 405,839 326 658.686 158.252.847 94.0 Bugar. refined, pounds.. Tobaeeq leaf, pounds ~..}213 995 176)218.310.265 322,279,540)103 969.275 47.6

IMPORTS. ▼slaraof tha principal commodities y»f of which greatly decreased Value imported during tha year ended ~ June 30— De<*renae of commo Dinas. ____________ Watches and wateh-moram’te and material* 63.274,825 6812,582 6920,599 $2,354,226 Textiles s Cotton, maoufeeterea of (not including hosiery, shirt* aod drawers) $ 29,752.116$ 14898.791$ 14930 975$ 14821 141 Flax, manufactures 0f...T. 2o 42i.39l 14413.6'K) ’ U 693 842 sltoa 549 Silk, manufactures of 29.890,035 19,837,972 24013.898 5,876 637 CNtibing (Including. honiery. shirts and dr*worn of ootton and wool) 8.496.993 8,540,587 6,660.456 L 636 537 Wool and manufactures ofi * Unmarufeoturod 20. 13 3,938 8,363 015 5.034.555 15 399 383 Carpet* 4388.25/ 308.389 867 105 ,4 021152 rtrrasroods ... .. . 19447797 12.055,806 12,436 861 7.010.936 Other manufsotures of (not inelndiag hoatery, shirt* sad drawer*)........ 26.026,721 12.193.037 11.158 03" 15,468.691 Total textiles 109,464,248 88.201,197 89.195 222 70,269.026 Iron and stael, aod manafacturea est Pi f-Iron $7,293,769 $1,250,067 $1924 128 $5 279 641 Bar. boiler, band, hoop, scroll and sheat-lron 7,477,556 1,627.052 1,378 976 6!098 580 Anchors, cables, oh aloe, casting*, hardware, . machinery, old and scrap-iron 9.416 293 920,790 845 366 8 570 927 Railroad-bare or ralla 19,740.702 530 78 257 19 662.445 Steel ingot*. Iraa, sheet* and wire 4155.234 1.220 087 L 281 942 2 873 292 Fire-arm*, file*, outiery. raws and t00t5..... 4.093,097 1.629 061 1.846 626 '2.2tfl 471 All other manufacture# of. 7 221.801 2.410.105 2,091.853 5 129!948 * Total iron and steal 59 3(>B 452 9,057.632 9 447.148 49 861,304 Copper and manafaeturea of (not lnolnding . rapper 0re)...... $871,518 $294,707 $3,392,389 Lead, and maonfaotures of 3.247.158 361 894 64 340 3 182 818 »f *H kind*. 6.766,202 8,784729 8,667,564 8,098.638 ludia-rubber and gutta-percha, manufacture* of 242.564 174137 726.050 Tea * - 24,466.170 15.660.168 14 577 618 9 888 552 Grand total 26L1148551 ~~n8.492 284 118.341.3 is 142.772 098

With these authentic and significant facta end Azores before ns, we may reasonably assna* that the country has entered again noon a period of bnsines< prosperity. The interretine questions now are, have the good time# oome to stavt What can we da ia private and la pablio affairs to prolong the period of.proarerity. ana to mitiirate tbe mventy of bard ti nes when they again return! Tbe prospects are now bright, but all experience teaches that tbe wheel or human aflhtra, always turning, brings around those tremendous events called An sect si panics, if net with regularity, at any rate with certainty. Th* writer of an Intelligent article in one of the monthlies says: “Pantos, it baa been observed, recur about every twenty veers ia this country, and almost every tea years fa England.” Tbe explanation of tbie is not difficult to discover. In good ttmos tbo tsodoooy to to extravagance, to spemdatlon, sad to running la debt. Many spend mote than they earn, and tbo balance of trade soon bezinto ran szsinst oommanitieo and Individuals. Wbea this has continued until the bnatnoaa ot the country is loadsd down with debts, a financial crisis to inevitable, and only waits fsr “the loot straw.” If this view to correct the wav to meet the dangorone tendencies of finch times is plain. Let two of Doctor Franklin's homely proverb* be strietlv observed by Individuals and bv comm unities. One is: “Never live beyond your means;” and the other is like onto it namely—“ Pay as yon go.” It is easy to see that if these old maxims of tbo philosophy of common sense could have general practical aooepUmoe, the period of good times would bo greatly prolonged, and the calamities of bard ttmos weald be vastly diminished. There can be no great financial crisis without large indebtedness; and tbs distress which It brings ta In proportion to the extent or the extravagance, speculation. and consequent indebtedness which have canned it Those who an oat of debt suffer least Where the debts are heaviest the eeiamii v is heaviset Bat Hto of publio indehtedn*so, and especially of the debts of towns end cities, that I wish to say a fa w words. Tbe praottoe of erecting public debts, aa It prevails in this country, especially ia mantoipel government. baa long attracted very serious »Mention. It to • greet and growing evil States, wham good nemo and credit have been hitherto untarnished, are threatened with repudiation. Many towns and cities hove reached a point whose they moat seen toes th# saaae peril. I do not now wish to discuss tbe mtoehtofii of repndlati-m. My parpaao to merely to make e Ibw angeestion* m to the beet way to avoid repudiation. Bat, in passing, let me observe. Experience in this country has shown that no State Or community sen. under any circumstances, gain by repudiation The repudiaiom themselves cannot afford it. The eommaaily that deliberately refuses o provide for its boeeet debts kieeed its good naaoe and shuts tbe deer to fill hope of future prosperity. It demoralises sad degrades aQ classes of its dti sens. Capital aad labor and good people wiU o«e go to sacb communities, but wilt surely leave them. If I thought my words eonid Influence any at my wieforymsw who are so antertoaata as to bo asm•mllzwl ties Aomaiiloo fiLla n sammfil aas T 1 pofiaWfi* ™ owmwr Wifi UPBUUIL JL WOuKI ffimy I lOe aa good eitiaon bo ta.inoed by aay prospeet of advantage to bimaolf or to bis party to toko a single atop towards repudiation. Lot him ad him taoe like flint against tbo first dawning of aa attempt to eater apoa that downward pathway. It has boon well sold that tbe amst expensive way fbg a community to get rid of its boasat debts is lepadtottoa. Returning to tbe subject of menicipel debts, It le not sinoe these that live in towns and at ties whs are imturaseae la their wtae and economical govwaaeat All who trade with tbeir eitis~aa, aU who buy of them, ail who sell to then*—in a weed, the whole es the laboring and producing ols—rs meet hear a share es their burdens. Tbe taxes oeOceted hi the city find tbeir wav into tbe prim HMfiSfwhst to bought es aad told to tbe formers sad laborers In tbe country. On tbe question* of debt aad taxation dweller* of ejtyKadtooso 1^ fotojpto any foylt.itotkay for Kotitop ont. firenfor uolioa. for lownm i**, for aad fisr the thaaeaad other sinusitis* of

city life, would net be well suited te tbe taotra. habits, and wants of onr day. This generation mari bare steam fire-engines and water-work and tie taxnavers do net want to be colled npon to pay for the ointern* tha fire-buckets, and tha pumps of thirty yeaM ago. Municipal borrowing is the parent of wnat*. profitgray, and eomnxloe. Money tha* onmea easily gee* assay. In this career of reekless extravagance, titles build and bn* what they vlo not need, and pay tor what they get, (hr more the* It Is worth. I adopt tbe words es tbe valuable revert of thr Peunsvlvanta commission appointed to devise a idea ter the nußiatai es elite*. Te sum if up. it too often happora that “tbe men who authorise toe contracts are substantially the men wbo profess to perform -them. Tbe men who fix toe prices are substantially MS SS’RTJS £ who receive thsmonav." Tbe magnitude and toe growth of this evil are shown by statistics with which tbe public are femiUsr. Ido net choose te detain you by repeating them ia detail.