Rensselaer Republican, Volume 24, Number 52, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 25 August 1892 — TOPICS OF THESE TIMES. [ARTICLE]

TOPICS OF THESE TIMES.

Alliance and the Tariff-A Short Tariff Lesson. I - ■tor* Hot Shot From ifteKlnley—Ftrmcrr Strikers end Anarchists—Other In- ■ ' teresting Topics Discussed. FARMERS. STRIKERS. AND ANARCHISTS. Farm and Home. ■ The. American farmer will never Bubnfit to the dictation of a labor union. The farmer recognizes only the right to emp'oy any man who wishes to work for h m on terms that are mutually satisfactory. The farm T hand should recognize only his right to work for whom he pleases at such wages as he chooSes to accept. Suppose farm help should organize a union and say: “Mr. Farmer, you can’t get your-work done except by our union men at our 5 price, for we won’t let any non-union man work lor you.” This is precisely what has come about in the iron trade,' and to some extent in other industries. Such tyranny of the labor union is as wicked, as unconstitutional, and as cruel as the tyranny of capital in its worst form. Labor has the same right to combine and organize for self-protection that capital has, but neither has the right to transgress the law. That is just exactly wiiere we draw the line in the Pennsylvania labor war, whatever may be the merits of the case at Homestead, or the errors and excess of either side. Non»uuion men have the same right to a living as is enjoyed by these who belong to the union: the employer has the right to hire whoever wishes to work for him. It good, time to make this simple truth emphatic now that so much rot has been in-. dulged ih over the affair at the Carnegie steel woijks. This freedom of employer and employed is one of the corner stones of (fur constitutional liberty. When either party interferes with su; h freedom* the logical result is anarchy uilless society steps in and protects the legitimate interests of all at the point ,of the bayonet. .

Our American farmers Lave no sympathy, with anarchy,’ When Jerry Sfmpson denounced Andrew Carnegie as a devil in humau form who ought to be strung up by a mob, of which he expressed a desire to be a leader, the Kansas Congressmah took a position that was a libel on the Alliance and on the farmers of the United States. If men are to be killed who build up great industries, affording employment to thousands at wages ranging from $1.40 to sls a day (over 2,000 men at Homestead averaged more than $3 a day), or if farmers are to be killed who achieve conspicuous success, let’, us all know it, so that none of us may be candidates for the executioner. The plain truth is, thesis Homestead and Idaho strikers, with wages of $2.50 to $3.50 a day, were making more money than most of the farmers in this country, and were in a position to save & great deal more money. Yet farmers are not demanding *that the wealth of either these employers or employees be taken from\tkem and distributed among the poor farmers. The sensaticnal newspapers and agitators who have been preaching such an- / archy in various forms, have done so to make a few paltry dollars for themselves. They are enemies, not friends, of labor,„ parasites who thrive by sucking labor’s life blood. Let it be understood that the farmers have no sympathy with these enemies of society. The owners of American farms and homes have genuine sympathy for the working masses, of which they constitute so large a part, but will tolerate no encroachment upon law and order from labor any more than from capital. The true working man and the average capitalists stand squarely with the farmer on this platform. In Amsterdam, Kew York; there are twenty factories which make cotton knit underclothing, and their owners all testify that good underwear is selling now for s’per cent, less than when the McKinley tariff was pasAd, although it increased the duties on foreign- goods of that class. One manufacturer said to a reporter'W t

Tbe McKinley act has increased the volume of business of the knit goods manufacturers enormously. We are protected from the competition of the foreign manufacturer of knit goods of mediulh price, and the result is that we have been able to lower the price of these goods to the consumers. Knit shirts and drawers ■which my firm in 1890 sold at $3.25 a dozen, we are selling to-day at ,3-121 a dozen. Most of our lines of goods ranging from $3 to $5 a dozen we are now selliug, as compared with 1890, at a reduction of, 12i cents a dozen. r , Other manufacturers corroborated this statement, producing figures lrom their books to show that they were selling goods cheaper now than before the McKinley act was passed. Of course the consumer gets the benefit of the reduction. One manufacturer said “ the only one who has not been benefitted bv the increased - duty on foreign knit underwear is the foreigner. The American manuiacturer has been able to sell his foods at a profit; men and -women an the mills have had constant employment, and the consumer has obtained bis goods at a lower price than before the passage of the act. ” It is a fact-that can be verified any •day in our retail stores that good knit underwear can be bougbt cheaper ft&day than ever before.—Journal. / { The New York Tribune says one iof the largest iron makers of this country has furnished it with the fol-

lowing table, showing the average daily wages paid to the rollers and heaters in his mills from July 1,1891, to July 1* 1892, as taken from hip J»ooks. “These, wages,” he says) “were not earned at spasmodic intervals, but were paid cjaily for the entire year. Those who think the wage earner is not getting the benefit of the tariff should study these figures: —A-. . ..J Eight-Inch Guide Mill. Average per Day net to r011er,..... .1 $13.97 Average per,day net to heater • 7.20 ••*«* ■ Fifteen-Inch Bar Mill. Average per day net to roller .>.s 7 22 Average per pay net to he iter 6.8 V 7 Seven-Inch Hoop Mill. Average per day net to roller on cottontles . .fL...... v, ..... $15.10 Average per%ay nei to roller on guider>n... 14.01 Average per day net to heater on cotton, v - ties „ 8.15 Average per day net to jieater on guideiron.... 7.01 Ten-Inch Hoop Mill. Average per day net to roller on cotton’' tie and steel hoop. . 429.85 Average per day net to heater on cdttontie and steel hoop 9.13

THE ALLIANCE AND THE~ TARIFF. The Democratic National committee last week discussed the effect the tariff issue would have ou the farmers in this campaign, and .decided quite unanimously that they would create a panic among the Alliance folks when they explained to them jupt how they were being robbed by the infamous ] McKinley bill. Now, the fact is, the Alliance cares ~noth, ing, as a rule,, about the tariff, all their leading speakers hnd papers claiming that it is not the issu,e. To show just what the Alliance position is on the tariff, we quote entire the following 'editorial from the National Economist, the National official organ of that order. was headed ■‘Tariff Humbug,” and appeared a few weeks ago: • wt? It is not the policy of this paper, nor of the Alliance, nor yet of the People’s party, to take sides on the tariff-question as represented by the" old parties. There is good reason for this course. The tariff has been the subject of more stalwart lying than any subject which ever came up for the consideration of the American people. It has been such a wellspring of hypocrisy, such a foundation of corruption, such an eternal, never-ending source of demagogy and rottenness as to have completely disgusted all ippn who have given ft even a little patient thought. It is not intended to nauseate the reader with a recital of even a hundredth part of the chicanery and deception of which the pebple have been the victims through the influence of the tariff, but it is intended to give a short sketch of the tariff legislation, and attempted tariff legislation of the last eight years as a justification of the seeming apathy of the Alliance upon what many people honestly believe to be the most, if pot the only, important issue before the people.

In 1884 the tariff figured as the principal issue; Cleveland was elected and the Democrats were given a majority of forty-two in the House of Representatives, where all tariff bills must originate,, Mr. Carlisle, who bears the name of a pronounced tariff reformer, was elected Speaker of tho House. In the appointment of the committees, William R. Morrison, of Illinois, was given the chairmanship of the ways and means committee, aud Mr. Samuel Randall, of Pennsylvania, was honored with the chairmanship of the committee on appropriations. The Democratic people were of course delighted with the turn things had taken, and joyfully congratulated themselves that they were at last in a position to slipw the country what their party meaht by ‘‘tariff reform.” Mr. Morrison, on behalf of the ways and means: committee, introduced his tariff measure, which became widely known as the “horizontal reduction bill,” in which he provided for reduction of the tariff of 20 per cent. His proposition for a 20 per cent, reduction was in line with the recom mendation of the tariff commission appointed by President Arthur in 1882. However, the bill excited much opposition, and rather unexpectedly the effective opposition came from the ranks of the Democratic party. Mr. Converse, a moved to strike out the enacting clause. For this motion to prevail would not only effectually kill the 20 I per cent reduction bill, but would practically be a notice that no tariff legislation should be enacted during the, session. The debate turned upon this motion. Every argument that could be brought to bear upOn the protection Democrats was used. Mr. Morrison urged them to amend the bill in any way to suit, “but for Cod’s sake” to pass some kind of a tariff reform measure, as that was the issue upon which campaign had been fought, and upon which they had been successful in electing a President for the first time since the war. But all to no purpose; the motion carried, oand the Housfe with a Democratic majority of 42. went on record in opposition to all tariff reform. The majority of the Democratic organs and leaders put the blame fpr the failure upon Sam Randalls As chairman of the appropriation committee he was accused of having used his power to defeat tariff legislation. *No man in the country was more virulently abused than he was by the tariff reform organs and leaders of his party.

Two years later, 1886, “tariff reform” was again the issue, and again r tbe House was placed in control of the Democrats, though by a majority reduced to 13. Mr. Carlisle was .again elected Speaker, and contrary to what the majority of the House had a right to expect, he gave Mr. Sam Randall the same committee appointment, the power of which he was so generally abused for misus--1 ing in the former House, the Appro- . . . ..... . . .... ■ *... •. '• ‘ V,

priations Committee. Mr. MCls’lntroduced his bill providing' for a small reduction of about 5 per cent, and as it was on the heels of a Presidantial campaign, and since the people had to be made to belie v£ that the tariff was an issue, lestr”they might begin to look about them for some other issue, Mr-1131111311 kindly remained away and allowed the measure tojjass the House- The bill was sent to the Senate, where the Republicans, also recognizing the imperative necessity for an issue with which to distract the people’s attention from the money question, promptly killed it, and the ‘‘Mills bill” became' the overshadowing issue, Mr. Harrison was elected, the House restored’ to the Republicans, and the famous “McKinley bill” became a law* and became the “issue” in 1890. The Democrats promised to repeal the McKinley law if they were restored to power. The election followed, and no party in the history of the country ever received so thorough a drubbing as did the champions of the McKinley bill at this 'election. The House, where all tariff bills must orginate, was given an overwhelming Democratic majority, but it hasp!# made the slightest effort to repeal the McKinley law according to prom ise. This is the record of the Hiriff legislation for the past eight .years, and its contemplation is .enough to sicken all sensible men. It fa no WoodCT that the alliance and. LabCi’ conference and People’s party have concluded to let tariff agitation aloDe. EFFECT OF THE TARIFF IN PRICES Gov. McKinley: The'Republican pSrty oacupies the most advanced position of any political party in the world. That no evil has come to the country by reason of the accidental Democratic occupancy of the executive and legislative branches of the govenrarent—was because Tt Democratic House and President could not overthrow the laws -established by the Republicans. There is not a page in the history of the Republican party that we would want blotted. The Democratic party is a party of opposition and a party of critics and f rum biers. The Democratic party as constructed nothing in thirty-one years. lam Here to address you upon an issue that effects every interest and condition of life—the question of tariff. The tariff for revenue only, such as the Democratic party is advocating tb-day, is paid by the consumer. A protective tariff may be paid by the consumer, and is so paid, perhaps, until competion our producerslowers the price. Every article you wear or use has been cheapened under the protective tariff.

“Prices of manufactured products were never so low in'our history as they are to-day. The Senate report shows that agricultural products have advanced J 9 per cent, since the passage of the new tariff act. The balance of trade in our favor during the last twelve months was over $200,000,000. Yet the Democrats tell us we cannot trade with foreign countries if we put a tariff on theirproducts.. We export of wheat to-day in one yearmorethanwedidin fifteen years finder & Democrattcrtowtsrtff."We have sixty-five millions of people that consume more than any other sixty-five million people in the world because we have more money, because of the protective tariff enabling us to make more money than any other sixty-five millions of people. The best consumer in the world is the near-by consumer. “We are told that if we had raw material free,in this country we could go out and capture the markets of the world. We have the finest raw material in the world, andamder the Democratic tariff we had nothing but raw material. Potection encourages the American shop—free trade the forejga shop. We ~ can have free trade in this country only when the nations of the old world lift up the laboring man until it is equal to ours. Then we will compete with them anywhere in the world and take our chances for supremacy., reign nations want us to adopt free trade because under k that system they could come in and 1 take our home market from us unless we would bring the condition of .our laboring man down to the level of theirs. This we will never do.” The tariff law, says the New York Mail and Express, is making its benefits felt in every industry in the land. Mr. Charles-Harrington, who uses large quantities of silk plush in his factories at Kingsland, N. J., states that he can now buy for 75 cents a yard domestic plush better in quality than the foreign plush for which he paid $1 a yard before the McKinley bill was made law. By the way, the tariff on silk plush is $1.50 a yard, and as it sells for 75 cents a yard will some free trader tell us where the “tax” is?

The assertion of New York Democratic papers that William C. Whitney is behind the scenes, and will direct the Democratic campaign is not very complimentary to Chairman Harrity. r An observing exchange thinks the Democrats are preparing to blame Harritv in case of Cleveland's defeat, and to give the chief credit to Whitney in case ol Cleveland’s election. " Says the Syracuse Standard: “The Democrats have tried to profit -by the Homestead troubles, and the Anarchists have tried. The Democratic way was to preach Anarchism. Tht Anarchists might try preaching Democracy. Tom Reed. says the battle-cry o’, the Democracy this year will tx “The Prophet and the Ballot-box—-both Stuffed.”