Rensselaer Republican, Volume 26, Number 24, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 8 February 1894 — FIFTY-THIRD CONGRESS. [ARTICLE]

FIFTY-THIRD CONGRESS.

In the Senate, Tuesday, the bond question came op. The debate was on Senator Stewart’s resolution declaring the proEed issue of bonds to be without autnorof law, Mr. Stewart spoke in favor of resolution. Then Senator Sherman arose and criticis<&,severely the attack on tiie credit of the Nation in the resolution proposed by Senator Stewart, and also in toe speech of Senator Alien, lie said scat he was surprised that no one had tiseu to sustain the administration in its aim to maintain the credit of the country. These attacks just as the bonds were about to be issued were serious, and it was apparent that they would either prevent the sale of the bonds or, if sold, compel sale at a greatly reduced rate. Senator Sherman said that the Secretary of the Treasury had full authority to issue the bonds. “The Secretary of the Treasury,” said he, has full power to sell bonds to maintain the gold reserve. It is his duty to do «o. This is the first time in fifteen long years that any one has denied that power. It never has been disputed before. It is almost unpatriotic to question this power at a time when the revenues of the Government are insufficient to meet the expenditures. It is a question that should be above partisan discussion. I feel like standing up for the honor of the country and for the power of the Secretary of the Treasury, The power to issue bonds in just such a contingency as has now arisen was given by law in the strongest, clearest and most direct language that could be used. That law and that power had stood unchallenged and uncontradicted from that day until a few days since, when resolutions were introduced in this body denying the authority of the Secretary of toe Treasury at a timo when bids wero about to be Issued.” Senator Sherman then proceeded to read in detail the provisions of the law on the subject in dispute, and argued that the legitimate construction was favorable and even mandatory of the power now about to be exercised by the Seer 'tary of the Treasury. Mr. Quay introduced an amendment to the resolution declaring that the Secretary had no power to issue bonds “except to provide for the redemption of the legaltender notes of the United States presented at the sub-treasury in the city of New York.”

Senator Dubois, as a substitute for the pending resolutions, presented the following: “Resolved, That it Is the sense of the r ertate of the United States that the Secetary of the Treasury has no authority, under existing law. to issue and sell the bonds of the United States, except such as conferred upon him by the act approved Jan. 14.1875, entitled ‘An act to provide for the redemption of specie payments.’ and that the money derived from the sale of bonds under that act cannot be lawfully used for any other purpose except for that provided therein.” This resolution seemed to meet with favor. “I approve of that resolution,” said Senator Sherman. Tuesday was a field day In the House. The opponents of the income tax had their opportunity. Messrs. Covert and Bartlett, of New York, and Johnson, of Ohio, all Democrats, pre entod their opposition along with the Republicans to the proposition to impose a special tax on wealth. But It remained for Bourko CockJan, the great Tammany orator, to eclipse wTth Tfls‘ eTd(illWeir"ffginift3t '' t'liH measureall speeches he has ever made in Congress. Mr, Bryan, of Nebraska, closed the debate for the day In defense of the Income tax, and he, too. made an eloquent speech, Mr. Johnson, of Ohio, made a rather sensational theoretical arraignment of the income tax proposition, which gave him an opportunity to advocate the imposition of the Henry George land tax. “I will vote for your income tax bill if I must, as I will vote for your tariff bill, but, as a Democrat, I protest against the one as I protest against the other—as inti-democratlc measures involving an Insult to labor.”

4ln the Senate. Wednesday, Senator Stewart’s resolution declaring that tho Secretary of the Treasury has no power to issue bonds was discussed. Senator Allen supported the resolution. Senator Hoar also spoke in support of the position taken by Senators Stewart and Allen. A number of Senatars spoke on tho resolution. Senator Sherman said the principal cause of our present financial condition was the ascendancy of the Democratic, party, because of its declaration that the whole policy of tho government for thirty years was to be abandoned. Senator Sherman maintained that the revenues »f tho McKinley bill were sufficient to support the government under the Harrison administration, and that the public debt had been reduced under that administration to tho extent of $259.<X.0 000. Senator Sherman was followed by Mx. Vo'orheos in an eloquent tribute to the ability and integrity of Secretary Carlisle. At 6:10 the Senate went into executive session •ud at 5:25 adjourned. In the House, Wednesday, Mr. Bynum spoke on the provision of, the internal revenue bill extending tho bonded period for whiskv to eight years. He opposed the extension. On a vote the proposition to extend the bonded period was defeated. A motion to extend the provisions of the income tax to inheritances of 14.000 and upward, by Mr. Bynum, was carried. At the night session, which was the last of the ttilson bill debate, speeches wore made by Messrs. B.anchard, Cummings aud others. Mr. Blanchard sa d the Wilson bill would destroy the sugar industry In Louisiana, but agreed to givo the measure h s support, believing that the Senate would remodel it to more nearly suit his views. Mr. Cummings also attacked the bill all along the line because of tho theory on which it was framed. In the Senate. Thursday, Senator Hill presented resolutions from tho New Jersey Legislature protesting against tho passage of the Wilson bill and congratulating tho President on the abandonment of his Hawaiian policy. Senator Allen presented a resolution directing the Secretary of the Treasury to Inform the Senate what amount of paper money issued by the Government has been redeemed ■lpce H 75 and how much of It, if any, has been Issued; also what authority of law exists for tho gold reserve and when it wa9 established, and why it is now maintained. The principal speeches of tho day wore made by Senator Stewart and Senator Allison, both of whom contended that the Secretary of the Treasury had no power to Issue bonds for other purposes than redemption. Senator Call.of Florida, took the position that the Secretary of the Treasury had not the power to issue the bonds for tho purposes contemplated. At 5:10 O’clock, on motion of Senator Faulkner, the Scnato went into executive session, and at 5:15 the Senate adjourned. In the House, Thursday, the final scenes fn the tariff debate were enacted. An immense crowd filled the lobbies and galleries and great confusion resulted, until the Speaker stopped the roll-call and ordered •hat tho doorways be cleared. A fight between a negro and a white man occurred IQ one of the aisles. All the corridors in

the Capitol were lined with a surging mass of humanity. At 12 o’clock Speaker Crisp ascended to the rostrum and the gavel was passed to him. Mr. Richardson reported that the Bouse, in committee of the whole, had under consideration H. B. 4,864 (tariff biil) with sundry amendments. The chair then recognized ex-Speaker Reed,oT Maine. who said: In this debate one remarkable result has already beeu reaentsd. The result,is ih..i the bill beforu us is odious to both sides of the House. It meets with favor nowhere. 1 On this side, wo believe that while it protends to be for protection, it does not afford it. and on tne oth >r side, they believe that while it looks toward f ee Dale it does not accomplish it. Those who will vote against this bill will do so because it opens our markets to the destructive competition of foreigners, and thoie who vote for it will Instantly devote tnemselves to a new crusade against whatever barriers are left. Whatever speeches-have been made in defense of the bill, on the other side, whether by gentlemen who are responsible only to their own constituency, or by the gentleman from West Virginia, who ought to have been steadied by his sense of responsibility to the whole country, have ono and all, with hut rare exceptions, placed their authors uncompromisingly. except for temporary purposes, on the side of unrestricted free traderIt is-evident that there is no ground for that hope, that this bill, bad as it is, wiil boa resting place where our manufacturing industries, such as may .urvive, can re-establish themselves and have a sure foundation for the future, free from party bickering and party strife. Hence t also, there can be no foundation for that cry that this bill should be passed at once because uncertainty is worse than any bill can possibly be. Were this bill to pass both branches to-day, uncertainty would reign just the same. So utterly undisputed has been our growth and progress that whatever the future industrial system of this country may be, the past system is a splendid monument to that successful statesman who found the country bankrupt and distracted and left it first on the list of nations.

But what do you say about the farmer? Well, on that subject I do not profess any special learning, but there is one simple statement I wish to make and leave the question there. If. with cities growing up like magic, manufacturing villages dotting every eligible site, each and all swarming with mouths to he filled, the producers of food are worse off than when half of this country was a desert,l abandon sense in favor of political economy. When the gentleman from Kansas (Mr. Simpson) gets a little money ahead he does not put it into stocks in these immensely profitable manufactories; he has too much sense. Ho adds to his farm and has told ns so. If the hope of the -agriculturist is in English free trade they had better ponder on the fact that while the wages of artisans have increased in England $3.43 per week since 18."0. the Wages of agricultural laborers have only Increased 72 cents, and while the Lancashire operatives in the factories live as well as anybody else except Americans, tho agricultural laborers are hardly better off than tho continental peasantry. England’s examplo will not do for agriculture. Here let me meet one other' question, and let me meet it fairly. We are charged with having claimed that tho tariff alone will raise svages. We have never made such a claim in any form. Free-traders have set up that claim for us In order to triumphantly knock it over. What we do say is that whore two nations have equal skill and equal appliances and a market nearly equal, and ono of them can hire labor at one-half less, nothing but a tariff can maintain tho higher wages, aud that we canUrow: ——— „ __

We know, my friends, that before this tribunal we all of us plead in vain. Wh y we fail let those answer who read the touching words of Abraham Lincoln’s first inahgnral. and romember that he pleaded in vain with these same men and their predecessors. Where he failed wo can not expect to succeed. But though we fail hero today, like onr great leader of other davs. in the larger field and before the mightier tribunal which will finally and forever decide the Question, we shall be more than conquerors; for this great. Nation, shaking off as it has once befo-e the infinence of a lower civilization, will go on to fulfill its high destiny. until over the Month, as well as over tho North, shall bo spread the full measure of that am zing prosperity, which is the wonder of the world. At the close of Mr. Reed’s sppoch he was given an ovation by tho R-publican side of the House, and his desk was covered with roses sent by admiring friends. Whilo this demonstration was being enacted, Speaker Crisp relinquished the chair to Mr. Hatch and descended to the floor. He was given a rousing reception as ho resumed his old seat on the democratic side. On being recognized by the chair, Speaker Crisp said: «~ T feel embarrassed by thisvast audience; embarrassed that I may not ht able to fulfill the expectation of my friends when I undertake, in the period allowed by the rules of the House, to answer and make corrections of the errors In the arguments to which we have just listened. I assume that the cause of protection has no more able advocate, and that the arguments for protection can be put in no more forcible form than that to which you havelistened to-day. and I shall ask yon dispassionately to examine with me that argument and then ask the judgment of the House as to whethet the cause attempted to be sustained can be established consistently with right and justice to tho peoplo of the United States. After his opening introductory remarks. Mr. Crisp declared that an exam'n ation of the protective system wouid show that while it was built up for tho ostensible benefit of lahor. It was In truth constructed for tho benefit of the manufacturing classes. He pointed out that the wages Of the laborers in protected industries went down and thorn in unprotected industries went up. as a result of- the McK nley act. This was shown by the statistics gathered by the Senate committee on finance. The speaker referred to tho artificial conditions created by protection. It took men, ho said, fn m tneir natural channels, and diverted them to unnatural channels. Tho same was true in the diversion raado in the channels of trade. Protection was a Chinese wall which not only shut out tho world, but shut in the United States.

Mr. Crisp was greeted with applause when he said that the th rty years of protection was the period of unrest during which the masses of the people had constantly reboiled against, the heavy burdens of taxation. The people had always been stilled at the polls by the Republican promises to reduce the tariff, but once successful atihi polls, tho Republican legislators surrendered tjiemselves body and soul to the manufacturing classes. Mr. Crisp supported the income tax In vigorous terms. He said that *3O 000 000 of tax on accumulated wealth was hut a small tribute in return for the benefits received. Mr. Crisp closed with an eloquent appeal to his Democratic associates to waive minor objections and to look at the great Democratic principles involved. “Let us stand together.” said he: let ns redeem our pledges. Lot us pass this bill and It will carry gladness to tho consuming masses. to the farmer, to the laborer and to the American people." At tho conclusion of Speaker Crisp’s speech Mr. Wilson arose to close tho debate, which he did in an eloquent address in which he denied emphatically tho charge of sectionalism In the bill of which he was the author. Mr. Wilson’s peroratlqn aroused the Democrats and galleries to the highest pitch of enthusiasm, and the, demonstration which followed his words has seldom been equaled. The whole Democratic .side rose, hooka and records wen thrown into ths air,

cheer after cheer was given and the peoole in the galleries joined with bjth voice and bands , in the tribute. Before Mr. Wilson could sitdown three Democratic membors rushed up the aisle, lifted Mr. Wilson upon their shoalden and carried him in triumph |o the rear of the hall, where for ten minntes be listened to the words of praise that were showered upon him. The time for voting had now arrived, and as soon as order was restored the amendment of Mr. Tawney to increase the duty on barley to 22 cents per bushel was put to the committee and lost. 120 to 197. The Speaker then anuounccd that the vote was upon the amendments adopted by the committee of the whgle<. Mr. Johnson demanded a separate vote on the wool and woollen amendments, Mr. English npon the income tax and upon the petrolenm amendment. The other amendments, including that amendment abolishing the bounty on sugar and that placing refined sugar on the free list wc ri then agreed to in bulk withoutdivislon. The first amendment which Mr. Johnson desired a separate vote upon was that placing wool upon tho free list immediately upon the passage of the bill. This amendment having been vitiated iJy a later amendment placing the date at Aug. 2, a point of order was raised that the latter amendment must first be voted upon, but after some discussion tho chair decided that the Johnson amendment must first be voted upon to perfect the text, and that the real test would come upon the amendment to strike out the words “immediately after the passage of the bill,” tfnd insert “on and after Aug. 2,” the Johnson amendment was agreed t 0—203 to 147. Mr. Johnson tried to get the yeas and nays, but could only muster five votes to h.s aid. Tho amendment fixing the date at Dec. 2 when the manufactured woolen schedule should go into effect was also adopted,2Uo to 13G. Mr. Johnson again being unable to secure the ayes and nays, the vote was taken upon the amendment providing for reciprocity in petroleum, ami it was carried—l 77 to 47. The last amendment to be voted npon was that providing for the Income tax. Mr. Cockran demanded the ayes and nays. The Republicans refused to second thedemand for the ayes and nays, hut enough Democrats arose (51) to order the roll-call. It was then found that the income tax could not be voted upon as a separate proposition, the S leaker decided in accordance with a precedent. The Republicans, with few exceptions, r'.fused to vote, but the amendment including the income tax was a iopted—lß3 to 50. Then after the usual parliamentary programme had been observed came the final vote on the Wilson biil itself, which resulted in its passage—2ol to 140. Seventeen Democrats voted avainst the bill. All of the Indiana Democrats —eleven in number —voted In the affirmative. The House immediately adjourned.

1 1 the Senate, Friday. Senator Peffepresented a resolution calling on the Secretary of the Treasury for names of bidders for the new United States bonds, which was adopted. The original resolution of Senator Stewart denying the power of the Secretary to issue bonds was then taken up. Senator Vilas spok<- n opposit.on to the resolution. At 4l - the Clerk of tho House appeared with ti e tariff bill and it was duly reported to the Senate, and on motion of Senator Voorhees was immediatately referred to the finenco committee. Senator Hoar then addressed the Senate in support of Stewart’s resolution. He said it was unnecessary to issue bonds. The Secretary of the Treasury was not borrowing it for the purpose of redemption, and that proposition was too ridiculous for discussion. The resolution, on request of Senator lei. '. went over until Wednesday, and, on motion of Senator Faulaner. tho Senate wuu. into executive session at 5 p. in. and, at 5:10 adjourned until Monday. In tho House, Friday, tho Hawaiian debate was the special order. Mr. Bouteile and the Speaker again clashed on a point of order. Mr. Boutelle finally secured recognition and spoke in support ol ex-Minister Stevens. Mr. McCreary then spoke in support of his resolution, under discussion, which condemns the acts of exMinister Stevens. Mr. It', tho lead ;r of the Republican minority of the foreign affairs committee, replied to McCreary and launched into a terrible arraignment of tho policy of the President. He said: Thinkor It; think of it. While he had in hand that ie.ter from Minister Willis reciting the story of that brutal int rview with the Queen, in which she deiuanai d the holacaust of property and the slaughter of American citizens, lie sent out still another order to overthrow the republican form of government and put back that wretch in power. [Republican applau-e.] Minister Willis's instructions amounted to this: Go find that Woman, whose vice, folly and extravagance wai checked by the people last January. Tell her of the determination of tho President to restore h<-r; a-k her for amnesty for the revolution sts,and theneoto the provisionalg vernmetu, to g -t it to relinquish its p>wer. Without concludm ;,_M r.. Hi,t yLMedto a motion to adjourn.