Rensselaer Republican, Volume 28, Number 14, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 10 December 1896 — FREE TRADERS’ PLANS [ARTICLE]

FREE TRADERS’ PLANS

WOULD OBSTRUCT RESTORATION OF PROTECTIVE DUTIES. Measures Proposed with No Other Object than to Excuse Further Resistance to the Restoration of Protective Duties. Catching Up. The return of prosperity involves a process of catching up. We have been going backward for nearly four years: we eaimot recover our lost ground in a week, nor in a month, nor in several jnonths. The measure of our progress must be from the nadir of our depression; every step upward is an approach toward the zenith of prosperity that was regnant in 1892. By way of illustration we quote the reports of 1,388 manufacturing establishments in forty-six States and territories, as made in response to circulars issued by the American Economist: No. of hands employed. No. of July, July, Industry. reports. 1892. 1896. Lumber 537..... 41,243 25,698 Woolen and worsted .... 108 22,085 11,673 Iron and steel .... 27 9,395 5,207 Pottery and glass. 15 1,735 633 Tfig iron and iron - - Jore ...., 6 3,391 1,401 Agricultural implements ...... —9 2,383 1.514 Cotton ’2l 17,805 13,974 Amount of wages paid. Industry— July, 1892. July, 1896. Lumber 51,442,011.56 $768,613.79 Woolen and worsted .... 599,417.37 278,665.17 Iron and steel . 407,535.99 214,173.35 Pottery and glass 64,469.11 14,670.84 Pig iron and iron ore .... 145,313.39 49,412.21 Agricultural implements ... 96,614.98 61,136.44 Cotton 484,680.75 349,377.96 Going into further detail we find that 63-establishments in Illinois employed 13,236 persons at a wage rate of $551,844 in July, 1892, and 9,228 person’s at a wage rate of $335,324 in July, 1896. In Ohio 139 firms employed 21,941 persons in July, 1892, and paid them $843,153, but in July, 1896, they employed only 16,416 at a wage rate of $499,427. This is a shrinkage of nearly one-third In the number of persons employed, and of nearly 27 per cent in the wage fund paid by 1,388 firms. lit July of this year 52,448 men were idle who in July, 1892, were at work in 1,388 mills and factories. If this be'the shrinkage in a fractional number of the Industrial enterprises of tire country what is the shrinkage in the sum total of the mills, mines and factories? The wage list of 1,388 industries is less by $19,214,448 a year in 1896 than in 1892; what must it be in all the industries of the country? , Thirty years of wise Republican legis-* lation had built up our industries till an apex of prosperity was reached in 1892; less than four years of foolish Democratic policy have sufficed to lower the pyramid well nigh to its base. That which was built -so. slowly -and has been pulled down so quickly cannot be restored to its old-time altitude in. a day ; but the work of reconstruction is begun and will progress rapidly. We are “catching up.”—Chicago Inter Ocean.

-SB To Prevent Protection.: More than thirty years ago the Republicans abolished the duties "ohtea and coffee on the ground that these articles of universal consumption, of which the wealthiest consume even less per capita than the poorest, ought not to be burdened with* duties in preference to other articles which tills country is able to produce, so that duties thereon operate as encouragement to home industry. At that point was drawn the distinctive line of separation between the free-trader,« who would put taxes on the workingman’s breakfast table in order to avoid stimulating a home Industry, and the protectionist, who prefers duties that help home industry and do not render articles of general consumption more costly. About the rates to be imposed on different articles, or the choice between different objects of duty belonging to the same class, protectionists may differ from Other protectionists, and freetraders from other free-traders. But there has been no time when the whole body of free-traders was not disposed to tax the poor man's breakfast table in order to avoid imposing duties on manufactured goods imported. Exactly the same principle was involved In the removal of duties on sugar in 1890, and in their imposition by the free-traders in 1894 in order to make jiosslble a redtictlori of $72,000,000 in duties on manufactured products. Whether the sugar duty may hereafter be considered protective in character, in view of the considerable development and great promise of the beet-sugar industry, is a different question; but in 1890 the encouragement of home production by a direct bounty was preferred, while in 1894 the duty on sugar was imposed avowedly because it was considered not protective in character. This brief statement or the principles which have governed the two opiwsing parties for twenty years will swtltce to show why men of Republican convictions cannot be expected to approve duties on tea and coffee while many important Industries languish because inadequately protected.

v The increase of the tax oij has been..long advocated by free ’traders for the same reason. It would take away. a reason for part of the duty on manufactured products. But it has never been proposed by free trade statesmen or politlcihns, nor have they dared to attempt it wjien in power, because they would not affront a large body of voters to •whom the brewery and the sellers wpuld readily make shell a tax appear most obnoxious. It does not matter that the increased duty would" in fact be paid by the brewers and the sellers, and need not advanoe the selling price of beer by a single half cent. The organized fortes interested to make such an increase of tax appear In the last degree offensive are well known. The fact that the voters who would be likely to be thus Influenced are numerous enough to turn the scale In several great States, whjch no party desires to abandon, is also well known. It is now about thirty-two years since

the tax on beer was fixed at its present figure, and in all the changes of taxation since attempted, sometimes by one party and sometimes by the other, neither has made a serious effort to alter this particular, tax. It is safe to say thpt it will not be changed this year or. next, and would ndtj-be If the question were left exclusively to the Congressmen of either party. These measures are not proposed with any other object than to excuse further resistance to the restoration of protective duties. For that restoration, not in detail but in principle, the people have decided by the greatest majority ever given on any issue. The measures proposed in order to avoid duties on manufactured products are distinctly hostile to protection in principle, and are urged for that reason and no other by the free traders'. Every one of them would enhance the cost of living for the working millions throughout the land, whereas protective duties would directly help them by encouraging the establishment of new industrial works, and Increasing the demand for labor. It is not for a moment to be doubted what the decision of intelligent advocates of protection will be, and the vote lately-cast shows plainly what decision the people, and especially the working millions, demand,—New York Tribune."

Politics and the Offices. There is one point in connection with the late presidential campaign which should not be overlooked by thought- ' fuT people. For many years we have had it dinned into our ears by the professional politicians that there is great danger to the Republic, in the adoption of civil service reform. It has been solemnly affirmed again and again that unless there were offices at stake the “people” would take no interest in politics. In fact, it has been upon this ground that most of the spoilsmen in Congress have based their opposition to the extension of the civil service laws. They have affected to regard inclvlsm as the greatest evil which can overtake democracy; and unless there were offices to fight for they have been unable to see how neglect of political duties by the citizens could fall in the end to disrupt the Government. Like the free silver doctrine, however, which was vigorously contradicted during the campaign by the rise in the price of wheat, this theory has been completely demolished by the history of the past four months. Never within the memory of the present generation has so much interest been taken in politics as during the late campaign. Even the oldest Inhabitants regard the fight for sound money as more interesting than the fights that were made in the 60’s for the preservation of the Union. Certainly, if one were to judge from •the noise that accompanied the contest, it was the most stupendous known to our history.

Yet the offices were practically not at stake- at all. By President Cleveland’s last civil service order practically all the public plunder left was brought under the law, and thus the only offices at issue were the cabinet portfolios, the first-class postoffices and the heads of the various departments of the Government. The “people” could not have had, and did not have any interest in these offices. The 90,000 “places” which used to excite the energy of- the masses are now under the competitive system' securely protected from intimidation and assessment. Moreover, McKinley Ls expressly - pledged to extend the service further-titan-Clevelands He is a civil service reformer of the bluest description. In voting for him the people could not have had any idea that he would reopen the public crib. The fact is—*and the late contest proves it—lively politics do not depend on the offices.— San Francisco Post.

West Not for Silver. That portion of the country which the Popocrats called the “silver West” before the election, but hot since, which includes the free silver producing States, voted as follows this year: McKinley. Bryan. The Central & Western States—Ohio, f* Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, Wiscon- , sin 1,953,241 1,605,346 The Northwest —Min- '•* nesotn. lowa, Kansas, Nebraska, N. Dakota,S.. Dakota, Wyoming 820,580 709,939 The silver mining eanip States —Ne- • - •• vada, Colorado, Montana, Idaho, Utah 53,133 280,601 The Pacific States — Washington, *Oregon, California ... 234,928 240,955 Totals 3,091,882 2,836,841 McKinley’s majority in the West 235,947 - Thus it appears that if the election had been held only in the so-called silver West Mr. Bryan would have received a smaller proportion of the total Electoral vote than he did by the voting of the whole country—McKinley's Electoral vote in the above States being 125 and Bryan’s 41. The South was of silver movement in 1896. Will it be so hereafter?

Money Is Easier. In New York, Friday afternoon;$2,000,000 was loaned on call at tlie rate of 2 per cent, per annum. A few days ago, say* the Tribute, a single loan of a small amount was made at 1 per cent., and it adds that not for montlufhas money inanj- amount been loanell as low as 2 per cent. Money on time was easy to obtain at 3 per cent, for sixty days, and per cent, for ninety days. And yet there are those who spend their days hi declaring that the volume of money Is not sufficient to do the business of the country. These facts show that such claims are absurd. Those Who can furnish goqd security can obtain money at very low rates. It is probable that there is a scarcity of security on the part of many who would Iwrrow. Consequently they should deplore the scarcity of collaterlalsand Implore the Government to furnish them to tfe people In sufficient quantity to them to borrow money at 4 or 6 per eent. Lotta is deemed one of the wealthiest women In the dramatic profession. In spite of her vast Income, she lives with her mother In a style that is humble | rather than pretentious.