Rensselaer Republican, Volume 21, Number 8, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 25 October 1888 — IT IS TOO LATE, MR CLEVELAND. [ARTICLE]

IT IS TOO LATE, MR CLEVELAND.

>We Have enlered upon Ao Ciusade for Free Trade.”— jifoffa thc JPrftuifnCt lttir.r.qf acreptan<y. WQ awW I**o dtz.yi "■/*££ Well, Mr. Prcsiiknt, if what you say is Ifue, what shall wo do with the foi Ip wing palimony of your friends? “Wo arc entering upon,a- most feariul Presidential contest, the most important since that of 1860- Mr. Cleveland, by his message, tor which I most sincerely honor him. has challenged the protected industries of the country to a tight of extermination.”—Senator ' *—^' T —~ The Democratic Party is a FreeTrade party, or it is nothing. The Democratic Party will make a PreeTrade tight in 1884. If it loses, it will make another ia >IBBB. The conflict between Free-Trade and Protection is irrepressible and must be fought out to f,he bitter end.” - Henry Watterson. “I desire Free Trade and I will not help to p< fleet any law that* stands in the way of Free Trade.”—Roger Q Mills “All trade should be as free as posEble.” -dSpiiakerCarlisle. .... , • ‘♦JJr. Cleveland has burned his ships; he stands before the country ps the champion of Free-Trade against Pro-, tcction. If he is re-elected, Protection will have received its death blow.”— flenry George. “lam a free trader. The Mills bill is a step in that direction. The only fault is that the step is not long enough, \Ve will carry on an aggressive campaign. All our efforts will be directed to convince the voters that the Bill itself is not Free-Trade. We’ve got to do this or be defeated.”—Congressman Breckenridge, of Arkansas. “If this Bill means anything it means a long step toward Free-Trade,;because it has put many of our leading productions on the free list.” —Congressman Campbell (Dem ), Ohio. ‘ Add to the free list as many articles as possible. Reduce duties upon every dutiable article to the lowest point pos. sible.”—Secretary Fairchild. “It would be a glorious consummation of this debate could we only have gentlemen on the other side join in this invocation to pacer and to type and to the hearts of honest men, to clear the way for British Cobden Free-Trade.”—S. 8. Cox. “It is certain that the arguments which President Cleveland urges are those which Cobden used to employ 45 years ago. and which any free tnrtier could employ now London Times. ‘TorAmerican,party pprJJm “TresidcnTfeels compelled to character ize the attempt to brand him as a Free Trader, as a deception of his ene Tnies. For all that, the electorial conflict now in progress is a conflict ;,tween Free-Trade and Protection, and nothing less.”—London Daily News, July 6. i “President Cleveland's message, to Congress will not fail to attract the attention which it deserves. It marks the beginning of a serious movement in the direction of Free trade. * •* * The doctrines of Free-Trade have beet: preached to the Americans in vain hitherto.' We seem at length about to witness a new departure:”—Mancbes: ter Examiner and Times. “The message must be taken to prove that the President and the demo ciatic leaders have finally decided that they have nothing to gain by keeping miusUies with the Protectionists. They " have from whatever* motive resolved to adopt a Free-Trade policy.”—Saturday Review. > * “It would hardly be possible to put the Free-Trade case more clearly or more strongly, and yet such is the force of the words that President Cleveland shrinks from the nse of the term Free Trade- in fact, he declares that those who taunt him with being a Free-Trad er are wrong.”—London Times, July 6. Neighbor McEwen is striving frantically to keep Mr. H. E. James out of the democratic party but it is noticed that the party leaders have no hesitation in recognizing Mr. James as a Democrat from way back. For instance, al the Democratic: rally yesterday Mr. James was chief marshal, and rode resplendent, onia fine gray horse, at the head of the procession: while neighbor McEwer was compelled to do the dirty work of getting out an infamously false and slanderous circular, in regard to the cutting of the rope of the Democratic flag pole; and while we are speaking about this matter we will do Mr. J ames the justice to say that; be our opinion what it may of his political course, past and present, we do not believe he would have stooped to the dirty Work of getting out that circular.

At the thirteen presidential elections since 1830 New York has only given its electoral vote five times to the democrats, and peyer . twice in succession. The Indianapolis Journal vouch-: es for the statement that the DemI ocratic State Central Committee has already received one hundred and forty thousand dollars from the East as the first installment of a colossal corruption fund to be used in Indiana. The Democrats know as vfell as they know anything, that, on a fair, square vote, inevitable defeat awaits them, and their only hope for success depends upon bribery and fraqd'. The term 1 ‘war tariff ”as applied to the present schedule of import duties, is as, utterly false as was the 400 million surplus lie in 1884. The tariff has been subjected to two thorough revisions since 1865,-in 1870 and again in 1883, Besides frequent minor changesand reductions. The result of these changes and revisions is that 60 million people now do not pay as : large an annual reuenue into the government treasury, as did 20 i millions in 1865. Over five hun- . dred articles have been placed on the free list, since 1865, and the ' remaining duties have been so re- , duced and re-adjusted as in effect 1 to reduce the tariff to much less ‘ th an hMf “of what~if “~Ws in war , times. publish in another place.a ■ statement upon the constilution- , ality-of local option in Indiana, by nine of the most eminent lawyers . in the state. This opinion calls to • mind the deliberate dishonesty bf j a certain prohibition orator who? a . few months since, during an ad- ) dress in the court house in this town, quoted the opinion of Hon. Will Cumback, as expressed in , 1884, wherein Cumback held that local option was unconstitutional, but the lecturer carefully refrain- . ed from making any mention of Mr. Cum back’s position in 1886, t wherein he frankly and manfully t admitted that after a more thor- } ough and careful study of the I question and the laws and autfior- • ities bearing upon it, lie was con- . vinced that he had previously been ) in error and that he had no longer - any doubt whatever as to the conx stitutionality of local option. The Hon. S. 8. Cox* of New York, a man of long established national reputation, and a recognized leader of the Democratic - side, in Congress, recently spoke t about tfie Hon. W. D. Owen, in an 1 interview, as follows: ' “I like that man, Owen. I nev- ’ er took much notice of him till recently. I was in the chair when

Mr. Owen arose to make an extemporaneous reply to Mr. Bynum’s attack on General Hrrisoa. His composure as he arose my Attention, and in a very few I discovered the secret of of his strength. Il is bis self-re-liance and wererunningagainsthimX would never attack him nor gay anything to arouse him; for, if you push him you develop u power that Isl likely to beat yon. Look out for him in Jndtana-"pedities.- He is—always ready to act when action is called for,*and is bound to come to the front. There is real strength in Mr. Owen, and I like him.” Rey. R. 8. Dwiggins said, during his speech in tfie court house, Saturday evening, October 13; that “a local option law would be unconstitutional and in proof of hia assertion cited the decision of the Supreme Court on the Maine law, as rendered by Judge Perkins in 1855. Mr. D wiggins certainly has not forgotten the Baxter Law for which he voted during tfie session of 1873, which which was sustained and pronounced constitutional by the Supreme Court in the case of Groesch, 42 Ind., page 574. The principle of local option is found in the stock law and the law authorizing aid to railroads. A proper heading, wording and perhftp’s some other legislative forms,~ and a local option law would be? constitutional without a doubt. The idea that three-fourths of the Republican and forty per cent, of the .Democratic -party would join the measley little Prohibition party is too ludicrous to talk about, Republicans gre such from principle and not for the sake of notriety. “The first concern of all good government is the virtue and sobriety of the people and the purity of their homes. The Republican party cordially -sympathizes with all wise and welt directed efforts for the promotion of temperance and morality.” The trouble with the Prohibition party is, its efforts are neither wise nor well directed, and therefore does not have the sympathy of good Republicans. Temperance Republican. * > . . *