Rensselaer Republican, Volume 21, Number 12, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 22 November 1888 — ELECTION ECHOES. [ARTICLE]
ELECTION ECHOES.
Chicago TlBM*. Chamey M. Depew is authority lor tae statement that General Harrison owes his elevation to tbe of the United States primarily to the effects of a dinner party in Chicago. Mr. Depew made the assertion bv inference this morning in an interesting narrative bt the inside workings of the New York delegation at the Chicago Conventicp. Many persons have heard of the dinner to the JSew York delegation after his withdrawal from the Presidential contest on the second day of the convention. <«But the effects of that dinner had not been made public’"’"until Mr. Depew told of it to-day. “After the first day’s balloting," said Mr. Depew, “it was apparent that the West was so much opposed to the candidacy of a railroad President that there *fw£s no show for me: so I determined to withdraw. < Then the important question was: Whom should the New York delegation support? Their preferences were numerous. Some insisted on voting for Blaine to the end, and others wanted to break for Sherman, Gresham and the other candidates. As chairman of the delegation I called a conference of the four delegates-at-large, who, of course, controlled in a measure the course of the delegation. We met— Senator Hiscock, Thornes C. Platt, Warner Miller and myself. I spoke first an.fi proposed that Benjamin Harrison should be supported, as lie was the most available roan on account of his record as a soldier, his record in the United States Senate, and. I conless, I urged his id<>p tion by us on the i-cntimental ground that be was the grandson of Old Tippeeanoe. “Mr. Platt favored another man. Senator Hiscock had a different choice, and Warner Miller wanted a third man* §till 4 we were all willing to surrender onr preferences in favor oi the others for the good of the party. No, I won’t tell you the preferences of the other delegates. I only say that I alone favored Harrison. A long discussion ensued. I did my share of the talking, you may be sure, and theresult of the discussion was that the four of us agreed on Harrison. “Then I called a meeting of the whole New York delegation. All were present. I told them of the action of the delegates at large and asked their opinions. Fifty-eight agreed with us and twenty-four differed. No amount of persuasion could convince them that Harrison was the man to win. Here was a snag of large size. New York wanted the honor of naming the President: still it could not be the deciding factor in the convention unless after my withdrawal it would go solidly for some Other candidate. “ What did I dp? Well, I thought the matter over for an hour, and then invited the delegation to dinner. I did not try to convince the recalcitrants.-I simply gave them good things to eat and good drink to enlighten their understanding. And behold the result. By, the timethe dinner was ended every mother’s son was shouting for Harrison. This result was largely due to speeches by Senator Hiscock, Warner Miller, ExSenator Platt and Senator Fassett, who, after the first conference, heartily supported Harrison. The rest is ancient
history. New York voted tor and he was nominated by acclamation. The dinner solidified New York’s vote. What's tbe matter witn a good dinner as a political factor?” asked Mr. Depew, laughing heartily. MRS. CLEVELAND NOT AT ALL CRUSHED. /Washington Evening Post. A lady who was at the White House on Tuesday night says .that there was no more>nervousneßß displayed by Mrs. Cleveland than by any other lady in the group. All were deeply interested, and the rest of them aid not attempt to control a feminine impatience when it became evident that the revelations of the evening were not going to be entirely happy. But Mrs. Cleveland was “true grit” all through. She chatted and laughed and entered into the discussion over Miss Endicott’s approaching marriage as if that were the uppermost subject in her mind.., As the evening wore on the ladies, with true womanly sympathy, began to get all possible comfort out of the situation, and endeavored to buoy up the hopes of the men. They all separated a half hour alter midnight and went home with the certainty of defeat Mrs Cleveand her mother were brave and smiling to the last and neither showed by the least word their great disappointment INDIANA POLITICS. Chicago Inter Ooean. Indiana has always been a study and a puzzle to politicians; in no State does a new idea meet with more encouragement: thus in 1844 the State gave Birney, the first “Liberty” candidate, 2,106 of his 62,300 votes, and in 1848, when Van Buren appeared as a “Free Soil” candidate, he received 8,109 votes in Indiana; and the first of the “free” or “independent” Democratic candidates received 6,929 Hoosier votes; Fillmore, as the “American” candidate, received 22,386 votes, add Fremont, the first candidate of the new Republican party, received 94,375 ballots. When Weaver was nominated by the Greenbackers, Indiana east 12,986 votes for. him, and in 1884 it gave 8,293 to Butler and 3,028 to 8t John. This inevitable presence of a minority of impressionable voters ha
not been taken into propet account, while too much importance has been given to the so-called floating voters, the minority of purchaaables. The truth is that considerations of personality have always weighed heavily in Indiana. In the elections of 1824, 1828 and 1832, Andrew Jackson, as the incarnation of ttaeantt-British sen timent, received rousing majorities his vote being 7,843 to 3,095 for for Adams and 5,315 for Clgy in *1824, 22,237 against 17,652 cast for Adams in 1828, and 14,552 to 15,472 for Clay in 1832. When Harrison, with the-patriotic glamour cf Tippecanoe upon him, appeared as a candidate he received 41,281 of Indiana’s votes in 1816, against 32,480 for Van Buren. The State reverted to Democracy and Polk in 1844, and in 1848 gave Cass a very small pturalitv. Pierce carried it in 1852, and Buchanan, despite of the large vote cast for Fillmore in 1856. The magnificent personality of Lincoln impressed it in 1860, his vote being 139,033 against 115,6<9 for D0ug1a5,12,295 for Breckenridge and 5,306 for Bell, thus giving the first Republican. President a clear majority over all candidates. Lincoln carried the State by more than 20,000 majority in 1864. Grant by nearly 10,000 in 1868, and by nearly 20,f 00 in 1872. Tilden took it by more than 5,000 in 1876, Garfield by nearly 7,000 in 1880, Cleveland, or rather the personality of Hendricks by more than 6,000 in 1884. It,is absurd and unjust to attribute the changes to the sole and corrupt influenceof'the “floater.” The State is a peculiar One.
CABINET PROGRESS USELESS. There is a great deal of wild talk about Cabinet appointmi nil, and according to tiie theories of some of the enterprising newspaper men, who are losing no time in settling the whole matter for the President-elect, there are no fewer than fifty men who are certain to be among the administration advisers of the new ruler. Much weight is given to the statement of John B. Elam in an interview at Chicago, that a California man would probably be one of the Cabinet officers. Simply as speculation it may be safely said, it is believed, that if a California man is appointed, he will be either M. H. De Young, editor of tbe San Francisco Chronicle,or M. M. Estee, and the position will probably be Postmaster General. There is some significance in the unanimity of opinion. here that the financier of the administration will be John Sherman. Of the Indiana men wno will be given recognition, John C. New is believed to be foremost. It is expected that Chairman Huston will have strong political influence, He is one of the original Harrison men, and he shares largely jn the glory of the victory of this State, for it was, in a good measure, due to his management of the campaign that the party was saved from defeat, in recognition of the fight that he made there will be a great demonstration in honor of Mr. Huston at Connersville, bis home, on. Monday, and it has been announced that the Presidentelect will accompany him, but it is not positively known that be will" go; it is improbable. -After the victory two years ago, when there was a demonstration in honor of Mr. Huston, he was accompanied to Conuersville by General Harrison. Mr. Haston was one of the leaders of the fight for General Harrison's to tire “United -States-
Senate. In speaking of that contest during a conversation witn a News reporter Mr. Huston remarked, “ After the election of Turpie, I said to Mrs. Harrison that I believed that it was decidedly to the General's advantage, and that in less than two years I believed that it would be demonstrated that I was right in my view. If he had been elected, the office would have been an obstacle to his political advancement, because, with Indiana as a doubtful State, it would have been deemed advisable by the party that he should remain in the Senate.” THE SITUATION IN.DELAWARE. In'er Ocean. Delawareis the second smallest State in the Union, but in the result of the election last Tuesday she promises to cut a big figure and make almost as much noise as any of her big sifters. With anr-area less than double that of Cook county, and a population less than that of the old Fourteenth ward in this city, Delaware has held a place in politics which, like the names of her three counties-r New Castle, Kent, and Sussex —reminds one more of a shire in England than a free State in the great Republic. Its representation has been more like that of an English district, hahded down from generation to generation by two families. The names of Delaware, Bayard, and Saulsbury have been so closely identified that one represented the State as well as the other, but the election on Tnesdav has started a revolution there which promises to Americanise this little pocket borough of the two most influential families in the little amimonwealth The story of this revolution reads like a bit of ancient history of feudal ttmes. Early in the 50‘s the Saulsburys—Gove and Eli in Kent, and Willard in Sussex county —had complete control, of the lower counties. The Bayards ruled Newcastle. The two families made a compact by which they .were to rule " the State. The Bayards were to have tbe United States SenatorYrom the North, and the Saulsburyß were to have the other Senator and State offices. • With such a power in their' hands, it
was impossible for the Bayards and the Saulsburys to even keep their comfort in peace. There were freqnent clashings. When Senator Bayard went into the eabinet the trouble in the home catfip became more pronounced, but Bayard was allowed to select his successor for the Senate, and George Gray was elected to fill the unexpired term. In 1886 the Bayard faction broke away from the old compact and tried to elect E. R. Cochran for Governor, but they were beated by the Saulsbury men, who also threatened to revenge the interference in State affairs by electing one of their men to fill the seat of Senator Gray. As this threatened the supremacy of Thomas F. Bayard, who expected to reclaim his seat in the Senate when lie should leave the cabinet, a truce was patched up by force of necessity, and the Saulsburys elected the Governor and the Bayards elected the Senator. The third terjn ttf Senator Eli Saulsbury will expire March 4, 1889, and recently another Democratic faction sprung up with James L. Walcott, a Dortegeqf “Uncle Eli" at its head and backed by Bayard and Gray to revenge themselves upon Saulsbury for opposing Gray’s re-election two years ago. Walcott controlled the primaries in Kent county, and succeeded in having nominated for Legislative candidates, men opposed to Saulsbury in thecounty where “Uncle Eli” lived. Then the fun began. They exposed family secrets and factional methods, and the Saulsburys placed between the devil and the deep sea, cut loose from party following and voted for the Republican candidates with the hope that they would return the compliment and vote for “Uncle Eli’s return to the Senate. But the Republicans played giod
politics and in Sussex county went on a “still hunt” and sent seven Republicans to the assembly to unite with the eight from Kent. The Saulsburys have pulled down the temple upon the Democratic party, and the next Legislature will be controlled by the Republicans who will have a majority of two on joint ballot and elect a Republican United States Senator, the first that ever hailed from Delaware. The compact is broken, never to be renewed, for the Legislature will provide for a Constitutional convention which will clear away this old class distinction for suffrage which enabled Bayard and Saulsbury to hold the State against a m ijority of the legal voters, and Delaware becomes what she has only been in name for generations, a free State in the Union. One of the most interesting Congressional contests waged in the recent canvass wag that between Nathaniel P. Banks and Thomas Wentworth Higginson. Both are well-known and highly picturesque ch aracters. Banks was the first Speaker of the House of Representatives ever elected by the Republicans, ws3 subsequently- Governor of Massachusetts, later on Major General of Volunteers during the war, snd several times member of the House Of Represen-
tatives since then. Higginson was an old-time Abolitionist, commanded the first negro regiment which was raised for service in the Union army, and is a historian literary critic and miscellaneous writer of considerable celebrity. The contest between these veterans, which was for election in the Fifth Congressional District of Massachusetts, was close and exciting, but Banks was the ~rictor. —— _ -T 11 ■——— m : 1 m Worth a Year’s Subscription. A note by a minor is void. It is a fraud to conceal a fraud. A note dated Sunday is void. A contract with a minor is void. It is illegal to compound a felony. Ignorance of the law excuses no one. A contract made with a lunatic is void. Notes bear interest only when so stated. Signatures in lead pencil are good in law. A receipt for money is legally conclusive. Principals are responsible for their agents. The acts of one partner bind all the others. -The law compels no one to do impossibilities.
