Rensselaer Republican, Volume 28, Number 3, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 19 September 1895 — Another Theory Smasher. [ARTICLE]

Another Theory Smasher.

Indiana makes a good showing in Grand Apny membership, its enrollment representing 21,577 men in good standing. New York heads the list with 48,080; Pennsylvania follows with 48,218, and Ohio with 80,601. —— |?he statistician of the agricul tural department at Washington estimates this year’s corn crop at 2,400,000,000 bushels, and it is also calculated that if it realizes no more than 25 cents per bushel it will represent-a value of $600.000,000. Tnese figures are rather amazing, but they are based on encouraging fact and reliable matnematics.

Eleven states will elect governors or other state officers next November. These are lowa, Kansas, Kentucky, Maryland, Massachusetts. Mississippi, Nebraska, New York, New Jersey’ Ohio and Penndylvania. Besides those named Utah will abandon the Territorial stage and take its place as a state this year, choosing a full set, of officers. In some of these, and in a few other states, Legislatures will be elected which will choose United State Senators.

Flier® have been already three Wnd sales under, the Cleveland administration, amounting, says the Irish World, to over ?lfiO,GQOranging from nine and a half years to thirty years in length of . time, when they will fall due, and bearing interest at four and five j*r cent The charge thus saddled upon the country .by taking away the duties on imports which would have made the bond sales wmecessary makes the following •Jhrtling aggregate: FBINCn’iL. INTEREST. $50,000,000 at 5 por cent., 10 years, $25.000.000 50,000,( 00 at 5 per cent., 9% years, 21,750,000 #8,315,400 at 4 per cent., 30 years, 74,778,480 $162,315,400 $123,528,480 This makes a total of principal (fid in et«sc o£ $285,843,880, representing less tiian three years of Democratic meddling with the finances of the country, and immediately following an adminisunuer w Luca tue national was being steadily reduced, the national reserve fund aug<l :n4 "*>;-’•• .. . d- : ■ < 1 j rosftority prevailing throughout the laud.

The workings of the Gorman Tariff show in fin unmistakable manner that cheapness cnJ PireePrade are as firm allies as are IJf-oteetion and excellence. Taking the case of free wool, an in- ? legation ot any market in the fled Sh-itti will show that the tjit.y of the woolen goods now Wbg offered tor saie tnrooghout j *« eountry is vastly inferior to J She quality and finish ol the goods t|||t were bom hero a fms years rife. The foreign manufacturers m woolen goods have determined secure as much qt our uade as Amy possibly ctm uuder the lower tuifr now in existanee. What 4s*y cannot get by the under fraud they will get by flftoid iu the aitmixture of the Faf''>nr*n i nf the goods, tides that they off to r’l us being 1 made of all wool are either '<■ -nr,} ~hoddy, 0 all shoddy. It is not only in d« tK n f the 4sfcttanguinity of cheapness and Free-Trade is so noticeable. It jdjuidj bi n- i I ><• e»i-m ’ very flfttcle made in a Free-Trade qpuntry, v.herd'd 1 r .e c* labor degraded to iho lowed roinpetpoint. >*uero a nnu*.cl cauaot be secured, or a margin of ppbfit gained, by squeezing additional blood money oat of the un-

Free-Trade laborer, it done by deteriorating the quality of the goods manufactured. This has been particularly noticeable during recent years in the construction of English sCeamships, those ordinary freight carriers that our Free-Traders were so anxious that We should purchase under a free *ship bill, and which the foreign shipbuilders and foreign ship owners were, on their part, equally anxious to sell us. For stability, sound material, careful workmanship and excellance of finish, the American steamship to-day stands s'ecoaddo none in the world. Good wages mean good work; cheap wages mean cheap work. Free-Trade means cheap wages and cheap goods; means "good wages and the best of goods.

One of the greatest of the free trade war cries has always been that if we did not buy we could not sell,” meaning that if we manufactured in our own country all the goods required for our own market, without importing any from foreign countries, then foreign countries, would not buy any of our farm produces, or domestic manufactures. Many people have been foolish enough to believe this theory. Now let us look at the facts. Taking the statistics of our import and export Irado for-4ho fiscal years ending June 80, 1891 and 1895, as supplied by the bureau of statistics of the Treasury Department, we find that our imports from European countries during the two years were as follows: 1895. $888,686,842 1894................ 295,077,865

Increase, 1895,... 88,608,977 It appears that during the 1895 year, since the Gorman tariff went into effect, we bought from European countries foreign goods worth 188,608,977 more than we bought in 1894. Having increased our purchases by this large sum of money in a single year, we naturally turn to the figures of our exports, expecting to find that we have increased Jour sales of American goods by about the same amount of money; but what dp -we find? Here are the figures: -^m****** 1894 .$700,870,822 1895 627,975,138 * -aDecrease, 1895,.. .$72,895,689 It seems that during 1895 we sold to European countries $72,895,689 worth less of our American products and manufactures thau we did during the fiscal year epding June 30, 1894. In the 1895 year we spent over $55,600,000 more money in European countries, and they spent $72,900,000 less money in this country. We certainly bought more from them but, instead of them return ing the compliment, they bought less from us. Our loss for the year’s dual under the Gorman' tariff, which is only the first step toward free trade, exceeded $l6O, 000,000. Thus another free-trade theory is smashed.—American Economist.

Hon. Robert P. Porter, in his address, last Thursday, before the State Republican League, of jSew York, uttered the following splendid sentiments: “I believe that she first and most important duty of the Republican press at this time is to keep the tariff issues in front; to keep before the people of the country the fundamental differ-' euce between a Republican and a. Democratic tariff law. This is an issue that the Democratic party la trying its best to smooth over and put in the background. For this reason alone the Republican press of this eountry should push it to the front and hold it thsre. > There tan be no compromise with our enemies on the tariff question. The real Democratic leaden stkartl today on < the tariff 1 question ns they have done in the past. Lett RepabUtoaan, therefore, stand firmly by the legislation which br<mght about the noonday sun df prosperity in 1892. It is our duty to defend that act, to hold that position against ali, assaults ol the enemies of Amencan enterprise, American labor, and American homee. The McKinley law as it stood

r on* r fhe“Mafute bobkS teprefeent the broadest statesmanship. It extended the free list, reducing the average advalorem rate on all imported merchandise a trifle over 20 per cent, less than half the average rate of duty during the war. It gave tli® masses of the people tli© gr«at boon of , free sugar. It gave the manufacturer free raw material wherever this could be done without destroying an American Industry or impoverishing American labor. It reduced duties wherever it was possible without injury to American manufacturers. It feaxlessiy increased duties wherever by so doing it was possible to establish on this side of the Atlantic an industry employing American labor and American capital. It strengthened the administration of the customs laws by substituting specific for advalorum duties, thereby deceasing the possibilities of fraud. It adjusted, rates of duties to the needs of business with the one patriotic aim of employing the largest amount of American capital and the greatest number of American artisans for the benefit of the home market.