Rensselaer Republican, Volume 25, Number 10, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 3 November 1892 — Page 2

JOHN SHERMAN.

IfEltßJtfl DISCUSSES inAnL^ * nv» T\ vr ' 'Vw* fi»H\J AtKAA X/ulj * llv Jr BT -. How the Unlimited Free Coin —~ Senator John Sherman made a amtfinaiirial speech at Chicago on •tor Sherman as he stepped to the front and it was over a minute bespiljtiajPdsttaialentty to enable him to - opesdterr &t frequent intervals in the aoarae of hi* speech Le was interrupted by tumultuous applause, the sflimax q! enthusiasm being reached ? :, Wfcen he mentioned the name of Lincoln and of other great leaders of She party. Sherman said in part: “One of the issues between these tifttparties, which has been already ■flPßmedby vourchairman, is whether tile people of the United States are lling to abandou the National currency, which has been established by £-'kIPS.. MMgWran party in the form of States 'bank notes and the stiver nnd gold certificates, all of equal value, not'only in the country of the United States, but all over ipbfcplvilteed world—whether we will abandon this form of currency and revive the old currency sos our fathers, the ‘red dog’ sbinplasters of thirty or forty years ago. 7 -‘‘Another of the questions is PPiM*' we wIU authorize any holder Of 371 i grains of silver, worth in the «- i fcß*rket about 66 cents, to go to the kreastny of the United States, or to tiie mint, and there demand a dollar. orJfltlWe eaauot ooiu dollars enough, to demand your note—the note of the people of the United States—for sl, when the purchasing power of the silver dollar is but 65 cents; or whether, on the other hand, wo will buy that silver at its market price, coin it as needed by the people ,of the United States, and maintain it at the standard of gold in all the markets of the world. [Applause.] “Another question that is also to worn* interest is whether, in levying duties on imported goods, from which we derive the chief source of our revenue, we should be guided alone by the mere maintaining of for the support of the Government, or whether, in addition to [that, we should try to increase, improve *nd magnify the Industries of Our country and protect our people against undue competition abroad. : ■an* WU.D-CAI worst raoi-OM-nox “Now, my countrymen, these questions are to be submitted to you. Take the first question. The question » presented by the Democratic platform, referred to you by your honored chairman. It is contained In twolines: ‘We recommend that the prohibitory ten-per-ceot tax on aow, in the first outlook of that sin.pte resolution It would seem’ a tax of 10 per cent, on any bind of circulation would be a very heavy tax, and the plain farmer would say: ‘Whv, that is too much taxes. Why not 2 per cent, or 1 per cent?’ The answer If, toy Countrymen, that the tax was levied in the midst of war in drive out of existence and cut the throat of this system of State bank paper money, which had ruined thecounlryover and over again and involved it in trouble. [Applause.] Why, my countrymen, under the Constitution the United States are prohibited from emitting bills of - credit* and bills of credit are supposed to be in form of money to be cir culatcd as mdlney. It forbids also that tbev should make anything but gold and silver a legal tender in payment of debts. Those who formed that provision believed they had cut out this whole system of local paDer money by the roots. They declared that no Staff could emit bills of credit. or paper money, for that was the meaning of it. But it was raid that “-iheStates might authorize corpora tionstodoit. Why, ordinary logic aplaia man, without resorting to "KJW* at afi. would convince anv one that if» State could not do it It could not authorize the people of the State to do it. Therefore, it was believed that.there could be no State niinnp ntAnav The Constitution of the United gfcproiidef that Congress may coin money and regulate it/ Value; that Congress may borrow money, sod, as incident to that, mav issue mak/lhe/ale I ' l ' l /’ th ™ ay «5. on Account Congress IO perform this same duty ?*OWIL W the twenty States that existed before the war, various forms of paper money. No man living, ex oan conceive of the condition of our

i.l ...... ... ... o.r silver, nor any other kinds. There sms this papermoney of tiie States. Bat the last act, the last wise act of the Democratic party was to establish what they call the independent treasury which forbad forbidden that it should be received by any officer of the government—any kind of State bank paper money. That was the wisest act the Democrats ever performed, and about the only act, because after that act was done the Democratic party really did what it ought to have done long before, it ceased to exist. A BIT OT FINANCIAL BISTORT. “ Now, my friends, When we met this difficulty at the beginning of the war, as I said, we had no money, the first thing we did wasto issue $60,000,000 of demand notes. They were notes payable on demand. We is sued them and they were received and paid out to our credit anc ena'hlfd us to cany on the war for six monihsHwit they were soon exhausted, and we knew if we oontinued to Issue this form of paper money that our government would break down and the rebellion would succeed. We knew that we could not pay this money on demand, and the result would be that they would go down more and more, precisely like the revolutionary scrip and other forms of paper money. Therefore it was decided, after careful consideration, that there be issued what is now called the greenbacks. We issued the United States notes, promising to pay five dollars some time, may be after this war is over and the Union is saved. [Great applause.] Now, that was a departure from the best principles of finance; no man could justify notes of that character, unless they were maintained by gold or silver, except under the exigencies of war. But we provided when we issued them that they could be converted into bonds; we received them in payment of bonds and in this way we established a national currency which enabled us to buv from our own people and carry on the war' to the complete preservation of the Union and of our government. [Applause. j “Now, sirs, we could not have circulated these greenbacks if we had allowed the ola State bank circulation to have been in existence. Jt would have filled the channels of trade. By law of finance, as strong as the law of the Ten Commandments, the cheaper currency has driven out the better currency and the poor currency fills the channels of circulation although the treasury law forbbid their use by the government or their receipt for any purpose whatever for taxes or anything else. We deolared they should pay | a tax of ten per cent on every note, of that sort of circulation. We knew J the result would drive those notes | out of existence, and we Intended to! cut their throats. But we did not make this provision until we had found a better system, and that is authorising the national banks, where any person who would deposit' ♦IOO of the United bonds might nave the privilege, of issuing S9O in circulation. We held those bonds as security for the notes. So admirable and successful bad been that plan that no man lives who ever lost. a single dollar Sy national bank note,; Now they tell us that they want more money. “Suppose the government of the United States should issue one hundred million dollars of notss—who would they pay those notes to? How can any of you get any of that money unless you do something or sell something to the government, unless j you do some work or perform some labor? The poor man who wants | money would not get his share, but ; the people who hold the bonds of the government, the contractors who sold It supplies or rendered service the government would get the increase value of the-money. In former times the greatest circulation of bank notes at one time was about two or three hundred million dollars. And yet to-day the last treasury statement give the amount at one billion, onenuodred aud thirty-two million dollars of paper money in active circulation. Why one would think that was enough. It is more than ever existed before in the history of our country. And when we remember thas 95 per cent.—and in the city of Chicago 97 per cent. —of all the payments are made In checks, certificates, drafts and commercial paper it shows that that money Is only used in ordinary way by people for marketing and for the smaller transactions of life. Every dollar of this moaey is secured by the government of the United States either by gold aud silver coin or bullion, or by the deposit of the United States bonds. Let a bank break; who cares? The money ia good because the security is in the hands of the government So with sliver certificates. There Is sometimes a question about it, but it is backed not onto by the silver contained in the silver dollar, but it is backed also by the silver and gold behind each one. BAD KONST NOT WANTED. “Now, my countrymen, here is this mass of money, the very life blood of our system —that upon which the business of Chicago depends, that' upon which every artisan and mechanic depends—all this ia now founded upon the solid rock of gold i and silver coin and bullion; every dollar is sate, and,now this Demo-1 cratic party, which for years has done nothing but oppose the action

a chance to issue paper money of their own. Mr- Springer says some citizens of the Son them States expressed a desire for the repeal of the ten per cent, tax on the issues of the State banks in order to enable the States In which thev live to inaugurate State baeks. In other wprds, the Southern demand is made and the Democratic party knuckles down at once and cries yes, yes. [Laughter and applause.] They want to issue some paper money down there, organize some old fashioned wild cat banks and they want to get this tax out of the way. Why, my countryi men, Mr. Springer says he does not exactly believe in this kind ot money • himself. Hesays he don’t see bow it will circulate unless it is suoportetl in some way. He would make some provision in Congress. But Congress has no power to change the laws of tbs States. If they had the power to start such banks then it must be a State law, and whether to provide security or not it is the law of the land, and Congress has no power, except by stepping in and taxing it But of existence. ‘No,’ says Mr. .Springer, ‘it is unconstitutional, this law is.* [Laughter.]

“Well, everything is ‘unconstitutional’ with them that they don't like. [Laughter.i~Tbetroublelff thatthHT Supreme Court has decided that very question, and has held that the tax on State banks is constitutional, and it is not for the judicial power to attempt to define the limits or objects of taxation or to regulate Congress in the exercise of this powerful taxation. [Applause.] So Mr, Springer had better look to his law books a little and find out abqut that first. “No, no, my countrymen, this i 3 a dangerous proposition which threatens the business of every man m this country. It is proved that Grover Cleveland, ‘the stuffed prophet.’ in his speech of acceptance did not say anything about it; he did not say whether he stands on that platform at all. No, he does not say anything about the platform. He says a great deal about what he has done and what be has said, and he is a stuffed prophet of his own stuffing. [Prolonged laughter.] “Mr. Springer said: ‘lt is sometimes said that we must provide other forms of banking, because the national banks will go out of existence.’ Well, that may be as the debt is paid off, as no bank can be organized or kept up except on the deposit of United States bonds, that the banks would lose their circulation. It may be also that by the Wisdom of both parties, by the desire of the people, some other form of security may be devised. I say it is vary difficult 'now to pass upon that question. Ido not; think thepeople of the United States will ever consent to accept any security from any form, of bank except the security which is the highest in our land—the security of sixtv-five millions of the freest people that God ever made. ” 1 [Long continued applause.] EVILS OF FREE COINAGE. Senator Sherman then referred to; the free silver question. He said in. part: “The silver that is in sight,' our statistics show, amounts to four thousand millions of dollars, and we are now pro- : ducing in the mines of the world . , 185,000,000 of dollars a year, and the ! wild, crazy prophecy is made that the people of the United States will enter into the market and pay $1 for every 67 cents’ worth of all these mines of silver that may be imported i or throw into our country. That is j what free coinage of silver means. ' The inevitable effect of that would be once to demonetize gold and compel its exportation and hoarding and reduce us to a single silver standard, i The result would be that all the debts would be cut off oue-third. ’ And who are the creditors of this' country? First of all, and dearest ®f all, are the 600,000 soldiers, their widows, their orphans, who hold their little pension certificate. By the free coinage of silver one-third of their pensions are to be stricken off at one fell swoop. Who are the depos'tors of the sixteen hundred of [ millions of money deposited in our [ savings banks to-day to the credit of our poor people? Our building associations have eleven hundred millions of dollars invested in them. | What man is so mean, so poor, so degraded that he will rob the poor in order to save a little in paying the honest debt? Nothing proposed has struck me as hard and severe, as this most infernal proposition to open our doors to the free purchase of silver. Silver miners nave no right to demand of us or attempt to : ’force the government to purchase their article at a price in advance of that of what it is worth in the open market." The Senator said Congress had gone to extreme lengths to satisfy the silver men, and instanced the bill for the purchase of four and a half million ounces of silver a month. This wap bought at market price, however, and the certificates issued ! upon it are as good as any other money. The Senator said if the in- 1 ternational monetary conference fails to find a solution of the vexed silver question, “you business men have | got to meet this proposition; you i have either then to stand upon a silver standard and banish our gold to foreign lands, or do the other thing, which 1 am in favor of, and that is to | put enough silver in the silver dollar to make it equal in value to the gold , dollar.’’ t™ The Senator also spoke at some ' length on the tariff and reciprocity questions, and in conclusion urged his hearers to vote for Harrison and Reid. . -. . ; £ If every Republican will vote the victory is won. Stamp anywhere in the square around the eagle and nowhere else, and you Vote a straight ticket. i Matthews and Henderson positively refused to appoint a member of ! organized labor to the position of Clerk of the Board of State Printing Commissioners. around the paple and nowhara alsa

CLEVELAND'S RECORD

He Has Written Himself the Relentless Enemy of all l Labor Reforms, —— A FULL AND CORRECT UST OF BIS LABOR VETOES. ♦ They lactate the Antl-Cftnyiet Labor Bill, the Mechanics’ Lien Law, the Life and Limb Bill, the Tenement House Cigar Bill, the Fire Cent Fare Bill, and the Child's Labor Bill. Cleveland, the Convict Labor Candidate. In the Democratic platform, adopted at Chicago, occurs the following: “We denounce the McKinley tariff law, enacted by the 51«ib congress . . . and we promismterepsal os one of the beneficent ryuftetjaStVill follow the action of thi people entrusting power to Jne Democratic party.’ 1 The McKinley Bill Prevents the Product of Convict Labor From Sintering This Country. The 51st section of the present Republican Tariff, known as the McKiMey law, provides as follows: “Sec. 51. That all goods, wares, articles of merchandise, manufactured wholly or in part in any foreign country by convict labor shall not be entitled to entry at any of the ports of the United States, and the importation thereof is hereby prohibited and the Secretary of the Treasury is authorized to prescribe such regulations os may be necessary for the enforcement of this provision. Under the direction o? this statute no article is admitted into this country without a sworn statement from the shipper and the importer that it is not the product of convict labor. This is a part of the law which the Democratic platform declares will be repealed j,n case power is entrusted to the Democratic party.

Cleveland, the Convict Labor Candidate, If it is argueoxthat the Democratic attack upontbe McKinley law is not aimed at this particular section, the answer is that l Mr. Cleveland, as President of the Uunitcd States, has already committed himself to the policy of employing convicts in Government works, and of deriving Government revenue from their labor in direct competition with free labor. Not only would Mr. Cleveland admit the product of foreign convict labor, but le would employ all the convict 3 in Federal prisons in industrial pursuits and would have the Government make money out of their work. | In his annual message, dated Dec. 6th, 1886, Mr. Cleveland, referring to the construction of penitentiaries for the confinement of all prisoners convicted and sentenced in the United States courts, says. | “Upon consideration of this subject it might be wise to erect more than one of these institutions located at such places as would best subserve the purposes of business and economy in transportation. The considerable cost of maintaining these convicts, as at present in State institutions, would be saved by the adoption of the plan proposed, and by employing them in the manufacture of such articles as were needed for use by the Government-, quite a large peouniary benefit would be realized in partial return for our outlay.

Clevelane’a Persistent Hostility to Labor Reforms. Not only by this ugly recommendation but by actually twice preventing the full enactment of anti-con-vict labor laws has Mr. Cleveland demonstrated his desire to utilize firison labor in competition with the abor of freemen. In 1886, and again in 1888, he killed by “pocket vetos,” acts of Congress, forbidding the use, bv the Government, of the product of convict labor. This law became operative only when Cleveland was defeated, and General Harrison became President. Then it was promptly signed. The following is an itemized record of Cleveland’s acts in opposition to labor reforms. While Governor of New York: He vetoed the bill establishing a department of labor and making the secretary of said department a Cabinet officer. He vetoed the mechanics lien law bill, making the wages of workingmen engaged in the construction of buildings a first mortgage on property. Ho vetoed the life and limb bill, making employers responsible for accidents happening from imperfect machinery or inferior construction of buildings. He vetoed the tenement house cigar bill, forbidding the manufacture of cigars in tenement houses. He vetoed the bill compelling the elevated roads of New York City to charge only 5 cent fare. w He vetoed the printers’ bill, re-’ 3 airing all the State printing to be one by union workingmen. He vetoed the bill making ten hours a legal day's work for all street car employees. He vetoed the bill abolishing convict labor in prisons, although this proposition when submitted to the popular people was carried by a majority of 60,000. He vetoed the child-labor bill providing for the inspection of factories where children were employed, ami He signed a bilf compelling the

bill benefited only the foreign stem, •bip monopolies. While president of the halted States: He killed by a “pocket veto” the Arbitration bill, compelling the reference to impartial arbiters of labor controversies in certain contingencies. He killed/ by a “pocket veto” the Anti-Convict Labor bill of 1886, and also that of 1888, forbidding the use by Government officials of any merchandise the product of convict labor. 4= • And, in his Message of December 6, 1886, be recommended the employment of all Federal convicts in manufacturing pursuit* in Federal prisons and the use by the government of the product of their labor. Will Honest Workmen Vote to Bring Their JL*bor Into Competition With That of Convicts? Grover Cleveland has thus written himself, the Convict Labor Candidate There ia no mistaking his intention or tjiat of his party. The Democrats will repeal the McKinley bin if it is intrusted with The product of foreign convicrteßor will thengome into our ports freely, and prisons will be built by the Federal government while convicts willy be employed in the manufacturing industries, thegovernment realizing the profits of their labor. Do the workingmen of the United States desire to have this program carried out? If they do, they will vote for Cleveland and Stevenson, the convict labor candidate on a convict labor platform. If they do nol they will vote for Harrison and Reid, and they will sustain the Republican law which forbids the entry of the products of convict labor to competition with the . production of American citizens.

ADLAI STEVENSON.

His “Low for Laborers," and His Treatment of Alining Employes. To the Editor of the Streator Daily Free Press: Some time ago I read an article a miner, commenting; on Mr. “abeyensou Democratic nominee for Vice*president. It brought to mind an even*. of nearly twenty years ago, and it. agents the honorable gentleman has not changed nor has ho repented for the cruel wrongs he inflicted upon his miners and workingmen at that time. I worked for his company from the time the bottom vein wa3 reached in 1870 until Adlia pulled the union out root and branch in 1873. 1 can truly say 1 never-met a greater tyrant, nor a man with less humanity during all mv life as-a coal miner, In 1873 a contract was agreed to between Adlai and the miners. He prepared it and in one clause provided that it should remain in force onp year, and no one should be discharged without

good cause. Not many weeks after the contract was agreed to one of the ropes broke in the shaft, leaving but one to hoist and lower the men, and raise the coal. At that time the shaft was also in a very dangerous condition. The timbers were bulging and breaking, and the free passage of the cage was frequently obstructed. One afternoon the remaining cage, loaded with men, stuck in the the shaft. From 4 o’clock until 10 at night it was suspended in the most perilous position between top and bottom, while the men below having no other means of escape, became aiarmed for their own safety. There was ho escapement shaft' no means of egress, and coming from the bowels of the earth 650 feet below could be heard the execrations of the meu aud pleadings for prompt relief.. .44any moment the unusual strain upon the rope might have precipitated the cage of human occupants at the bottom of the shaft,several hundred feet below. Women and children gathered around the top, screaming and praying for the safety of their husbands and fathers. Next morning yielded to the prayers of their families, the men refused to work until shatt was put in a safe condition. Adlai gave orders that every man be discharged who did not report for duty. Realizing their extreme danger not a man reported, and all were discharged in the face of a contract draftn up for one year, Adlia would listen to no reason, but said he had done with the union, and would get new men. In a short time the company’s agentbroughtin ninety scabs, only one of whom could speak a word of English. The union minerscalleda meeting, and a committee was appointed to wait upon the scabs, acquaint them with the situation, and induce them to return whence they came. I was chairman of that committee, and was talking with the leading scab, when Adlai and another member of the company approached. Listening a moment he ordered ns to leave the premises double-quick, threatening if we did not he would have us all in jail in less than an hour. This ended the interview,as the scabs could not be seen afterward. Union miners were defeated in that inhuman lock-out in 1873 for simply demanding that their lives be not .jeopardized. Such is the character of Adiai Stevenson, the scab employer and boss political headsman. Patrick M. McCall. Streator, 111., Aug, 5, 1892.

Indianapolis Typographical Union, No. 1, numbering over three hundred members, passed resolutions denouncing the action of Matthews and Henderson in appointing a “rat” Clerk of the Printing Board. Stamp anywhere in tho square 1 around tho eagle and nowhere else, and you vote a straight ticket. v Stevsnson gave orders to “fire the union, root and, branch, and employ only non-union, men, in his coal mines. Cleveland, Stevenson, Matthews and Henderson have no love for organized labor, as their acts clearly ; prove. *r—. S I " Stamp anywhere In the square around the eagle and nowhere else, and you vote a straight ticket. —— I

A BLESSING.

/PECK’S FIGURES CONFIRMED, Indisputable Evidence that the McKinley Bill has Blessed the Country. It Has Given Employment to Thousands and Established 4 Many New Industries. The American Protective League recently sent letters to persons in control of industries which -It is claimed have been established or iui creased by the McKinley tariff ask- | ing information sa to the number of ; persons emplqvefy the character of i the prqdyt&r'ajifa the amount of invested. The American } Economist will to-morrow print many t brthe reptieß receiv€Sa by the league. Taken together the replies show that 37.387 persons have found employment in the industries referred to, while in the same industries the ini creased capital employed amounts to 640,499,050. The reports, it is said, are incomplete, and the American Economists claims that about 75,000 persons are now employed in industries actually established or increased by the new tariff. It is pointed out* that only thirteen plantoaeeeepCßed as manufacturing tin or terne plate, whereas there are said to be nearly thirty establishments of the kind in the country, and in the manufacture of pearl buttons only six plants are covered by the reports while more than fifty new factories have been established since the McKinley tariff went into effect. Stamp with care inside the Eagle ..square^. -.... The Census Office lias issued bulletins giving statistics of the manufacturing industries of St. Joseph, Mo., and. Cincinnati, O: The percentages of increase in St. Joseph are given as follows: Capital invested, 220.37; number of hands employed, 89.28; wages paid. 116.04; cost of materials used, 129; 27; value of proI duct at works, 108-34. 1 The percentages of increase in Cincinnati' are given as follows: Number of establishments reported, 101.13; capital invested, 76.70; number of hands employed, 58.58+ wages paid 119.20; cost of materials used, 31.98, value of products at works, 61.15. I Stamp with care inside the Eagle square. -

LUMBER AND SUGAR.

HOW THE TARIFF OH THESE STAPLES WORKS. A Manly Statement Which Every Interested Voter Should Read. [nON. T. J. HENDERSON.] .1 say I am willing to put rfefined sugar on the free list, as well as raw sugar, because after-many years of protection we are not able to produce more than one-tenth or oneeighth part of the sugar we consume. We have not been able to produce enough to enter into competition with the sugar imported into the country and thereby reduce the price of sugar. We do not produce enough to control the price of sugar. If jve could enlv produce sugar enough to supply our own people and have a surplus to sell toother countries, as we do in lumber and almost every other protected article, then we ' would control and fix the price of sugar, and the price would be reduced, notwithstanding the duty levied upon : imported sugars. j In regard to the duties levied on ' sugar, they have been a tax which has been paid by the consumer, and 'the evidence of this is that wheu raw I sugar was put on the free list and J the duty on refined sugar was reI duced from 3 and 3* cents per pound to a half cent a pound, down went the price of sugar; and at once every free trader aud tariff reformer began to say, “We told you the tariff was a tax, and you see now, as long as the tax is taken off, down goes the price and you are getting cheaper sugar.” Certainly sugar is cheaper, and why? For the reason, as I have Said, we never produced enough of Sugar in our own country to supply our own people or seriously to enter into competition withjho sugar imported from other countries, and therefore we could not control the price nor produce sugar enough which did not pay any duty to give to our people cheap sugar. Now, in proof of this I will refer to lumber. We reduced the duty on lumber from $2 to 91 per 1,000 feet; and I believe because of a perversion In tbe law of 1890 Canada removed

the duty on logs exported, which she had impo-ed. And did the price of lumber go down, as did the price of sugar? No. it did not. The price of lumber remained as high and we are paying just as much for lumber as ever; and it is now proposed to Fmit lumber on the free list, and venture the assertion that if it should be done the price of lumber would not thereby be lessened to the consumer. The farmers of Illinois, of lowa, Nebraska. Kansas, and other States, complaining, as some of the citizens ot those States do, about “the tax on lumber.” would not get their lumber one cent cheaper than they do now. And why? Simply because we have produced lumber enough in our own country to supply, and more than supply, ouy.own people, and therefore the price is fixed and controlled here at home, and, and the lumber which we ___ mawbaf nwioo wH/itkaw ft 1 KWI Am own marKtsb pnte, winsiuer /.* uau 10 fjftv A dutv 01 12 QQI* I ()00 fpf*t 01* II

* i taxes that we farmery are compelled to pay on account of it. especially on lumber, just.” he said, “as if I did not know that for every cargo of lumber we import from Canada we tnanufactured nineteen at home, and the nineteen cargoes at home control the price, and not tbe one that comes from Canada.” J ; Now, you cannot answer tbe argument of the farmer, and that is the truth as to hundreds of other articles of which we produce a supply or more than a supply to meet the demands ot our own people. ~ Stamp with care ANYWHERE inside the square surrounding the eagle if you would vote a straight ticket.. • j ......,,... r '- i »

FOR THE HOME

PROTECTION PROVIDES AXD PRO--■i-L TECTSTHEM. i Whereby the American Protected Workman is Away Ahead of His English Free Trade Competitor. • / My young friend from Nebraska the odier dgy took one of his farmer constituents down from the canpi•tSal tree long enough to use him for the purpose of pointing the moral and adorning the tale of the “plundered homestead" or “the adventures of a young married couple. ” You remember that he selects a young man in tire act of seleetjbg “a young woman, who is willingfto trust her future to his strong aght arm, ” and beginning to bund a home which is the unit of socimv. The picture represents tlm ho is robbed by the tariff on tumfGer, 0a: paint, on on tablecloths, “on knives, rorks andi dishes, on spoons, on everything that enters into the construction and operation of that home. ” And to make the picture all the more pathetic and absolutely hopeless, the artist gives the unhappy couple no sign of defense except the lung capacity of the Democratic party yelling at the top of its voice, “ Hands off I ” [Great laughter.] Now, without stopping to point out that the actual price of every article that enters into the “construction and operation of that home” has been reduced in price by the Republican policy of making them in the United States instead of buying them in Europe, I want to ask my friend, or any other man in this house, to namo to me a country in the Old World where a young man without money can slip his strong right arm around a girl without means and take her into a home of their own or give her even the prospect of a home, which is the unit of society? [Applause on the. Republican side.J I have talked to hundreds of peoEle from Ireland, from Scotland,from lenmark, from Germany, from the mountains of Norway and Sweden, and they all tell me that a day's work in the United States goes further than anywhero else in the world toward putting a roof over the head of a family, paint on a cottage, music in the parlor, newspapers on the stand, carpets on thc'ffoor,dishes dishes, and the divine light of love and joy in the sweet laces of wife and children. They have come into my office a&aih and again, husband and wifetogether, speaking in broken English the language of the thriftiest countries in Europe, to ask my help and advice in mailing a little American money to the Old World for fathet ttr mother or brother or sister or sweetheart, living in lands where the labor of a lifetime is not enough, after paying daily expenses, to pay their passage upon an ocean steamer. I have seen their tears falling upon the paper as they wrote out their message of hope and courage from the only country on earth where hu - man life is lifted above the level of hopeless drudgery for the poor.. I have orten stood in Castle Garden, at the gateway of the Republic, watching that restless throng Of every kindred tongue and tribe of people; I have - seed young men standing there holding in their hands a suit of “taxed” American clothe*’ for a brother arriving on these shores out of the very countries where clothes are the cheapest. I have seen young women timidly hiding under”a “taxed” American cloak, the bright colors of a new bftt.for a sister who had just come from aland.wbere everything is so cheap that nobody can buy anything. Nor could I keep out of my heart words of welcome to those who have loved our fl'g, even alar off, and have come hither to better their condition, and open the pathway of fortune to themselves and their children. And the day is coming, is nearer than the Democratic leaders of today may think, when these fugitives from the hard conditions of the old itorld, and their-children after them, will stand os a unit with the Republican partv to keep the shield of ■American iaw before the cottages of American labor. 1 have not as much Interest as some in the current agitation that seeks to shut the doors ot tbe great republic in the face of mankind. I dp not feel that we have been here long enough ourselves to begin to complain about the arrival of other people. 1 believe that moo and wo men who know by experience the burthose persons born among us who go Hfeis riot worth’ living: th aTTar uubKcis «ro pitncu, unu umi uur houses are entered by duly author-