Rensselaer Republican, Volume 27, Number 26, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 5 March 1896 — Page 3

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THE GREAT LAKES GOING

They Are Surely Drying Up, Bui Not Very Rapidly. Diminution Not So Noticeable aa to Me* .AXI oaultAta Economy in the Un <rf Water—Kvldenoe in Point. The professors of natural sciences and the editors of the various technical journals, true to the axiom which says that such persons are the last to grasp an important idea er to let slip an exploded theory, are just awakening to the fact that .the amountof water on the earth’s surface 1b fast diminishing in quantity.

The great Wiggins, he of the advanced school of astronomical weather prophest, has made the very surprising discovery (?) that the region adjacent to the great lakes is becoming as arid as the plains of western Kansas and Nebraska, and that the water surface of the lakes themselves is lowering very rapidly, owing to evaporation and deficiency in supply. We sincerely congratulate Prof.* Wiggins. These congratulations are not extended on account of his revelations concerning the arid conditions of the lake regions and our planet in general,nor of his being an advanced astronomical meteorologist. We bestow our compliments solely because his drying-up-of-the-lakes announcement bears evidence of the fact that the professor has been spending the early days of the “sere .and yellow

leaf” iu looking over the back files of the secular newspapers. Our only proof of the foregoing lies in the fact that Wig-r gins has never before advanced the theory that the earth is drying up, whereas it is a well-known fact that the great daily and weekly newspapers have been sounding the alarm for the past.ten or 15 years. » Over 200 years ago the great Sir Isaac Newton first set forth the theory that the earth would eventually 'become as dry and lifeless asthe moon is now supposed to be. In 1820 Laplace read A n article before the Paris Academy of Science in which he gave many proofs iiv support of the opinion that the old age of the earth, would be spent in cycles of extreme aridity. Newton’s ideas oh that score were so far in advance of the scientific knowledge of the time in which he lived that he never attempted to give reasons for his opinoin on that subject. Laplace’s proofs and explanations are so burdened with technicalities that they are bewildering to the average intellect. Years ago, perhaps even further in the past than the date set above, the wide-awake daily press seized upon the drying-up theory as a unique and interesting subject for editorial discussion, Before Wiggins had ever bethought himself to gain notoriety by posing as a weather prophet, the great dailies of this city, Chicago and New York contained periodical editorials under such heads as “The Earth Drying i’p,” “Our Arid Planet,” “Better Rave Water,” etc. In January, 1882, more than a year before “Prof. E. Stone Wiggins” first made himself prominent by predicting a ' cyclone of sufficient breadth and power as to smooth all thewrinkles out of the topography of the North American continent. Richard A- Proctor, the brainy English astronomical lecturer, gave proof that the. waters of the earth are diminishing nt the rate of the thickness of a sheet of writing paper each year. In view of the above references to the “drying-up theory,” is it not plain thatYViggips should be congratulated and complimented because of his late discoveries in that line?

Fourteen years ago the Republic, then the Missouri Republican, used the fol lowing' language in.hn ed itonal Qi. this subject: “The geologists tell us that the water surface on the whole earth is being rapidly lowered. « * * This diminution in the water supply is fast becoming appreciable. * * « The level of the great lakes is falling year by year.” We quote the passage in order to draw the attention of tin scientists of the present decade to the fact that years ago somebody knew that the great lakes were slowly drying up. We advance no theory of our own in explan»ii«<? of this idea earth is losing its water supply. We will say, however, that Prof. Proctor, the great astronomer quoted above, was of the opinion that as the earth’s interior fires die out it becomes porous and the waters sink entirely out of reach of surface inhabitants. At the rate it is now disappearing. Proctor said that it will take J 5,000,000 years to obliterate every trace of water from our planet. If the above 'figures had the ciphers cutoff we should be a little careful about wasting water; as it Is, we shall not use a smaller glass for drinking purposes or forego the luxury of a bath for several years to come.—St. Louis Republic.

Humanity Always Seeking Equality.

Perhaps it is because we know society to be merely a make-believe in its equality that so many society people regard a real equality as impossible, and ate content to remain in the makebelieve. But even the pretense of equality is precious, and it has more honesty in it than the pretense of inequality. There is nothing so essentially false as that; and the superior, when he takes thought, is as distinctly aware of the fact as the inferior. Humanity is always seeking equality. The patrician wishes to be with his equals because his inferiors make him uneasy; the plebeian wishes to be with his equals because his superiors make him unhappy. This fact accounts for Inequality itself, for classed. Inferiority and superiority were intolerable to Bien, and so they formed themselves into classes, that inside of these classes they might have the peace, the comfort, of-equality; and each kept himself to his own class for that reason.—W. D Howells, in Centnrv... ,

A STRONG ARGUMENT

REASONS FOR A SPECIAL LEGISLATIVE session; Memorial to Governor Matthews Calling Attention to the Uneonstltutionaltty at the Apportionment Act of 1888 ahd Urging Action oa His Part—Honest and Valid Law Promised. Is a special session of the legislature desirable at this time? Able answer to this interrogatory is made in the memorial presented to Governor Matthew* by Chairman Gowdy and Committeemen McCulloch and Feeler, in behalf of and the party at large. It points but clearly the unconstitutionaiity of the act of 1885 and presents sound argument for such action as is recommended: Hon. Claude Matthews, Governor of Indiana: Under the recent decision of the supreme court iu the Denny case, the acts of the general assembly passed in 1893 and 1895, for legislative apportionment, were adjudged to be unconstitutional. The same adjudication had been theretofore made by the supreme court with respect to the apportionments enacted in 1879 and 1891, ip the Parker case, the correctness of which reaffirmed in the Denny ease, in which it is suggested by the supreme court that the validity of the act of 1883 wasnot wesonted by the record, and it was also intimated in the Denny case that, as the act of 1885 was the last act on the subject of legislative apportionment that had not been held to be unconstitutional, the ensuing elections would take place under it unless in the nwantimethe governor should see fit to call a special session of the legislature to pasa-an apportionment law. The aetrof 1885 is subject to each and every objection adjudged in either the Parker or Debny cases. Indeed the specific objection on account of which the act of 1895 was held tube unconstitutional—the double 1 senatorial district composed of Clinton, Boone and. Montgomery counties

—existed opt onlyia principle, but identically the same counties composed a double district in the aet of 1885,. as well as in the act of 18G& It to, therefore, self-evident not only that; the act ot 1885 must be set aside as unconstitutional whenever the machinery to teat it to put in motion, but that all of the people of the Whole state, from yourself to the humblest voter, have ■ actual direct personal knowledge that the qpt of 1885 is unconstitutional, and, therefore, a nullity, and mdeea there aye overwhelming reasons of a eenvineiagaud satisfactory character, no eteetiea under what has heretofore supposed to have been a valid law, but to now known to be an absolute nullity on account of its nneonstftutionality, should be considered as within the bounds of possibility. Not only was the act of 1885 unconstitutional at the time of its passage, and therefore still so, but it was flagrantly unjust and unfair, and the growth of the state since 1863, when the enumeration was made showing a voting population of 494,650, as contrasted with 627,073, the enumeration of 1865, instead of softening its barah and unjust features, has only emphasized the unfairness which was originally there. Without going into detail, we beg to suggest that it is reasonably certain, to say the least, that similar objections may be made with reference to the apportionment laws enacted in 1867 and 1873. It is not at all extraordinary that the one party oeming into power after having suffered under those apportionments, should have swung as far, if not farther, on the other ride in the apportionments made by it in 1879, 1885, 1891 and 1893, nor should it be entirely unexpected tuat when a change was again made, the apportionment then made should not have been absolutely and entirely satisfactory. System of Double Districts. 4 The principal ob jection to the act of 1895 was the formation of double districts. This principle, which existed in the apportionment act of 1851, which was recognized and continued in the constitution itself and then disappeared from the apportionment laws to appear again for the first time in the act of 1885, could be so applied, if it were permissible, as to circumvent every other constitutional safeguard and measurably perpetuate the power of the minority. Neither we nor the party we Fepresentnor you nor your party, will defend any such principle, nor will any party uphold it, but there has been in the past a great temptation to legislators, through a process that has existed for a long time in this state, to attempt to continue in power by what was supposed to be Judicious leg. isiation within constitutional limits the party to which they belonged and In whose principles they believed. Whatever may have been the feeling with the people in times past, a quickened conscience and a broader feeling of fairness among the people as a whole repudiates this method of unfair aud We are not prepared to suggest that the specific infirmity ascertained to exist with respect to the acts of 1879, 1885, 1891, 1893 and 1895 are also contained in the act of 1857, but we respectfully submit that an election under an apportionment made nearly 40 years ago under which the county of Scott, with an enumeration of less than 2,000; Brown and Warren, each with less than 8,060; Crawford, Orange, Martin, Owen and Vermillion, each with lees than 4,000, and Perry, Dubois, Lagrange, Jennings, Steuben, Franklin, Pulton, Hancock, Morgan and Washington, each with less than 5,000, is accorded one representative, while VanderbUrg. with 10,MO; Madison, with 14,968; Grant, with 13,765; St. Joseph, with 12,584; Elkhart, With 11,657, and Delaware, with 11,877, are each only given one representative, and Jefferson, with 6,246; Putnam, with 5,609, Dearborn, with 5,974; Laporte, with 9,482, are accorded two representatives each, while Marion, with 46,021; Allen, with 18,485, and Vigo, with 15,957, are given but two each, and Wayne, with an enumeration of but 10,819, is accorded three representatives, would constitute such a gross and grotesque caricature on equal representation, although the law may have been entirely constitutional when and consequently remains so, that no officer or person or association of persons would willingly accept the responsibility therefor unless it was absolutely unavoidable: and yet it is clear that all that is necessary to be done is to set the machinery of the law In motion, and every law this side of the act of 1857 must go down when tested by the constitution. If the act of 1857 should be ascertained to be unconstitutional the only remaining apportionment law under which the election might possibly be held would be that passed in 1851, which, by reason of having been recognized and approved in the constitution, itself must necessarily be held free from constitutional infirmity. Whatever other objections there may be to utilising the apportionment of 1851, it is certain that the lapse of time and the different growths of the state in the different

locaHties would only emphasize Its tpla» tm unfairness. .. ‘ Unsettled Condition es AMMn. I While it fe true, as stated above, that all the acta since 1857 have either been formally declared to be unconstitutional or are known to contain the same unconstitutional features, there is yet nowhere in any court any order directing apy of the election officers under what particular law to proceed, or forbidding them to proceed under any particular law. The judgment of the Sullivan circuit court having been reversed an<J that judgment having been specifically limited to the officers in that county, in the various connties throughout the state the election officers would, in the present condition of affairs, seem to be at liberty to pick out from the “job lot” of unconstitutional laws offered them whatever might seem the least objectionable or the most beneficial to his particular county, in which event officers in Scott. Brown, Jefferson, Putnam, Dearborn and Wayne would probably give their notices under the act of 1857, while those in Grant, Marion, Madison. Allen, Vigo and Vanderburg might proceed under the act of 1895, and stHl others might ■select an apportionment of some other year, and this would result in an election so ragged and disjointed as that the result could not by any possibility be harmonized in the creation of a legal general assembly There is no reason in law for not proceeding—in the absence of an injunction Jor mandate from a court of competent jurisdiction—upder either the act of 1879,1891, 1898 or 1895, whieh have been formally held to be unconstitutional, that does not with equal force and vigor forbid the holding of an election under the act of 1885, now universally known to be exactly as unconstitutional as either or any of the former. If an agreement'could be entered into by all the voters of all the parties of the whole state, which could be binding, and which would be respected by ail of them, it would still only result in an election under a void law—that is, without law. While the election in 1894 was held under what is now judicially ascertained to have been unconstitutional law and therefore no law at the time it was held, it had been formally adjudged by the decisions of an Inferior but a constitutional court to be a valid law and the situation'with respect to that is radically different from the situation with respect to an election ■ under the act oflßßs, now universally and bycommon knowledge discredited as being obnoxious to the constitution. While the Wishard decision emanated from an inferior court, and had not the support of thfe authority of the supreme court, and is in terms repudiated by the last expression of that court, still there was a measure of color of law in holding an election under a law adjudged, so far as the entire election machinery of the state is concerned, to be valjd and constitutional, aqd the situation of attempting next fall to hold an election under the act of 1885, after everybody knows that it needs only the touch of the judicial pen to cause it to disappear, would produce a much graver and more dangerous situation than that which obtains now with reference to the legislature elected in 1894. ■ ■

Want a Constitutional Apportionment. It is obvious that the security of the people will be increased by the enactment of a constitutional law under which the great lawmaking body of the state to to he chosen. Unwarranted though it be, yet much confusion already exists in the minds of some of the people as.to thaeffectaof laws enacted by legislatures chosen under invalid apportionments. The legislature must, of course, provide for the levy of taxes, the support of the great public institutions, the maintenance of the public credit, the security of titles, etc., and it is in the highest degree important that no question should exist at any time as to its absolute legality. There should, we submit, be a valid law, under which the election should be held and that can only be provided by the lawmaking powers—the general assembly. It is today the only power that can relieve the people of the state from the extraordinary dilemma in which they find themselves as the result of efforts by partisans to gain partisan advantage, in disregard of the mandates of the constitution. This being the grave situation, the committee of one of the great parties in the state was called together to consult concerning it, and after long, careful and conscientious deliberation, decided that the members of the general assembly should be asked to subscribe a pledge that in the event you should see fit to convene the general assembly in special session, no general legislation should be entered upon except to pass a constitutional apportionment law, and we were appointed a subcommittee to present this matter-to you. The pledges have been given in writing by a majority of the members of each house and are in our possession. With them as our authority. we can and do now positively assure you that if the legi -lature is convened in special session nothing will be done or attempted in the line of legislation, except to provide for the expenses of the session, which vriiYbc light, insKnu<&. as it wiM* . necessarily be very short, and to pass an apportionment bill which shall conform , to every requirement of the constitution, as indicated by the coarts, and that every effort shall be made that it may be equal 1 and fair in its application to the election to be held this fall. Faith In the People. We have faith in the good sense and patriotism of the law-abiding people of the state, but we are aware of the opportunities for confusion and trouble that might follow any effort to proceed either in defiance of or beyond the law. We have conceived it to be our duty under the existing emergency to meet the executive in a spirit of candor, and with a purpose to co-oper-ate in any reasonable and honorable way to avoid all possible embarrassment and confusion in the future. It is with this object in view that we present this assurance, and we do so, urging with all the earnestness of which we are capable, that you will avail yourself of your constitutional right to convene the general assembly in order that the situation may oe relieved and the election of the next general assembly placed upon a constitutional, law-abiding basis, from which we express the hope that no general assembly in the future will ever attempt to depart. In view of the exigencies of the situation, may we not hope that this memorial will have your very prompt consideration and we receive an early reply indicating your conclusions!

An Actress Handsome Wheel.

Caroline Miskel-Hoyt baa been voted the most popular actress in the United States in a recent contest. The prise offered was a full nickel bicycle of standard make finished in a moat elaborate manner, with handeomely ornamented toolbag, a solid silver cyclometer and a silver search lamp. A plate of gold was engraved with the name and an appropriate inscription. The bicycle has been formally presented to Mrs. Hoyt—New York Tribune. ■-

PUNGENT PARAGRAPHS.

—“TWy say that Ghoily ha»loathb» ushtd." “Is that so? Does he knpw KT“—Boston Couries. » —“He said I was his life’s sunsbUta." **l guess you will find that all moonshine.”—Boston Courier. —Prisoner—"What, that man is going to defend me? Why, fie couldn't bring an innocent person through!”— Fliegende Blaetter. —"T«U me, guide, why so few peoplq ascend that magnificent mountain.” “Because no has ever fallen off it." —Fliegende Blaetter. —“Wqll met, colonel!” *Tm not a colonel, sir!” “Pardon me! Iwasun-i dar the impression you had been ini Georgia six weeks!”—Atlanta Constitu-. tion. i —Her Choice.—“ What kind of a tie dot you admire most?” he asked as he made) his regular call. “The marriage tie,”! she answered truthfully, and without! hesitation.—Detroit Free Press. ' —Hoax—“You worked your way; through college, didn’t you?” Joax—i “Right.” Hoax —“What, did yon at?” Joax—“The other students clpally.”—Philadelphia Record. —Slobbs “Jenkins told me Mire Beaconstreet was an old flame dfi yours.” Blobbs—“An old flame? Im-, possible I” “Why impossible?” “She’s) from Boston.”—Philadelphia Record. —A—“ When I see you I always think) oi the proverb: To whom God gives an; office, to him he gives understanding.’ 1 ! B-—“ But I have no office!" 'A—“Well don’t you see how that- fits?”—Fliegende Blaetter. —Mfr.Spinks—"Well, wlUle, has your sister made up her mind' td go to the concert with me?” Willie —“Sep. She’s made up her mind and she’s taskin' up her face now. She’ll be down in. a minute."—Great Divide. —Miss Kostique—“Do you know when, I see you looking so happy It reminds me of what a great poet once said.” Cholly Saphead—“lndeed! Pway, what was it?” Miss K,—“Where ignorance Is bliss."—Philadelphia Record. —He—“l have never loved but ones in all my life." She—" What?" H*“Faot, 1 assure you. It has somehow; always happened that I never waa quttdi free from the one girl by the time the next one came along.” Journal. t-fO'-p*, —Confident of It.—Lady of the House —“I should think you would be afraid to come around lu the back yard. X notice you didn’t do it last week oa account of our big dog.” Tramp—“No*m. But I knew that dog wasn’t here any more." Lady of the House—“ How do yon knew H?” Tramp-—“I let Hm liave that piece of pie you gave me.*— Detroit Free Press.

TURNED THE TABLES.

Hew a Mharg Drnmmer Ge* toe Mart *f • Maxlean Handl*. “From some of the reports circulated in the east,” said German P. Tetnew, of .Galveston, Tex., the other night, “one is led to believe thst the western, particularly the fur southwestern, citizen is a pretty bad naan, whose chief amusement and means of gaining a livelihood consist of highway robbery. But I think the finest piece of ‘holding up! I ever heard of was accomplished by a young New Yorker who traveled in our state and Mexico for a druggists* fancy articles manufactory. “This young man,” he continued, “was traveling in the state of Coahuila, Mexico, about two years ago and went one night to Saltillo, the capital of the state. It was the first time he had been in the town, and, after transacting a little business, ho started out to see the sights. As he entered an isolated street he was suddenly confronted by a brig*-andrsli-luoking fellow, who, in glib mongrel Spanish, demanded his valuables, with accompany ing gestures that made his meaning perfectly intelligible to ths intended victim. The highwayman held in one hand a long, sinisterlooking knife and waved it about in a suggestive manner which implied the necessity of ready compliance with his wishes or a tragic result. "But the salesman was a man of quick wit and ready resources. Instead of handing over his property he thrust his hand into his pocket, and a moment later the cold, shiny barrel of what seemed to be a revolver was pointed at the would-be robber’s head. " ‘Excuse me,* said the young man. ‘but this is my game? “Naturally, the surprise caused by the unexpected production of the supposed revolver produced a change in the confident manner In which the robber had confronted the New Yorker, and he started back. Instantly the salesman knocked the knife from his hand, stooped down, picked it up, took the highwayman by the collar before ho could escape and marched him before the police authorities. At ths preliminary trial of the would-be robber tho following morning the guilt of the prisoner was already established, and hia commitment was about to follow when he asked if it were not an offense for strangers in the country to carry concealed weapons. Ho was told that it was. Then hs demanded the arrest of the young salesman, charging him with carrying a revolver. The native justice asked the salesman If the charge was true. This was admitted. He was then asked if he still had the weapon concealed on his person. The young man said he had, but pleaded that its possession had the night before prevented a robbery and possibly murder. He was informed that such a circumstance did not alter the case and that he had violated the law. "The prisoner smiled sardonically on, beholding the tight place into which the authorities were seemingly draw, ing the New Yorker, but his mirth turned to disgust when the young man pulled the revolver from his pocket and laid it down before the magistrate. It was nothing but a cologne atomizer fashioned in the shape of a revolver, such as were manufactured in quantities several years ajpo.”—Baltimore Sun.