Rensselaer Republican, Volume 27, Number 6, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 4 October 1894 — M’KINLEY SPEAKS [ARTICLE+ILLUSTRATION]

M’KINLEY SPEAKS

Grand Welcome Accorded Ohio’s Governor at Indianapolis. Formal Opening of the Republican Campaign In Indiana. TOMLINSON HALL CROWDED. Capital City Filled With Enthusiastic Republicans. Hall Beautifully Decorated in Honor ; of Protection’s Champions. BENJAMIN HARRISON'S REMARKS. Kx*Prealdent Received With Great Applause by Hla -Admiring Friends—Full Account of His Speech—The Democratic Party's Double-Dealing In Congress Scathingly Referred To Republican Victory Assured In Indiana In November—The Eyes of Workingmen Opened to the Fact That the Democratic Party Instead of Being Their Friend Is Their Worst Enemy—Fallacy of the Doctrine of Free Trade Shown—Magnificent Reception to the Two Great Republicans. Indianapolis, Sept. 25.—The Republican campaign in Indiana was opened here today by William McKinley, governor of Ohio, assisted by Benjamin , Harrison, ex-president of the United States. Thn eariy trains into the were crowded with Republicans and later ones, on some of the roads, could not haul enough cars to accommodate all the people who wished to get here. At 1:15 o'clock William McKinley and Benjamin Harrison appeared upon the stage of Tomlinson hall. The audience was responsive to their presence and a prolonged cheer followed. Mr. Harrison's Remarks. My Fellow Citizens: The ‘delightful duty has been assigned me by the state central committee of the Republican party of Indiana to preside over this great meeting. lamto be its chairman, not its speaker, and I congratulate you on that fact. [Laughter.] I brought the distinguished gentleman to whom you are to listen to this hall this afterno »n, without sending any courier in advance to find whether there were enough people here for him to speak to. [Cheers.] I notice in the audience here today with great satisfaction the presence of many of our older fellow citizens. The old men are fond of telling of the “good old times.” but the times to which they lode back to with so much delight are glorified in the fact that the processes of nature and of Providence have covered the things that were hard, and brought out in the memory those things that were sweet and pleasant. But the good times which I have in mind are not good old times, but very young good times. [Applause.] So young that only the unweaned babes have no memory of them. Only two years ago this country was not only the most prosperous country in the world—for that it had been before—but it stood upon the highest pinnacle of prosperity that it had ever before attained. [Cheers.] This is not the verdict of politicians; it is the verdict of the commercial reporter; it is the expressed opinion of those men who make a profession of studying business conditions. The last two years have been years of distress and disaster. The losses of them defy the skill of the calculator. It has been said, I think, not without reason, that they exceed the cost of the great civil war. These losses have not been classed losses; they have been distributed. The holder of stocks and bonds has found his wealth shrinking, and so has the farmer; and the workingman has found his wages shrinking There has been a general participation in the calamities of the past two years, as there was a general participation of the prosperity of the preceding year. [Applause.] The great national debts, like those of the civil war, have sometimes their adequate compensation. Great as was the oest of the war for the Union, we feel that it was adequately compensated in the added glory that was given to the flag, and in the added security that was given to our civil institutions and the unity of the nation. [Cheers.] No Compensating Thought. But the losses of these last two years have no such compensating thought. There is no good to be gotten out of them, except for guidance. They seem to be of retributive nature, like the swamp, into which the traveler has unwarily driven, that have no ameliorating circumstances, except as they teach him to keep on the foothill and to follow the road that is on the hilltops. Our people seemed to be inclined to make the most that can be made out of these years of disaster. We were told in the old times the rich were getting richer and the poor poorer; and to cure that imaginary ill our political opponents have brought on a time when everybody is getting poorer. [Great applause.] I think I remember to have heard of an inscription once upon a tombstone that ran something like this: “I was well; I thought to be better; I took medicine, and here I lie.” [Laughter and apAemocratio friends have passed a tariff Uli that is approved—so far as I can learn—by only six Democratic senaators and nobody else. [Laughter.] Mr. Cleveland has repudiated it and declared that it involves “perfidy and dishonor;” that it was shameful in its character and in the influences that produced it; that he would not even put his name to it. All of the leading Democratic papers in the country have condemned p—both of the old stalwart variety and W *0 mugwump variety. The DemoMUtoMMMHief the ways nd means

committee has condimrol it and the entire Democratic majority in the house df representatives. Now that is a great misfortune. It is a misfortune that the Democratic party was not able to evolve a tariff bill that that party would accept as a settlement of the tariff question. But it is not accepted as a settlement. In the very nature of things, a bill thus passed and thus characterized cannot be a S' ttlement; and already we have the proclamation from Mr. Cleveland and from Ml Wilson that this is only the beginning of the crusade against American industries; that the war is to goon. Now that is a great misfortune. If we could prove by our Democratic friends that we were in the bottom of the well, dark and damp and dismal as it was, we would have begun to look up and see whether we could not find some star of hope; we would have begun to annoint our bruises and try to build some scaffold by which we might try to climb out. But wfe are told that there are greater depths yet in store'for us. And so this country is to be held in a state of suspense upon this question. M’KINLEY INTRODUCED. Received With Great Enthusiasm by the Assembled Thousands. u When Mr. Harrison finished there was applause both for what he said and for what was promised from Mr. McKinley. The latter .began to speak slowly—so soon as the generous and general applause subsided. He clung on to the last syllables of his words. His voice was soft and flexible, with a rising tendency as he proceeded. He spoke as follows: Mr. President, My Fellow Citizens of Indiana, Ladies and Gentlemen—ln November, 1892, a Republican national administration, able and efficient and patriotic, which had managed the govern-

ihent with' exceptional zeal and ability for nearly" four years—at the head of whik’i was one of our greatest presidents, the illustrious citizen from Indiana [applause], he who presides over this meeting—was, by the voice of the American people, voted out of power. Those who assisted in that decree and those who were opposed to it have been regretful and unhappy ever since. [Applause and laughter.] In obedience to that decree the Democratic party has been in supreme control of the government for now nsarly 19 months and for the greatest part at that time it has bean engaged in trying to revise the tariff. It must have been apparent even to congress that long before it had concluded the consideration of that subject the people had already revised their opinions, and were filled with anxiety To pass judgment upon their work. It did •not take the people of this country as long to revise their views as it took the

Democratic party to revise the tariff. [Laughter.] This has been a period of ■sober reflection, steadied by the discipline of adversity, and, after all, the form of instruction which is most effective and enduring in experience. And we have had that with great abundance for the last 18 months, but have been blessed with little else. The country is ready to speak upon the work of the Democratic party. There has never been, I think, in the political history of the country a greater revolution in public sentiment than the one which has occurred in the last 18 months and since the November elections of 1892. The Revulsion. Beginning in New York, thence to Pennsylvania, thence to the two congressional districts in the great Empire state of New York, thence to lowa and to Ohio and a half dozen other states in the year 1893, and then coming down to the election of 1894, beginning with Oregon and ending in Maine, gives to the people a realization of the wonderful revolution that has taken place in the sentiment of the country within 24 months. What, my fellow citizens, has been the cause of this remarkable change? The Democratic party has been running the government for eighteen months, during which time little else has been running. [Great applause.] We have had very little to employ us but observation and reflection. Business has been practically stopped. Labor has been little employed and when employed at greatly reduced wages. The waste of wealth and property and wages is beyond human calculation. Government and people have been draining their resources and both have been running in debt. The government has suffered in its revenue and the people in their incomes. Distress has been everywhere universal. No brightness, no cheer, no hope have been manifest anywhere, and the appeals to charity were never so universal and incessant; and their necessity never more manifest than in the last two years. Congress has trifled with the sacred trust confided to it by,the people, has disgusted its own imperiled their enterprises and investments, and the people have been thinking about it. Those who have not been thinking have been feeling—feeling the stress of the times wrought by the great change. What, my fellow citizens, in all these months have they done? They have given us a revision of the tariff, such as it is—a revision which the presiding officer, General Harrison, has well said, nobody approves of and everybody is ashamed of. Even Mr. Mills of Texas declared in open debate that the Gorman-Brice bill, which has just become a law, was not approved by 1,000 people within the United States. I ordinarily disagree with Mr. Mills, but in that I quite agree with him. A law, my fellow citizens, which never had the consideration of the committee of i ways and means,a law which was never

coiMudered by the finance committee of the senate, a law which, never was considered by the conference committee of the tw<s lipusos and which was only left in the conference committee and not withdraw.! by the senate because of the hurried action of the house of represehtatives in adopting that law under the threat of the agents of the trusts that it was to be that bill or none, and in all human probability none. A bill which has received, the condemnation of the president of the United States, a bill ■which he condemned before its passage, whFwhen it was pass-d, under, the mightiest pressure of his party, refused =fo=giw=4o.it his signature; a law which. he declared Was the result of party per- i fidy and party dishonor, and which, since its passage, he declares the very communism of pelf. Will the People Do It? And it is this law-—it is this tariff legislatioii—that the people of this country,' are asked to approve by their votes ‘in j November next, and they are asked to return to congress here in the state of Indiana and in other states the very same men who helped to make this law. ! Will you do it? (Cries of “No!”) You: have got an opportunity here in Indiana to show your disapproval of that law by leaving at home the men who'helped to write it. (“We will do it!”) There are about six in Ohio who -will be left at home. | Applause.] • . My fellow citizens, the manner of the making of the law should condemn it, if nothing else. It was not made by a de-liberate-house. It was not made by a deliberate senate. It was traded through in violation of party principles, public interest and public morals, and I want to show that, not by Republican testimony, but by Democratic testimony. History of tb.e Legislation. The history of the new tarff legislation is interesting and instructive. The house, which alone has the power to originate revenue bills, passed what is known as the Wilson bill, a measure which has the unenviable distinction Of being the only tariff bill, in our history t-liat was ever indorsed by a president in his annual message to congress before it had been reported to the house or even Considered by the committee on ways and. means [applause and laughter] And before it had ever been officially adopted by any official committee Zof either the house or the senate of the United States. That bill did not raise sufficient revenue to conduct the government. Every estimate I have seen of its revenueraising power created a deficiency of from $40,000,000 to $70,000,000. That bill went to the senate and took the usual course of rcfereuce to the committee on finance which is charged with the revenue legislation of the senate. After protracted consideration by the committee, the Wilson bill, with more than 400 amendments, was reported to the senate. But, after much talking and wrangling, it was soon made manifest that neither the Wilson bill, nor the Wilson bill with the finance committee’s amendments, could pass that body; and so, taking the bill out of the hands of the committee, taking it out of the hands of the senate, taking it out of the control of the finance committee of the senate, a self-eonstituted committee, consisting of Mr. Jones of Arkansas, Mr. Vest of Missouri, and Mr. Harris of Tennessee, on which was not a single northern senator, was made the adjusting committee to fix up a bill that could command 43 votes, or a majority. of the senate of the United States The senator from Arkansas himself best tells how

it was done. Speaking of the bill of the i finance committee in open senate after its passage he said—and I quote from < the record: “We knew that to pass the bill in thn form at that time was impossible. With ! that fact staring us in the face, we saw the necessity of passing some sort of a tariff bill while we had the pdwer. The senator from Tennessee, the senator | from Missouri, and myself and other members of the committee, and senators not on the committee, discussed the sit\ nation freely. I began conversation ' with individual senators one after an-. I carefully noted down the ob-' jections and criticisms of each, and to each particular paragraph throughout! the bill, and the objection made to it. I went from the beginning to the end I through the bill ■with man after man on ■ this side of the chamber, spending days ' and days in the work. After I had tallied with each who was opposing the bill and had noted on the margin of the bill what was said, I had every objection presented by eaqh of them, and after I had gone over the marginal notes ; and made up my mind exactly what 1 were the smallest modifications which ■ would at all meet the difficulties which were in the way, I consulted thft secretary of the treasury and the president and those that made the bill.” That is to say, he said to ihe several senators who wore not pledged and who refused to be bound by party caucuses. "What do you want, what is your price for "voting for this bill? Name your consideration?” He did not put the question, What is the best interests of the country? He did not ask, What is for ‘ the best interest of the wage earners? He did not ask, Wlpt is best for the farmers and the agriculturalists? He did i notask, What would carry out the pledges and purposes of the Democratic party? , He asked what must be the price to be ; given to the unbound senator, to get him to vote for some sort of a bill, while the Democratic party had the power, and that is the way that bill was made. That, of itself, my fellow citizens, ought to condemn it. The voice of Indiana was not heard in the making of that bill. Three senators from three southern states made the industrial law for 65,000,000 of people. [Applause.] And I give notice here and now, speaking for my fellow countrymen, that we do not propose to be bound by legislation made in that way. [Applause.] Some Protection. But, my fellow-citizens, this bill gives some protection. Rice is carefully protected by a duty of more than 80 per oent and sugar is not wholly neglected, It has some free trade in it here and there, but principally here in the north., There is the tariff on peanuts. [Applause.] But free trade on hoopiron that goes to bind a bale of cotton. There is a tariff on sumach, but free trade on wool. There is a tariff on mica but free trade in lumber. There is a tariff on the grain bags of the the northern farmer, but there is no

tariff on the cottonbags of the eotrthern farmer. Hr their schedule there is the grossest exhibition of sectionalism and unjust discrimination. Is it any wonder that even Mr. Cleveland should condemn it? And in his letter to Congressman Catchings he declares there are provisions in this bill that are not in the line of honest tariff reform, and it contains inconsistencies and .crudities which ought not to appear in tariff laws or laws of any kind, while influences surrounded it in its later stages and interfered with its final construction which ought not to be recognized or tolerated in Democratic reform counsels. And the president might havewellhave added, nor any other counsels. Would Take Care of Sugar. Those men, fellow citizens, in the plain story of the transactions in the Campaign of 1892, told in open debate, f told in public session, told to the coun- . try, published in the enduring records ■ of the United States, that the candidates ; of the Democratic party, and the mana- i gers of the Democratic party controlling organization, made a private contract' with the senators from Louisiana, the | consideration being thp electoral vote of the state of Louisiana, that they would take care of sugar. They modified their platform, you never heart! of free sugar in the campaign of 1892 from the lips of a Democratic orator. It was not in the Democratic platform, it was not spoken of in the Democratic press of the country, but here were two great leaders of the Democratic party malting a private contract with a great sovereign state of the Union that they would modify the platform of their party privately and sectionally in consideration for the electoral vote of the state. That is the way that law was made. It reduced duties, but every time it reduced a duty it reduced the wages of labor. You cannot reduce the duties and increase the revenues unless you increase importations. If you reduce the rate of duties 50 per cent you can only increase your revenues by multiplying your importations. If yon decrease the tariff one-half, if you maintain the volume of revenue, you must double your importations. If the tariff on glass, for example, was 60 per cent under the old law, and the Democratic party reduced it to 30 per cent, to get as much revenue from a 30 per cent tariff as you got from a 60 per cent tariff you must double the importation of those glasses. Do you see that, my fellow citizens? With a reduction of "duty if you would even maintain the revenue now received, you have got to increase importations, and the more you increase importations of the productions we make at home the less productions -will be made at home, and the less productions we make at home the less wages will be paid at home and the less labor will be employed. [Applause.] Fellow citizens, which would you rather have, 60 per cent tariff or 30 per cent? [Cries of “60 per cent.”] You would rather have a higher tariff than lower wages. That is what you mean. [Cries of “That’s it!”] Two Ways to Preserve the Market. There are two ways, my fellow citizens, to preserve the American market to the American people—two ways. One is to put protective duties high enough upon foreign products to make it difficult to bring them in. That is the Republican way. [Applause.] That is the American way. That is the Harrison way. There is just one other way. [A voice in the audience, “the McKinley way.”] The other way to preserve this market and stop foreign importationof competing products—the other way is to reduce American wages. We can

hold this market if our workingmen will work as cheap as the foreigner will work. [“We won’t do it.”] The Republican idea prefers to make it harder for the foreign products to come into this country, to preserve this market rather than to make it harder for our American freemen to live in this country [Applause.] Ah, but they say, after giving the severest condemnation of their own bill—and nobody can be more severe on their own bills than they , have been themselves—they say, after 'all, it is better than the law of 1890 — that is, it is better than our law. Better for what? _ The Republican idea prefers to make harder for the foreign product to come into this country, to reserve its markets rather than to make it harder for freemen to live in this country. For all they say, it is better than the law of 1890, that is, better than our law. Better than our law, you say, better for what, except the sugar trust and the whisky trust? What industry in this country other than those I have named will it stimulate? Tell me that, men of Indiana. What new fire will it build in any part of the country under our flag? Tell me that, men of Indiana. What additional laborer will it employ? Tell me that, men of Indiana. I see the people of Indiana understand this question fully and arc ready to vote. Has there been any rejoicing in this country since that bill became a law? Have you heard of any? The only rejoicing that has been heard anywhere has been beyond the seas and under another flag. And while they have rejoiced in another country that law has brought sorrow and distress to 1,000,000 homes in the United States. Well, they say they have reduced duties; 20 per cent reduction in wages I am told in Indiana; 30 per cent reduction in some branches of industry in Indiana. The War Juat Begun. That is the effect of the reduced duties. We do not want any more of them. And yet they say the war has just begun; that they have not cut nearly as much as they intend to cut. That is what the president says. That is what Mr. Wilson says. That is what the great Democratic press of the country says—that they have only just begun. Well, if they have only just begun, what is to be your verdict this year about giving them any more power to cut any deeper into the industries of this country? Well, I believe you are not going -to do it. There are a good many who could be spared. What constitutes their boasted duty? Well, they have reduced the tariff on leaf tobacco and Havana cigars 11,484,000 annually. They have reduced the tariff on French brandy from $2.50 a gallon under the old law to (1.80 a gallon under the. new tariff law. They have reduced the tariff on laces and embroideries, based upon the importation-of last year, (1,587,000. They have reduced the tariff on silk dress goods, plushes, velvets, etc.. (2,720,000. Tarin On Luxuries R«du»e<l. Cu chinaware they reduced the duty

I $2,232,000; on paintings and statuary, $4,300)000; On plate and cut-glass, $215,000; on opium for smoking, $400,000, and bn jewelry $76,C00. How will the reduced tariff on these articles relieve the poor man, what comfort will these changes bring him? Every one is an article of luxury. Not one has any place in the list of necessities. All are artick / which are chiefly used by the wealthy under the best condition of our country. Yet thesb reductions had all to be made by the Democratic congress an excuse ■ for putting a duty on sugar; a necessity to every household in the land; that they might enrich the trust already fat- i tened, as they allege, by its ill-gotten , gain. What comfort will it bring to the ; average American home,, the modest, households of the great masses of the' people, to be told that the duties have been reduced on laces) silks, on Havana I cigars, on cut glass, on jewelry and velvets and liquors and opium? Yet such is the compensation,- the American people are given for the added burden of 1% cents more on every pound of sugar they consume. Thus, my fellow citizens, they repeal the reciprocity law of 1890, a law under which a Republican administration made most Valuable treaties with several of the great countries of the world. Our trade with Cuba, under the treaty made by the administration of President Harrison, increased from $11,000,000 to $24,000 annually, and with Brazil from $7,000,000 to $16,000,000, while with a number of other countries a large and growing trade had been se- . ucred. All this is surrendered for taxed sugar. And it is already announced that some of these countries are to inaugurate retaliatory duties against the United States for the abrogation of this treaty. But, my countrymen, there was one treaty that they did not abrogate by the law of 1894. ' That was the treaty of reciprocity with the Sandwich islands. Affect of the New Law. “My fellow citizens, just one word, to show you the effect of the new law and the law of 1890, its effect upon the farmer’s of the country as contrasted with the law of 1883. I Want to call your attention to imports of agricultural products from Canada in 1890, under the law of 1883 and 1890. The imports in 1890 were greatly in excess of those of 1892, as will be seen by the following articles: Horses in 1890 $1,887,000, in 1892, $1,094,000; cattle, in 18,90 $104,000, in 1892, $21,000! poultry, 18&0, $105,Q00, in 1892, $44,000; eggs in 1890, $1,793,000, in 1892, $404,000; wool in 1890, $235,000, in 1892, $200,125; flax in 1890, $175,000, in 1892, $112,000; barley in 1890, $4,582,000, in 1892, $1,334,000; peas, 1890, $74,000, in 1892, $20,000; hay in 1890, $922,000, in 1892, $598,000; malt in 1890, $149,000, iu 1892, S2O; potatoes in 1890, $308,000,in 1892, $41,000; vegetables in 1890, SBO,OOO, in 1892, $68,000; in other words, the total imports of agricultural products in 1890, under the law of 1883, were $10,520,000 and in 1892 were $4,307,000. This was a gratifying difference—over $6,000,000 saved to productions of our own people, and this difference was all in saver of the American farmer. The money remained at home, where it went into the pockets of the American farmer, not •be hoarded by him, but to find its way into general circulation. Do you approve of such a policy as the present? Nobody appreciates it more than the yeoplo of Canada. As to many commercial products under the law of 1894, our law makes them less than the Canadian tariff. A comparison of the two laws is an interesting study. The Empire, a paper published in Canada, under date of 10 days ago, says that comparing the Canadian and American tariffs the American is in many respects lower. This indicates that in a good many lines the Canadian farmer is better protected than the American farmer. Farmers of Indiana, how do you like that? The Canadian Jourffal of Aug. 17, 1894, speaking of the removal of the tariff on lumber, says it will place them in a better position to compete in the American market, and that this industry promises to be more extensive as a consequence of the tariff legislation just completed in Washington. So on the article of barley, the Canadian farmer will profit and get a higher price this season than he would otherwise have received. The Globe, published in Toronto, under date of Aug. 15, says the increase in the duty on hay in the tariff of 1890 reduced the hay export to less than half its former proportion. It will thus be seen that the American market is made easier to the Canadian farmer to enter with his products, while the American farmer is not given equal reciprocal privileges. Is it any wonder that the result of the Democratic administration and of the Democratic congress should be just what we find it? It was precisely what was predicted from this platform in 1892. Every prediction of evil has been realized. Not a single one has failed since the Democratic party came into power. Comparative Values. My fellow citizens, how do the farmers like it? A bushel of wheat this year buys 10 pounds of sugar. In 1892 a bushel of wheat bought 20 pounds of sugar. A poundtof wool this year buys three pounds of sugar. A pound of wool in 1892 bought seven pounds of sugar. How do you like it, farmers of Indiana? They have cut down the expenses of the government, but they have done it by cutting down pensions. And you know that, at a time like this, when they are cutting down pensions, when everybody is poor, when everybody’s income is failing and when distress is manifest everywhere, they go to work and increase the salaries of Democratic officials. At & time like this, when we don’t collect but $70,000,000 a year, of what we spend, but we have to go out and borrow $50,000,000 to keep tlip running expenses of this government up, they have increased the salaries of their public officials. The salary of the first assistant secretary of state was increased from $3,500 to $4,500. They have increased the salary of the minister to Belgium —the former law partner of the vice president—from $7,500 to SIO,OOO. They have increased the salaries of the minister to Switzerland and Portugal 'each from $5,000 to $6,500. The ministers to Nicaragua and Costa Rica were for the first time given secretaries of ligation at an annual cost of $3,600. Six auditors of the treasury department were increased from $3,600 to $4,000 and the salaries of many other officials in the consular service and elpowhero were increased. These amounts may not be excessive, but any advance in salaries by a government whose receipts have been dimintohad and whose reserve hu

Em. . « T/-' been drained and whose people are in distress is manifestly unjust and- inexcusable. Economy "that is rigidly practiced by the citizens should be rigidly practiced by the representatives of the people in congress. Concerning the Surplus. They talk, my fellow citizens, about the surplus. They say that when Fresi- r dent Harrison came into office President Cleveland left him $18p,000,000. Well, there is some truth about that. But I will explain to you how he happened to leave it there. When Mr. Arthur took his office as president there was $170,000,009, and when Mr. Cleveland was inaugurated we had $159,000,000 of what is called a surplus. When President Harrison was inaugurated and Mr. Cleveland went out there was $183,009,000 of surplus in the treasury. When ~ Mr. Cleveland entered upon his second term he found $124,000,000 of a surplus ' in the public treasury. President Harrison’s administration had $59,000,000 more than Mr. Cleveland’s to start with, but tliis was because President Harrison, with proper regard public duty and the nation’s obligations, instead of ordering the money of the country kept in the treasury and in pet banks, paid off the obligations of the government and reduced them $233,000,000, not including interest. Mr. Cleveland during his first term paid off $143,000,000, as against Mr. Harrisoa’ss233,ooo,ooo; and it will be remembered that he refused and persisted in refusing to do that much, until congress put a resolution on him, making him do it. He didn’t pay as much of the public debt in his first term by $89,000,000 as Mr. Harrison did during the four years that he was president. Money All Good. Our money is all good, whether it be gold or silver, whether it be national bank notes, or greenbacks, or treasury notes, or gold or silver certificates —every dollar is good. To get the money but among the people is the serious problem today. To do tliis we must not only have something to sell, but be able to find somebody to buy. [Applause.] No matter what we have to sell, if there is nobody able to buy who wants it, wo must keep it. If we are compelled to keep if, we suffer the loss in whole or iu part of what it costs us to produce it. So long as we cannot part with what we have with profit, we are not likely to produce more of it. If we stop producing we will not need labor, and when we do not require labor we will not employ it, and then wages are stopped, and when wages are stopped one great factor in the distribution of money is stopped. This, my countrymen, is our trouble today. The banks are filled with money; money was never more plentiful or less employed than it is now. It is because it is not employed that we have the stagnation in business which distresses the country, and the reason it is not employed is because the invitation to safe and profitable investment is not presented. Money -will not be employed unless industry is believed to be on a permanent and profitable basis. Money will be idle and hoarded away so long as labor is idle. And did it ever occur to you that labor will remain idle until it can be employed with assured advantage to the employer? If the circulating medium of the country was double what it is today it ujould be no easier for us to get it than it is now, and we would have to get it by the same processes. We must give something for it, and if wha[ we have to give is not wanted by any body, and nobody is found willing or able to buy it, the money will remain looked up as it now is. What we need, my fellow citizens, is wise industrial, financial, and fiscal legislation, and more than all, we want a certainty that is to stand. Uncertainty breeds distrust, and distrust paralyzes the arm of industry. It is not the lack of money, nor the kind of money, that is our trouble; it is the lack of prosperous manufacturing, and the absence of confidence in the party managing the government, and we want a faith in the future. When confidence and hope are • everywhere manifested, manufacturers are busy and labor is employed, and when both are engaged thereon with a fair profit, and the other with fair wages, then agriculture is prosperous and money has free and healthy circulation. No Permanent Stoppage. Mr. President, the protperity of this country cannot bo permanently stopped. [Cries of “No.”] That administration, legislation, and politics which retards or destroys prosperity, will itself be destroyed. That is what we are engaged in now. [Applause.] Every victory against the Democratic party as it is now managed is a step to the resumption of that business and that return to prosperity which is everywhere so much needed and so longingly prayed for. It is the bow of promise to the business world and stimulated our industries and labos with hope, courage and confidence and brings us nearer to the return of the good tunes from which we ran away in 1892. [Applause.] .The Democratic party is a remarkable party. It is for anything to got power and then it is never for anything which got it power. It was for free and unlimited coinage of silver when it was out of poxyer and you have never heard of it since it came into power. [Applause.] I mean you never heard of it m congress. They will talk it on the stump. They wore for free raw materials when they were seeking your votes, and when they possessed the power to give the country free raw material they failed. They posed as the friend of the laboring man in 1892 and yet in the bill of 1894 they have given to labor the deadliest blow it ever had. They posed as the enemy of trusts in 1892 when they were seeking your voter, upon the confession of their own leaders they have been the willing tools of the trusts ever since. [Applause.] Will you, my fellow citizens, give them an opportunity for two years longer to disturb and distress the people of the United States? [Cries of “No.”] If this year you elect a Republican house of representatives then the opportunity for evil by the Democratic party stops on the 4th of March next. [Applause.] If a Democratic congress ana house of representatives be elected, then for two years, or until the close of Mr. Cleveland’s presidential term, they can continue the war against the industries and the happiness of the American people. I bid you, my countrymen, put on to your ballots next November what you think and what you believe is best for the public good, and best for the individual happiness of yourself ana all the people. I thank

GOVERNOR M’KINLEY.