Rensselaer Republican, Volume 24, Number 4, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 24 September 1891 — CURRENT COMMENT. [ARTICLE]

CURRENT COMMENT.

A. CONCISE STATEMENT. As UaanawarsM* Tariff Argument. The tariff problem in the United States should be treated as any other business proposition. It is so closely interwoven with our financial Mid economic affairs that its proper adjustment has become essential to the prosperity of our industries. No administration of the affairs of the nation is now undertaken without consideration of the effect of this or that tariff schedule upon manufacture, agriculture and labor. So firmly are our people impressed with the truth of these propositions that each assembling of anew Congress is witnessed with the most intense concern, and until it has outlined th® policy to be pursued everything is in an unsettled condition. The condition of things in the United States is such that, because of constant changes and rapid strides . made in the advancement of ourcominercial, manufacturing, mining, mechanical and agricultural interests, no tariff schedules will answer for many years in succession. They require constant changes. As well might a man start in business with a certain price onea rh article of merchandise in his store, and attempt to continue to buy and sell at that price without regard to the constantly changing condition of things around him and expect to succeed, as for Congress to fix one schedule of tariff and say it will not change, it. If the merchant would succeed he must change the prices of his commodities —both in buying and selling always having in view the fact that he must make a profit—or go out of business. So with Congress. If it would legislate for the interest of the people, the tariff must be changed to suit the changed condition of things at home and abroad, always, however, keeping in view the protection of American interests. Another very important fact to keep Tn mind is that no tariff which can be enacted into a law can be perfect. The imperfection of human judgment, the fact t hat no one man —no matter how wise he may be or comprehensive his knowledge of the subject—can formulate and enact a law, the fact that there are thousands of interests to be consulted and hundreds of men to be conciliated. make it impossible. Every tariff must, therefore, be , a compromise. If Congress would take into consideration the varied interests of the country as though they belonged to one man jwho desired to preserve each industry for the prosperity of the wliole it would adopt the correct, principle. The necessity of a tariff is no longer a question. It is onlv how far and what shall be protected. Some interest may not receive the protection it should. The trouble has been every man wanted free trade for his neighbor and protection for himself.

Two systems of raising the necessary revenue to defray the expenses of the Government have been advocated by the two different schools of political economists in the United dtates. Theoneisto levy sufficient import duties on the goods of foreign nations imported into the United States to pay the expenses of the Government, having ho regard to the protection of American industries. The other is to raise the necessary —money by import duties laid on foreign merchandise im’ported into the United States, with the double purpose of raising sufficient revenue to nav the expenses of the nation kna the protection of American interestsfrom unjust foreign competition. It is to the latter class that thefriendsof the McKinley bill be* long. Those who believe in the theory of a tariff for revenue only assume to believe, and no doubt many of them do believe that a tariff imposed on the t heory pf protecting American interest increases the costs of the articles in the* protected lists the amount of the tariff to the consumer. No fallacy has been so thoroughly exploded as that. Indeed it has been the universal experience of the people that protection stimulates American industries, increases competition and lessens thejirice to the consumer. I cannot stop to give comparison of prices, but a reference to any trades journal of to-day and before the McKinley law went into effect will prove what 1 have said. We need not worry ourselves much about prices if we will give American enterprise a chance. The energy, push and skill of Americans will do the rest. It is not fair, however, to ask our merchants, manufacturers, miners and farmers to pay from one and a half to three times the wages paid in competing nations for labor and then compete with them in American markets. But some assume that they are afraid that protection will create monopoly. Admitting it to be true for the sake of argument —when, however, nothing is further from the truth than that protection will create or foster monopoly—whom would an American sooner trust to control the markets of the United States. A merican citizens, his neighbors and friends, whose ihterests are his interests and whose success is his success, or the foreign Merchant and manufacturer, who has nothing in common with the people of the United States and no interest in them except what money he draws from them for Ms wares? I am American enough to say that I would trust American market® in the hands of the people of the United BU-tea and to beheve that every trua-

haarted American believes the same thing. Competition is the best antidote for monopoly. That intelligent competition may be brought about it is necessary that the whole trade of the nation should be secured to the man-, ufacturing, mining and agricultural interests. The farmer must be stimulated to push the productiveness of his broad acres to their utmost capacity, that he may be able to feed the millions employed in mining, manufacturing and transportation; the manufacturer to increase his factory that he may be able to supply the wants of the teaming millions engaged in the other pursuits of life in this busy nation; the increase his skill and activity that he may product more and better results to his Employer so that he can receive the largest wages.

At ilie time when none but British" and French calico was to be had in it was 37i cents per yard. It cost the farmer, merchant, laborer, mechanic, &c., allowing eight yards for a dress—by no means enough now-s3.The Lowel mills were started, calico was manufactured in the United Statesand now, thanks to protection, the same quality is selling at from five to seven cents per yard. Now the dress of twelve yards can be had for from 60 to 85 cents. Then chickens were selling at 37 i cents a dozen; now they are selling for $3. Jhe labor could be had at from 50 cents to $1 per day ; now it is from $1.50 to $3. Then it took eight dozen chickens to buy eight yards of calico; now it will purchase 342 yards. This is but one of tho thousands of examples that might be given. If the United States ever abandons protection approximately the same condition of things is likely to occur again. Portugal is a living example of how a prosperous nation may be reduced to poverty through adopting free trade heresies. Let us stick to the protection of the McKinley bill.

It is claimed that prices are regulated by supply and demand. I admit that they are largely regulated by supply and demand. But in order that this competition shall not injuriously affect those engaged in such competition all must be placed on the same footing—must be surrounded by the same condition of things. The producer or mannfacturer who is compelled to pay larger wages to his employes, higher interest on money that he may require in the prosecution of his business and higher rates of transportation .cannot successfully compete with the man who, by his favorable situation in relation to labor, interest, transportation, etc., canobtainullthe.se at a much less rate —more than onehalf less. The result is inevitable; the competitor paying the higher wages must go out of business. The object of the McKinley bill is to put our farmers, manufacturers and others on an equality with those who pay less wages. It is to allow all to enter the markets of the United States on an equality and have equally favorable chances of success. The fact exist that in Europe they pay about one-half the wages paid in the United States. The cost of transportation has been, proved to be not sufficient to make up the difference between wages in the United States and Europe. So the last congress enacted the McKinley law, putting on such articles of merchandise as competed with American enterprise a duty that would in some measure make up for the difference. It is the purpose of that law to Tnaintam for the working man and woman their better condition in the United States than their fellows enjoy in Europe. The fact that the Irishman, German, Scotchman and other peoples of Europe are coming here, and coming to stay, and that the stream of immigration has constantly increased since the adoption of Protection is one of the best evidences that it is a good measure. It is certainly the best evidence that these people know the land that has life in it for the working man and woman. It is not always true that the laboring man or woman receives the full reward for his labor. It is no doubt true that the employer often —too often—shares the edge of comfort from the wages of his employees. All this being true, however, there is more hope and comfort for the wage-earning man or woman in this country than in any other. Can any good reason be given why we should not maintain this condition of things for him? This great and comprehensive law contains another principle that should commend itself to every true-hearted American. The provision which gives the President the power to levy an import duty on articles now placed on the free list coming into the United States from a foreign nation, if that nation shall levy an exorbitantly high duty on the products of this country imported ipto such country. If a foreign nation shall unjustly discriminate against our products or exclude them, the same power is vested in the Prekident. If Germany shall continue to prohibit American pork from her markets the President can levy an import duty on her coffee, sugar, &c. So if Venezuela shall continue to refuse to entpr into commercial relations with the United States import duties can be levied on her products sent to the United States. Then, again, the law compels each hr ported article to bear the name of country of origin, and prevents foreign manufacturers adopting American trade marks. These are valuable to the people of the United States. ' Without going over all the provisions of that wise law, it is sufficient to say that it bristles all over with Americanism. It is full of protection

to American interests from the enacting clause to the end of the last section. There is ro Free Trade in it No Free Trader can extract any consolation from it. But the man who believes in the United States, and is for the success of the people of them, and believes that they should receive no cheek in their march onward to prosperity and wealth can admire its every provision. The man who would reduce American laboring men and women to the level of those in Europe, who would take from the factory wageearners their pleasant cottages and happy homes, can get no consolation from the principles of the Me Kinley law. ' " When the people come to be thoroughly advised of the protection im volved in this law they will set their faces as steel against those who would tear down the walls of Protection. This will not be confined to any class of people, but will be the unanimous voice of all. Protection, as enacted Jin the McKinley bill, has come to stay. The people are beginning to understand what it will do for them and they are for it. ? Frank Swigart. Logansport, Ind. . What Proto, tiun k Doin' The free trade misstatements I'.iiC falsehoods fabricated in the East in the interests of importers, and winch are copied and given circulat ion ay the morning and afternoon Demo cratic newspapers of this city are every day meeting with vigorous refutation. Not only merchants, but all classes of people hare a desire to know the truth, and current literature on the subject is being eagerly sought fbr. “I have never, until recently, paid much attention to this class of economics,’ - remarked a Washington street merchant, •'but now that it has* in. a measure been forced upon me, I take great interest in the subject. I have come to know | that the free-trade articles with which certain newspapers here seek to gull the public are lies which the slightest examination will show to be so.” Here the merchant picked up a good-sized paper with a cover, j ‘■This,” said he. “is the Drygoods Economist, published in New York city, amt devoted to the manufacture material and distribution of textile fabrics. The paper comes out weekly, and was established in 1846. j Much of its patronage comes from' New York importers, and while it shows decided free-trade leanings it never fails to give honest statements regarding American industries. “It appears then to differ somewhat from the local and less informed free-trade papers of this city,” sug gested the reporter.

“It certainly does,’, was the answer. *‘l have been looking through the .current number and have marked a few items which I would like to read to you as showing the material prosperity and business activity that have already been produced by the Mckinley law.” Here is a few of the items read: _ The Gillsum woolen .mills r located at Gillsum, N. H., are again running on full time. • I The Jamestown worsted f mills, Jamestown, N. Y., have made recent additions to the machinery. The Everett Woolen Company at Great Barrington, Mass., is running again. The Binghamton Woolen Company is a newly incorporated concern,with capital stock of $25,000, at Binghamton, N. Y. Various grades of blankets will be manufactured. The Granite mills have been refurnished with entirely machinery and are turning out a finer grade of fabrics than heretofore produced. The output has been increased to. such ah extent that the finer goods are being sold at a correspondingly lessened cost. A new woolen waste scouring mili is almost ready to begin operations in Lodi, N. J. ’ David S. Johnson is about to start a knit-goods mill at Cohoes. N. Y. The knitting company. Little Falls New York, is building an addition to its works. Work is being pushed on the new woolen mill at Oswego Falls, N. Y., and it is expected weaving will begin iii the fall. The hosiery business in and around Lake Village, N. H.. is reported as more than good, and the mills that have been more or less idle are starting up. The knitting mill at Kinderhook, New York, is doing a splendid business. A new knitting business is to be started at Oswego, N. Y. Underwear will be maue and one hundred hands employed. The output of carpets at the mills of S. Sanford & Sons, at Amsterdam, N. Y., during the first week in July, was 1,400 rolls of forty-five to fiftysix yards each, or about 70,000 yards. This is the largest number of rolls ever produced in these mills in one week, and it is an indication of a healthy and prosperous condition of the carpet industries of that city. “Here are some interesting notes on the silk industry,’’ continued the merchant, “an industry that never could have started had it pot been for an absolute protective tariff." Ashley & Bailey’s silk manufacturing concern is about the busiest one at present in Patterson, N. J., the operators in several departments working night and day to fill orders. The McLaughlin Braid Company is busy on extensive orders for fall trade.’ Fifty new improved braiders will be in full operations', in a few days.