Rensselaer Republican, Volume 21, Number 6, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 11 October 1888 — MR MORTON ACCEPTS. [ARTICLE]

MR MORTON ACCEPTS.

The following is Levi P. Morton’s letter accepting the nomination for Vice President: v. To th Son. M. M. Eltceaud others, Committee: “Gentlemen—ln making formal acmy nomination as the IteSublican candidate for the Vice Presieucy, I desire to express my grateiul appreciation of the confidence reposed in me by the convention. ‘.‘The duties devolving upon the Vice President as presiding officer of the Senate, and In certain contingencies a participant in the legislation of Congress, make it proper that the p«6ple should know distinctly and unreservedly the political views of the candidate who may be presented for their suffrages. It fortunately happens that this duty, for myself, is easily discharged by referring to the principles embodied in the resolutions unanimously adopted by the National convention. The resolutions, unequivocal and comprehensive in character, reflect my personal convictions and have my hearty approval. “It is difficult, in a political campaign, to fix popular attention on more than one issue, and in the pending election every voter in the United States clearly sees that the controlling question l is whether the protective tariff duties now in force shall be so’ reduced as to destroy their efficiency, or whether these duties shall be retained with such modifications and adjustments as shall better adapt them to the great end of protecting the vast and important industries of the whole country. Tne Republican platform, while recognizing the necessity of deducing the. revenue, declares that this reduction must not be made at the expense of these industries and of American labor. The American people have now enjoyed the protective Bystem for a longer continuous period than ever before in the history of the national government. The result is that for more than a quarter of a century they have realized a degree of industrial and financial prosperity unprecedented in this country, and never equaled in any other. The pressing reason given for once again trying,tbe old experiment of a revenue tariff, without protection as a motive or is that the present tariff - has producecf 'afid is producing a surplus in the treasury. But it is not easily within the wisdom of Congress to adjust the national income to the national expenditure without sacrificing, or even imperiling, an in-, dustrial system which has brought untold advantages to the entire /country? Admitting that the present tariff, by lapse of time and the large expansion of trade which it has stimulated, needs revision, is it not wiser and more patriotic to revise it with a careful regard to the interests of protection than with the purpose of lessening its protective features? These are some of the questions which must be answered at the national polls in November. For myself, as a citizen and as a candidate, I do not hesitate to declare that, from long observation, I am an unwavering friend of the protective system. In a business life now extending over forty years I have witnessed and compared the effect upon the country of a revenue tariff tending to free trade with a protective tariff encouraging home industries. Under the former the development of the country has always been arrested, while under the latter it has uniformly been promoted. To the men who earn their bread by the sweat of their brows the difference between the two systems is of narrowing chances on the one hand and expanding opportunities on the other. Free trade would open America to competition with the whole world. Protection reserves America for Americans, native and adopted. The industrial system of a country is as sensitive as public credit. A hostile movement creates distrust in the. public mind, and confidence, the only basis of successful trade, becomes impaired. New enterprises wither in the bud, capital grows timid, the field of labor is contracted and pressure for employment inevitably reduces the wages of all workingmen. “With the views oi the convention, frankly expressed in its resolutions upon all other , questions of public interest, I find myself in hearty accord. In relation to silver and its important bearing upon the "currency, as well as its connection with and influence of the prosperity of large sections of our coinmon country; in its advocacy of a judicious settlement of the public lands policy, in urging the necessity for better coast defenses and the

duty we owe to the shipping interests of the country, the platform but repeats the approved principles of the Republican party. The Republican platform proposes a distinctly American policy; not one of narrowness and bigotry, but one broad and philanthropic—a policy that best helps the whole world by the example of a great growing, powerful nation, founded upon the equality of every man before the law. It is for the American people to develop and cultivate the continent to whiph, in the providence of God, they have fallen heirs. They should accept a policy which looks steadily to this great end. With no spirit of narrowness toward other people, but rather in the highest interest off.il, they should find under their own fla£ a field of limitless advance in the direction of the improvement, the prosperity and the happiness of man.' “Very respectfully yours. v “Levi P. Horton.”