Rensselaer Republican, Volume 22, Number 48, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 31 July 1890 — Page 2

OUR NEW ELECTION LAWS.

\ The tell election la tMs State, InCludlbf that of State officers, tt embers bf Coni re* s, members of tta Legislature and county officers, will be held the act rs At last Legislature known as the Australian ballot law. Besides this, ether new laws concerning- elections will be in force for the first time at a general electipn. These are the acts of March 9, 1889, concerning elections and the purity and freedom of the ballot. Both of these are important laws, and the three together will work a great change in the manner of conducting elections. Some of their provisions relate to candidates, others to voters and others to officers of election. They relate to the registration of voters under certain circumstances; to the arrangement of polling places; to the printing and distribution of tickets by State and county authorities; to the duties of county officers and chairmen of county committees; to the kind of electioneering that or may not be done; to the manner of challenge; to the manner of preparing, stamping, folding and depositing ballots; to the method of canvassing votes and making returns; to the duties of election officers, etc. From this partial summary of the provisions of the new laws it will be evident that they are very important measures, and that a correct understanding of them is highly essential for State and county officers, committeemen, candidates, voters, election offices and the public generally. Not only will the legality and regularity of elections measurably depend on the observance and enforcement of these laws, but the rights of candidates and voters are involved, and the election in any county or in the State at large may hinge upou a faithful and intelligent enforcement of their provisions. Assuming that every person desires an honest enforcement of the law. in order to bring out its merits and whatever demerits it may have,’if any, it is obvious that a general and correct understanding of it is necessary to that end. Such an understanding is afto necessary in order to reduce to a minimum the friction incident to the first trial of a new system and to insure the casting of a full average vote. Besides, every people ought to know as much as possible abont the laws under-which they live, including their election laws. With this object in view the Journal will endeavor to summarize the main points of the new laws in such a way as to disclose their practical operation without going too much into technical details. All three of the acts above referred to contain provisions whioh will effect the methods of electioneering heretofore prevalent, but two of them relate almost exclusively to that. Their object is to prevent the improper use of money, either directly or~ indirectly;” and, with this View, they go considerably further thin the old law and create some new crimes and penalties. The old law was strong enough against open but candidates and their friends found it easy to “whip the devil around the stump,” and committees managed to use a good deal of money for “legitimate expenses” that produced very illegitimate results. The new laws make it almost impossible to use money in any way intended to influence a vote without incurring a penalty. The hiring or employing of any person by any candidate to work for his election is prohibited, as well as the buying of votes. A candidate can not hire a person to work for his" election either before or upon election day, or to abstain from working for the opposite side. The giving or offering of money to influence a person’s vote is made a penal offense, and the person so hired or bribed to vote or abstain from voting may, upon proof thereof, recover personal judgment against the person bribing him, for S3OO. Any candidate, committeeman or other person who collects or handles any money, knowing it is to be used to induce, hire or buy any person to vote or refrain from voting, becomes liable under the law. The loaning or offering to loan money is the same as paying or offering to pay it. No kind of electioneering at the polls can be paid for either by a candidate or committee. The hiring of wagon drivers to bring voters to the polls is prohibited. Wagons may be hired, but no drivers. The attempt to tire any person to vote or refrain from voting is Made a penal offense, whether the person acts on it or not. In short, the two acts of March 9, 1889, practically prohibit the use of money, directly or indirectly, by any candidate, to secure the vote, influence or service of any person, either during the campaign or at an election, and by any committee to pay for services at the polls. The effect of the Australian ballot on electioneering and its general operations will be noted hereafter.

Our Bynum’s Reputation.

Chicago Journal. Representative Bynum, of Indiana, since he vas brought before the bar of the Hoilse and posed as a martyr, appears, as another distinguished Democrat once did, to think himself “a bigger mfin than old Grant" Be is making himself somewhat of a blackguard and nuisanee to even bis political friends.

A Tender Spot.

Pb(ladelphU Inquirer. No wonder the Democratic wail over the Federal election bill is loud and mighty. It hurts. It touches the Democrats in a tender spot—the fraud spot- j These Democrats are bound to be unhappy. They bowled awhile because they supposed there was a surplus in the treasury, and now they howl just as hard beo'ttse they imagine there is a deficiency. They ere bound to howl anyway.

IS A SUCCESSFUL PROHIBITION PARTY POSSIBLE.

Temparanoe Evangelist Under the caption, “Taking our Bearings” a late number of the Voice says: ■ '• How does Prohibition stead to-day with the voters of Americat Looking at it as coldly and dispassionately as an architect would examine the foundation for a new building, is there strength enough In Prohibition, as a Politioal issue, to form the huts fora successful politioal party! There has been a great deal of agitation in the lest few years, and almost oonstant appeals have been made to the people. Is the response sufficient, judged by the naked facts and figures in the case, to warrant the belief that this Issue will reach the dominating position in politics that we are trying to secure for it? These are stern questions, and we pres sume that there are many loyal Prohibitionists who would prefer, at first sight, to dodge rather than to face them. Do we need to dodge them? Do we still have to hold on by frith alone, as we did years ago and stick to the cause simply because we know it is a righteous one, and ought to prevail? In otherwords. can we face the questions above fairly and fully an.d re. turn them an unequivocal answer in the affirmative and then back up that answer with faots mid figures whose force even cool, calculating reason must acknowledge? We believe that we can do exactly this, and we propose to make the attempt. In the last ten years seventeen elections have been held on constitutional prohibitory amendments. These elections have beea-pretty evenly divided between the East, the West and the South. In these elections the sentiment of the voters in sixteen States was tested. The results are seen in the following table: Then follows a table of the votes cast for prohibition in the sixteen States in which the naked question of prohibition has been directly submitted within the last ten years, and the result is that about 46 per cent, of the votes cast were for prohibition and it then proceeds to argue that with this showing a successful prohibition party is possible. But there are several elements which ought to enter into this calculation, that no account has been taken of. First, in the States that have cast 1,642,912 votes for prohibition there were 4,773,038 votes cast in 1888, and that in fact the votes cast for prohibition are less than 86 per cent, of the votes of those States. There is still another important element which can not be ignored in practice though it may be skipped in cyphering. In the sixteen States which have cast 1,642,912 for prohibition, only 107,162 votes were cast for General Fisk in 1888, which is but a fraction above 2 per cent, of the votes of those States, and less than 7 per cent, of the prohibitionists, as shown by the votes on this question. In other words.after twenty years* labor in forming a Prohibition party, it numbers less than 7 jler cent, of the pros hibitionists of the country. But there is even a more damaging phase of the question than this. That party which in 1886 cast 294,863, cast only 267,243 in 1888, and the elections of 1889 show a continued decrease in nearly every State that held elections that year. Thus, Nebraska gave Fisk 9,424, but only 6,821 in 1889. New York gave Fisk 30,221, but in 1889 gave only 26,616. Kentucky gave Fisk 6,226, but gave only 8,871 in 1889. New Jersey gave Fisk 7,904 in 1888, and 19,808 in 1886, but in 1889 it gave only 6,853. In Oregon the party gave Fisk 1,677, r bufTnTß9o it hid peteFil' out entirely and made no nominations, but fused with other third parties. In a few States there were small gains, butrthe trend of the vote shows that the decline from 1886 to 1888 continues.

These are facts and figures which the Voice should take into account in takiDg its bearings. They may be igs not ed on paper, but they will stubbornly confront us in the field. In twenty years the party commands about 2 per cent, of the voters of the nation, and less than 7 per cent, of the actual prohibitionists of the country. It may be convenient to sneer at the other 93 percent., but among them are found many of the best men of the world, intelligent, sober, earnest, conscientious. Is it not time for this little fragment to fall in line with their equals in intelligence and their superiors in numbers, and make a solid front against the foe? There is not a single fact which authorizes the belief that a prohibition party can ever command a majority of the voters of the nation, or of prohibitionists, even. Is not twenty years and 2 per cent, discouraging?

The Rule of the Minority.

No better reason has been given for the passage of a federal election bill than Mr. Blaine gave soon after the election in 1884, when he said: Gentlemen, there can not be political inequality among the citizens of a free Republic; there can not be a minority of white men in the South ruling a majority of the white men in the North. Patriotism, self-respect, pride, protection for person and safety for country, all cry out against it. • * £ TE becomes the primal question of American manhood. It demands a hearing and a settlement, 'and that settlement will vindicate the equality of American citizens in all personal and civil rights. It will at least establish the equality of white men under the national government, and will give to the Northern man who fought to preserve the Union as large a Voice in its government as may be exercised by the Southern man who fought to destroy the Union. The unfavorable crop indication? in Europe is favorable news for American farmers. A good market at fair prices is assured for the grain product of the United States this year.

PROHIBITION PLUNDER IN IOWA.

Chicago Tribjyie. ’ The On» JJeines Reflate 1 * has compiled from the official rffisords figures which ihow in a striking why how the lowa prohibitory law is being used by searchers, Informers and the like to plunder the public treasury. The Prohibitionists, in the hope of securing the execution of the law, provided liberal fees for spies and prosecutors and made the counties responsible for costs, but the result has been in Des Moines to give certain “fellows of the baser sort” uncommonly good opportunities to get their hands into the public treasury and gorge themselves on fees and costs. The strict enforcement of the prohibitory law is the last thing these mercenaries desire, since that would close their source of revenue and force them to seek a livelihood in some occupation more laborious and less profitable than making liquor seizures and pocketing fees. The policy pursued in Des Moines with a view to the maximum of fees and the minimum amount of restraint on the liquor tfaffic is to seize single bottles of liquor and start condemnation proceedings against each-oner-Ia each instance the State is brought into controversy, not with a saloonkeeper or with the premises where liquor is sold, but with a bottle of whisky or beer. Thus, while the saloonkeeper is harmed only to the extent of the loss of a bottle of beer worth 20 or 25 cents, costs and fees to the amount of $7. 25 are extracted from the county treasury for the benefit of the searchers and witnesses. Among the entries taken from the docket of a justice of the peace by the Register are the following, which show the systematic way of gathering in boodle under pretense of enforcing the prohibitory law: “May 19, vs. one bottle of beer by Cleggett fifom Shaffer; witnesses: Cleggett, Burdick, Hansen, J. Callender; total costs, $7.25. “May 19. vs. one bottle of beer by Cleggett, from Lew Foley; witnesses: Burdiek, Keller. J. Callender, I. Wilson; total costs, $7.25. “May 19, vs. one bottle of beer by Cleggett, from Foster; witnesses: Burdick, I. Wilson. Keller, J. Callender; total costs, $7.25. I “May 19, vs. one bottle Of beer by Cleggett, from Richler; witnesses: Wilson, Keller, Burdick, J, Callender; total costs, $7.25. “May 19, vs, one bottle of beer by Cleggett, from Alex Cordon; witnesses: Burdick, Wilson, J. Callender, Keller: total costs, $7.25. “May 19, vs. one bottle of beer by Cleggett from M. Myers; witnesses: J. Callender, Burdick, Keller, G. B. Hamilton and Wilson; total costs, $7.25. “May 19, vs. two bottles of beer by Cleggett from Jo Anderson; witnesses: Burdick, J. Callender, I. Wilson, G. B. Hamilton and Keller; total costs, $7.25. “May 24, vs. eighteen bottles of beer by Wilson from Ida Comisky; witnesses: Cleggett, J. Callender, Burdick, Keller and Sumner; total costs, $7.25.

“May 24, vs. one bottle of beer by Cleggett from Skrebner; witnesses: Wilson. Keller, Burdick, J. Callender and Hamilton; total costs, $7.25. “May 24, vs. one bottle of beer by Cleggett frqm M. Myers; witnesses: Burdick, Wilson, Keller, J. Callender and Hamilton; total costs, $7.25.” There is evidently in Des Moines a three-cornered conspiracy between the justices, the constables and the liquor venders to plunderlhe taxpayers under the guise of enforcing prohibition. Without closing a single place where liquor is sold, the searchers in Des Moines have compelled the expenditure from the public treasury of SBO,000 in the last six months. No such scandalous state of affairs prevails in other cities in lowa, for the reason that public sentiment would not tolerate it, and it is not likely that Des Moines will endure robbery in the name of prohibition much longer.

Why Threaten War!

Here from St. Louis Republic, which is the journal in which the voice of the true Democratic party speaks, is the customary Confederate Democratic threat that therte shall be civil war again whenever it is the pleasure of. the Democratic party to regard itself cheated out of the Presidency—and they are always wronged in their own minds, when they do apt-wlor i ‘Throughout the Central West, which votes in a block and is the key of e very winning political combination, the Democratic party is stronger than it is in the Northeastern block of States, but these Western Democrats have never led since the war. They have held back while the attempt was made to split Indiana off the block. Whenever they do take thp lead and say what combination must be played in the Electoral College, it will be played. If they are driven to assert themselves, they will nominate a Western man for President, and if they elect him the votes stolen under the Force bill, as votes were stolen in 1876 under the similar Returning Board system, will not stop them from doing their best to seat him. They are not likely to call for an electoral commission.”

Diagnosing Bynnm’s Case.

Cincinnati Commercial Gazette. Mr. Bynum, of Indiana, at every appearanoe in the National House of Representatives, reminds the country of a big, fat baby with a tape worm. But the more Bynum is spanked the less sense he se&ms to have. It is not the business of the Republican party to boom silver or any other product. Incidentally, hdwever, it may be said that Republican policy has advanced silver to the extend of about 17 cents an ounce in the past few months, and, to this degree, narrowed the gap between silver and gold.

Indianapolis, Ind., July 25,1890. | To Indians Kapubl icaxs: ' Section IB of the new election la# provides that certain classes of persons wishing to veto at the next election must register at least three monthß 'before election, by appearingln person at the office of the County Clerk and signing and filing notices of intention to become qualified electors. The persons who are required by* that section to register are those who. having been residents of Indiana, shall have absented themselves from the State for a period of six months or more, or who shall have gone into any other State or Sovereignty with the intention to vote therein, or during any absence in another State or Sovereignty 6hall have voted therein, or who shall not have been a bona fide resident of this State and of the county in which he resides, at least six months before the election. The election will be held Tuesday, November 4, 1890. Only those can vote at that election who Pad a legal residence in this State on May 31,1890. There is no charge to the voters for making this registration. All committeemen, and Republicans generally, are urgently requested to see that all who are required to regis ter before voting shall be registered in the Clerk’s office of the county of their residence on or before August 4, 1890. There should be a careful canvas of the several voting precincts by committeemen and others r to the end that there shall be a complete register of all those voters who are included in the above clauses. We trust that this matter will be looked after promptly and efficiently. Yours truly, L. T. Michkner, Chairman. F. M. Millikan, Secretary.

Democratic Difficulties.

Brooklyn Standard-Union. - We can not think of anything more apt and illustrative of Democratlo difficulties in finding great principles to stand by than is contained in the suggestion that the State of Nevada should be abolished. In the first place it would be in accordance with the relations as a rule between Democratic practices and precepts that they should, after preaching all their lives the sacredness of sovereign States, the divine origin and holiness of Statehood, enter upon a crusade to destroy one of the objects of idolatry. _ When the Democratic party was engaged in attempting to capture the Territories for slavery and struggling to extend slave soil, and the business of the party was to use the Government to make more slave States, it was done in the name of liberty. Just now it is the nullifiers of the .Constitution who are pleading the limitations of that instrument in restraining the general Government, and going through the old-fashioned flopping of mule’s ears and braying and kicking on that subject, A 9 the architects of electoral fraud they preach electoral reform—as the spoilsmen of the age they approve civil service reform—as free silver men they want forced paper, and in their deep inability to touoh any business question with intelligence they are the champions of tariff reformation.

It Hasn’t Come Yet.

NeW Albany Tribune. Ever since Congress met “a split of large proportions” has been just on the point of rending the Republican party right in two in the middle, if Democrat faith is well founded. It was going to come on the tariff bill. It war certain on the silver bill. Thp sword is just ready to drop on the party because of the election bill. And now Mr. Blaine will surely throw a whole case of dynamite. And yet, and yet, things work right along. If hope deferred maketh the heart sick as has been claimed, the illness of our political enemies must be deep-seated and ghastly.' There has been nothing stupider than the continued conviction of the Southern Democratic politicians tht t they are the people divinely appointed and ordered to run this country. The truth is they have sunk into insignificance. There is no chance to evolve a great statesman on the Democratic side in the Solid South. There are qo public questions there. There is a prevailing fancy that as the Democratic party was sympathetic with slavery and rebellion it must be sustained, and that the more the black man is oppressed the greater will te the vindication of the South. This Is simply barbaric. The South is given away to the Democratic party, and as long as the South is solid for it that party will not he in possession of tlfe Govern ment.—Brooklyn Union.

Consistently as usual, the Constitu-tion-shrieking nullifiers, of whpm from six to ten are elected to Congress on an aggregate vote equal to that cast in one New York congressional distriot. are troubled about the small vote of Nevada, and as they are devotees bf State sovereignty they want the fAaie abolished. This sort of doable and twist runs through the whole Demo* cratic party.

Regaining It's Equillibrium.

Minneapolis Trihnna', There has been another earthquake down in Indiana. The surface cf that State sagged considerably when Governor Hill was there, -and is just getting back into place again.

COMBING THE COLONEL.

Old John Perdue’s Very Practical Political Joke. Ople P. Re«d in New*Tork World. Simpson County, fcy., was in a great political ferment over the anproachihg erection of a* County Judge. The nominating convention was to meet on Saturday, and on Friday night two well-known politicians caught in a rain-storm stopped at the house of old John Perdue. The politicians, Major Bloodgood and Col. were sly candidates for the ooveted position—so sly, in fact, that neither one knew of the schemes ol the otfi&a, After supper, while old John and his guests were sitting on the porch talking over the coming struggle and listening to a wet katydid that held vesper services in a locust tree, old John, gettingup and stretching himself said to the Major: “Let me see you a moment, please.” The Major followed him to the end of the gallery. “Major,” old John whispered,” “I am compelled to tell you something. You gentlemen are welcome to stay with me as long as you like, but ability to accommodate cannot always be measured by willingness to do so. The truth is, I haven’t but one spare bed.” “But can’t the Colonel and I sleep together?” the Major rejoined. “Yes, you can, but the truth is the Colonel is awfully peculiar.” “How so?” “Well, as rational as he appears while stirring about, he’s a strange man in bed. Our families, you know, are well acquainted, and I therefore know all about him. His peculiarity comes from a scare he received when he was a child. It seems that a dog once tried to bite him; and now, just before he dozes off to sleep, he begins to growl, and, unless something is done to stop him, and he begins to bite fearfully.” “Humph,” the Major grunted, > ‘that’s odd, but what can be done to stop him alter he begins to growl?” “Well, his brother told me how he used to work it. He always toe', a coarse comb to bed with him and would rake the Colonel with it when he began to growl. As strange as it may seem, it was the only thing that would quiet him. The family doctor said that a comb was somehow the only thing that would start the blood circulating,” “That’s very odd. And would it quiet him?” “Would make him act just like a lamb. Why, he uster insist that his brother should take the comb to bed with him. He don’t like for any one to mention the freakish misfortune, as he always terms it, but it would be doing him a great favor if you would take the comb to bed with you and givo him a rake hr should begin to growl. lam telling you this because I am your friend; because I know that you are good timber, and especially because I hope that you may secure his influence if you should ever desire any office. Don’t you know that we always respect the man that understands our peculiarities before we are asked to explain them to him? He is sensitive that way, and if he sees that you understand him he will then know that you have had your eye on him, have held him in your mimd.” ‘ ‘All rijght. You get me the comb and' I will go through the ceremony when the time comes.” “Here’s one; put it in your pocket.” They returned to the Colonel, and after awhile, when the Major stepped into the house to get a drink of water, the old man said: ‘ ’You and the Major are good friends, I am glad to see.” “Yes,” replied the Colonel, “I think he is a first-rate fellow.” ••Glad you like him, for you and he “wlEThaye to sleep together to-night, for the fact is, 1 have only one spare hod.” -T-ZZZi: ■ ' “That will be all right, I reckon,” B&id the Colonel. — l ‘‘Yes, but the truth is the Major Iff tlio most peculiar fellow you ever saw.” “In what way?” “As a bed-fellow. I was very intimate with his family and know all about him. It seems that he had a nervous trouble when hewasaboy, and could not go to sleep until some one growled like a dog. I have known him to lie tossing in bed for hours at a time, and then when I would go to his bed and growl ho would doze oil like a lambi” S

•'I wever before heard of an affliction uo Btrange,” said the Colonel. “I c Jther, but then it is a very easy matter to relieve him. He and a fellow named Buck Johnson were onco opposing candidates for prosecuting attorney. Well, they had to sleep together one night. Buck knew of his peculiar affliction, and shortly after they went to bed Buck began to growl. Tho Major didn’t say anything that night, but next day he withdrew from the race, declaring that ho would not run against so good a man as Buck. ” ♦■You don’t say so!” exclaimed the Colonel. “Yes, I do, and know It to be a fact. I would advise you to humor him in the same way. ” “I’ll do so. ” “Hush, he’s coming back. " ‘.‘We are going to have more rain, I think," said the Major, as he re* earned his seat , “Yes," the Colonel responded, “but I hope that it will not interfere with the convention. If the attendance is large and the prooeodings harmonious, the result will he of great benefit to the county. ” v •“Who do you reckon will be nominated for Judge ?" old John asked. ‘ * Neitfter of the candidates that have been named. We have better timber them any of those fellers." “Well," said the Major, yawning, “ I rqckon we had better go to bed so as to he in trim for the work to-mor-row. ”

“-I will show you the room, ” the old man remarked, aiising. The politicians were shown into ant upper room and the old man, placing; a candle on the mantelpiece, bade them good night and went downstairs.) ■ ‘.‘ What noise was that?”~the-Major’: asked, when the old man had quitted) the room. “ I didn’t hear any noise, ” the Colonel answered. “I did; “it sounded like some one gasping for breath.” He might have heard a noise—might have heard old John struggling to suppress his laughter. ‘ * Suppose we go to bed, ” said the Major. * • All right. You go ahead and I will blow out the candle. ” They talked for some time after lying down, and then after along silence the Colonel uttered a deep growl. JThe Major reached over and gave him a rake with the comb. “What the deuce are you doing? ’*» exclaimed the Colonel, springing up in bed. “What do you mean?” and in' his rage he began to grate his teeth., The Major, supposing that he was getting ready to begin biting, reached over and gave him another rake., “You infernal idiot!” yelled the Colo-) nel, feeling for the Major’s hair, “ift I don’t wool you I’m a shote.” “What are you doing?” howled the* Major. “Let go or I’ll hurt you’.! Quit, I tell you! Haven’t you got any; sense?” The Colonel had found his hair. “I’ll let you know what it-is to rake the life out of me with a cross-cut* saw.” “I was doing it to oblige you, you. confounded wolf! Let go my hair.” “Oblige me? Do you take me for a saw log? Look out! If you hit me again I’ll pull every hair out of your head,” They tumbled out on the floor, rolled over and over and then overturned a tottering old wardrobe that came downj upon them with a crash. The Major swore that he was dead and the Colonel* yelled for a light, but no light came., Had they listened they might have! hoard another noise that sounded as if* some one were breathing hard. The* old men was in the hall, shaking the railing of the stairway. The Major was the first to scramble to his feet. “I will throw you outof this window!” he exclaimed.

"And if I can find my pistol I’ll shoot the top of your head off!” howled the Colonel, This threat so frightened the Major that he gathered up his clothes as best he could and rushed from the room. "Why, what’s the matter?” the old man asked when the Major came down. "Nothing, only I am going away to get a cannon and then come back and blow that fool into eternity. ” "Did he try to bite yob?” "He tried to kill me, that’s what he tried to do.” "Why didn’t you rake him?” "1 did rake him.” "Humph!” grunted the old man, "he must have lost his peculiarity. What, you are not going out in such a night as this?” "Yes, I am, for if I see that fool again I’ll have to cut his throat, Goodbye.” Shortly after the Major left the Colonel came down, “ffhy, look here,” said he, "1 growled ju9tas you told me to do, and I wish I may dio if that fellow didn’t come within one of ripping the life out of me.” * -Mighty sorry to hear it. He must have changed since I knew him so well.” When the convention met next day the Major and the Colonel fought each other so violently that neither of them could win, and at an opportune tjime old John Purdue stepped in and iecelvedthenomlHatthtr - —— ~

The Rats Left in a Hurry.

An excellent authority advises perse verance in the use of a remedy one selects to rid himself of any variety of pests. This undoubtedly is true in most cases, but in every method chosen went as successful as that employed by a New York gentleman in a crusade against rats, there would be little need of its frequent repetition. Having some knowledge of chemistry, he opened the floor in several places in the upper stories of his house, and set therein vessels containing sulphuric acid, black - oxide of manganese and common salt, and aferward closed down the boards. The result was a slow chemical decomposition and recombining of elements, in the progress of which the heavy, stifling gas chlorine was disengaged. This penetrated all; the open spaces)] down to the cellar. A few breaths of the poisonous atsmosphere served to convince the rats that danger was brewing. Seizing a portion of whatever plunder was at hand, every nit rushed from the premises,; sneezing and weeping copisously from having inhaled the noxious chlorine. It was months before a single one ventured to return.

The Sugar of the Grape.

The sugar of the grape is produced in the leaves. Toward the end of summer the older leaves diminish in activity and only the younger leaves make sugar. Leaves some distance beyond the fruit may produce sugar for it, and also leaves on lateral shoots springing from the fruit-bearing,) branch, but only when these shoots are close to or above fruit, Pruning by cutting off the ends of the fruit--bearing branches was found to be injurious, .at least In the locality wjjto these experiments were made. Byxoo close pruning in this respect fruit was produced with 4 to 5 per cent less sugar than without any pruning at all —Dr. H. Mueller. People who are easy to oonvert are generally the first to desert.—Milwau* kee Journal.