Rensselaer Republican, Volume 21, Number 8, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 25 October 1888 — FACTS OF HISTORY. [ARTICLE]
FACTS OF HISTORY.
It ia conceded that our country at this time ia enjoying an unprecedented de- ; gree of prosperity; that it ia peculiarly ' blessed above all other nations of the I earth in' all the elements of material wealth: that here in the last quarter of a century has been, nurtured into being one of the grandest and most stupendous industrial systems.of any age—a system employing over $4,000.000,000’0f capital, and turning out ,n nual)y’ more than $2,500,000.1 00 worth of manufactured products. That there is a cause for this phenomenal prosperity, this unprecedented growth and development, goes without question. What is that cause? ‘Wej&ave twogreat political parties in-tbis country, each striving ffiastery. The Republican party, marching to the conflict under the banner ‘oh which is inscribed “Protection to American Industry,” is vehemently maintaining that this, wonderful prosperity which the country is enjoying has been brought about wholly through the instrumentalities of the Republican system of protection. — The Democratic party, on the other hand, is also marching to the conflict under their banners, on which is inscribed, “Free Trade,” and are just as vehemently contending that this prosperity is not due to the Republican" system of protection, but that it nas been brought about in spite of it. Mere assertions ge for naught unless we can substantiate them by indubitable evidence; therefore we will endeavor to brush aside the mist and the fog surrounding thia question, and let in the light of history. The first real protective law enacted in thiscountry was in 1824. What was the condition of the country for a few years previous to the enactment oi the tariff law of 1824? Mr.' Sargent, the historian, says: *~lhe condition of the country in 1824 was far from prosperous. The amount of our exports had diminished to an alarming degree, while our imports of foreign goods had greatly increased. The country was drained of its currency and its commerce was crippled. Nor was there any home market for the staple productions of the soil. Bqth cotton-planters and wool-growers shared i n the general prostration; and even the farmer had to sell his produce at a loss, or keep it on hand till it was ruined. Labor could with difficulty find employment, and its wages were hardly sufficient to supply the bare necessities of life. Money could only be procured at enormous sacrifices. Distress and bankruptcy pervaded every class of the community.” Such was the terrible condition of the country during the seven years previous to the enactment of the tariff of 1824. Of the beneficial results which followed the enactment of the tariff of 1824, we have the testimony of the immortal Clay himself. Eight years after the protection system had been adopted as the policy of the country, and after recalling the gloomy picture he had presented in 1824, Mr. Clay said: “I have now to perform the more pleasing task of exhibiting an imperfect sketch of the existingstate—of the unparalleled survey we behold cultivation extending, the arts flourishing, the face of the country improved, pur people fully and profitably employed, and the public countenances exhibiting tranquillity, contentment and happiness. And if we descend into particulars, we have the agreeable contemplation of a.people out of debt; land rising slowly in value, but in a secure and salutary degree; a ready though not extravigant market for all the surplus products of our industry; innumerable flocks and herds browsing and gamboling on ten thousand hills and plains, covered with rich and verdant and whole, vi 11 ages springing up, as it were, by enchantment; our exports and imports increased and increasing; our tonnage, foreign and coastwise, swelling and fully occupied; the rivers of our interiors animated by the thunder and lightning of countless steamboats; currency sound and abundant; the public debt of two wars nearly redeemed, and, ■ to crown all, the publie treasury overflowing, embarrassing Congress, not to find subjects of taxation, but to select the object which shalTbe relievedfroni the impost. If the term of seven years were to be selected of the greatest prosperity which this people have enjoyed since the establishment of their present Const it ut i ou, it w o aid be exact ly that period of seven years which immediately followed the’ passage of the tariff of 1824.” This prosperous condition, as here related by Mr. Clay, continued until the year 1833, when the Democrats of the South, in a fit of insane jealousy, caused by the marvelous growth and prosperity of the Northern States, demanded and succeeded, by the aid of their Democratic allies of the North, in securing the repeal of the tariff law of 1824, and substituting in its stead the compromise measure of 1833, which provided for a gradual reduction of the tariff, until free trade should virtually prevail. During the existence of the compromise measure of 1833 we have undoubtedly the finest illustration of the beneficial effect of the protective system, as well as the evil resulting from tree trade. It is a well-known fact that as the tariff was as contemplated in the compromise^measure, the condition of affairs Sraduallv changed; the currency became eranged, labor was unemployed, and things went from bad to worse, nntil it culminated in the terrible financial crash of 1837. Our manufacturing interest was overwhelmed, stagnation and ruin was on .every hand. Then followed the protective tariff’ of 1842 ? which continued in force until it was repealed by the free trade measure of 1846. Mr. Clay, in speaking of the good effect of the tariff of 1842, says: “It seems to me thafcjf there were ever a beneficial effect from any_public measure fully demonstrated it is that the tariff of 1842, beyond all controversy, relieved both government and the people of the United States from a peculiar embarrassment, bordering on bankruptcy.” And again, in a public letter written after the repeal 61 the tariff measure of 1842, and the substitution of the tariff for revenue only of 1846, Mr. Clay said: “I believe the system of protection, not withstanding the opposition which it has encounterea, has pushed the Nation forward half a century in advance of where it would have been if the doctrine of free trade, had always prevailed in our public council.” : ~ Mr. Hudson, a Democratic member of the lower branch of Congress, who had voted for th# repeal of the tariff of 1842, and for the adoption of the free trade ' measure of 1846, in a speech delivered
in Congress on the sth day of February, 1848, in speaking of the tariff of 1842, said: r “Then our finances were in the most prosperous condition, there being a surplus of ten millions of dollars in qur treasury, afidnolr, under the’ dberatiori of the free trade measure of 1846, we are on the verge of bankruptcy.” - . Clearly the free trade measure of 1846 failed to accomplish the object for which it was intended, for we find as the years went by, that the condition of the country did not improve, but that stagnation and distress was the prevailing disease. Mr. Fillmore, in his message to Congress in December, 1851, says: ‘Our manufacturing establishments are broken down by competition with foreigners, the capital invested in them isl lost, thousands-of honestand industrious citizens' are thrown out of employment, the destructon of our manuractori.es leaves the foreigner without competion in our markets, and consequently raises the price of the article sent here for sale. President Buchahan graphically describes the condition oi things in his message to Congress, December, 1857: Tn the midst of unsurpassed plenty in all the productions and in all the elements of wealth, we find our manufactures suspended, our public works retarded, our private enterprises of different kinds abandoned, and thousands of useful laborers thrown but of employment and reduced to want."’ We thus see how the good ship of state had been drifting aimlessly from protection to free trade, and from free trade to protection ever since its organization, but now soon to become safely anchored in the harbor of protection. Early in March, 1861, was introduced into the lower House of Congress, by Mr. Morrill, of Vermont, the first Republican tariff measure. This bill was thoroughly protective in its every, feature. This measure readily passed both Houses of Congress and soon became a law. It is useless to enlarge on the beneficent influence exerted by this measure. That it has stood the test of a quarter of a century; that the manufacturing industry of the country has advanced with gigantic strides; that the Nation to-day is occupying the most exalted position among the nations of the earth, is the best evidence of this measure. « With these facts before us can we, as patriot American citizens, afford to lend our influence in turning back the hand of time; in clogging the wheels of progress? •
