Rensselaer Republican, Volume 21, Number 3, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 20 September 1888 — Page 4

lii REPUBLICAN- . r ... September 13; 1888.

DIU JUT!! HKa j HON. A. G. PORTER, ■*• ex-Gor. of Indiana, Geo. W. Harvey, the Laboring Jteu's Advocate, and Ron. Chas. F. Griffin, Secretary of State, will speak iu Rensselaer, on Friday September 28,1888. For particulars see large announcement on lasi page.

National Ticket.

For President, BENJAMIN HARRISON, of Indiana. • For Vice President*— IiEYI P. MORTON, of New York.

THINGS TO THINK OF.

“The main t/aestion at issue [in America] v> English kukk tuaoe against the CONTINENTAL SYSTEM OK I‘ROTECrioN, * * The American election is infinitely more important to Englishmen than their ovtu internal politics just at this vjpucture. * * l'lio result of the American election will help to decide many important issues in Great Britain.”- -London Sunday Times, July 15. 1888. ‘‘Protection to home I regard as the most important plank in any platform aftor ‘the Union must and shall be prusarved.”'-Gcn. U. S. (Irani in 1883. ‘•lt is my deliberate jndgmont that the prosperity of America is mainly du« to her system of protective laws.” -Prince Bismarck. “Wo should be slow to abandonth&h system of protective duties which looks to the promotion and development of industry and to the preserSjßjoii of the highest possible scale of iHges for the Ametioan workman.’"--Benjamin Harrison. “So man's wages should be so low that he cannot make provisions in his days of vigor lor the incapacity of accident or the feebleness of old ago,”— Benjamin Harrison. “The wages of the American laborer cannot be reduced except with the consent and the votes of the American laborer himself. The appeal lies to him.” —James G. Blaine. “We believe in the preservation of the American market for our American producers and workmen.’’—Benjamin Harrison. ' “This is not the time to weigh in an apothecary’s scale the services or the rewards of the men who sayed the Nation.” j Benjamin Harrison. “Against whom is it that the Republican party has been unable to protect your nice?"'—Benjamin Harrison to the colored voters. “Yes I was a rebel and a Democrat t but I thank God I have never been a Republican."’ —Rev. John A. Brooks. Third-party Prohibition candidate for Vice President. • —*■■■-■ Y“; “We don't want any Republicans in our counlry."—Senator Colquttt and Representative Stewart, of Georgia; . »*-*•»>*• __ “With President Cleveland Great Britain knows where she is.” -Glasgow Herald. - ■ ' •' t“The only time England can use an Irishman is when he emigrates to A raer. ica and votes for free trade.”—London Sunday Times,*Julv 15. “On the adoption of free trade by the United States depends the greater share of English prosperity for a goodmany years to come. As the British Hosiery Review reiterates, ‘Weventu-e to assert that England will reap the largest share of any advantages that may arise by the adoption of the new ideas now advocated by the free-trade party in the United States.’ ’’—London Economist. . ■' " ' . t*/ ' If the election were to be held to-morrow we don’t believe Cleveland would get the electoral vote of a single northern state, and if the tide continues to flow until November 6th, and there is no earthly reason to donbt that it he will lose several of the states in the bargain.

c Methodists who are told that 'V. they cauuot be oousistent with the doctrines, of their church, unless they vote the prohibition ticket, should refer their advisers to the resolutions passed by the last general conference: “We believe it to be the wisest policy and. the supreme duty of all legislative bodies to enact such legislation that, under the form of the constitution, the people may protect tbc home against the saloon by no license vote under the ocul option regimen, and as soou as possible by constitutional pro-, hibitory amendments,” ' ' Hit is‘.the American consumer who pays the tariff, why is it that the British manufacturer is so anxious to have the tariff removed? Why is it, in fact, if the consumer pay 6 the tariff, that the tariff intereposes any barrier to importations? If it is the American consumer who pays the tariff, the British, manufacturer will sell as many, goods here, and make as much money, under a high tariff as under no tariff at aR. ... ■

Votes were take on many trains to and from Columbus last week, to ascertain the feelings of the old soldiers on the presidency. The result was invariably about 10 to 1 in favor of Harrison. Gue of our townsman, J, C. Porter, whose entire credibility will' be disputed by no one*, reports a ballot taken upon a train upon which he was a passenger, between the cities of Columbus and Cleveland, with the result that there were 180 votes for Harrison and 20 for Cleveland; and we will venture to. say that not half of those twenty were cast by loyal Union soldiers.

There was auotker rousing good meeting at Hogan last Saturday night. Hon. I. D. Dium was the principal speaker, but there were short addresses by other speakeis. Among these was Wm, Lakin, a rntyi well known throughout the county, who has always been a rockrooted Democrat heretofore. He is now a strong Republican and ready to give good reasons for his change of political faith. He is an old soldier and Cleveland’s pension vetoes and Rebel flag order, opened his eyes to the fact that the “Confederacy is in the saddle”, and his patriotism overcame his partisan predelictious, Gen. Cyrus Bussey, of New York, spoke in the Opera House, last Thursday evening, to a very large audience. Geu. Bussey is a plain and unpretentious man and a plain and unpretentious speaker, but he thoroughly kuows what he is talking about and tells it in a manner so clear and earnest that none can doubt his sincerity or fail to understaifd his ideas. His explanation and defense of the protective tariff and exposure of the falseness of the Democratic position in regard to the same, were especially admirable. His speech can not fail to have good efect/upon the Republican cause and we have yet to hear of a single Republican who has any adverse criticism to offer in regard to it. None of Cleveland’s pension vetoes has created more indignation among right-minded people than that of the widow of Lieut. Clinton D. Smith, of Winchester, this state. This man suffered tortures for nearly twenty’ years, aud finally fell a victim to a wound receiv- i ed in battle. The fact that he had , sometimes, by the advice of a phy- j sician, resorted to morphine to alleviate his sufferings, gaye the Presi leut a pretext for vetoiug a j pension for his widow, and, at the i same time, slandering the memory ! of the dead soidief. Attention is called ar.e# to the case by the ' statement of a friend and fellowworkman, who says that during the ten years following the war cot lees th: n ninety-seven surgical operations were performed cm his arm and shoulder. Yet the president iot only vetoed liis widow’s pension, but libeled her dead husband's memory.

Extract from the Annual Report of the Cobden Club.

SI'BMItTEU TO THE ANNUAL MItSTINU, IN LONDON, EXOLAND, JULY 21, 1888. “In the United States President Cleveland’s message carries with it the paomise of such measures :of tariff reform, us may, in the course of a few years, make somej thing like a revolution in internal trade. Not only would the di- ' rect results of opening the markets jof such a country bel enormous, I but if the United States, hitherto the great supporters of, Protection, should'become satisfied that Protection. is Vxlelusion, apd that their o\yu best advantage, is in Free TgAtyJß, such a change iu their opinions and practice could not fail tjo, iufiueuce the opinion and practice of the rest of the world,” “It j* to the New World that therCdbden Club is chiefly looking ms the most likely sphere ljpr its vigorous foreign policy, it has done what it cau in Europe, aud is now turning its eyes, westward and /bracing itself for the struggle which is to come. It can not rest while tbp United, States are nnsubdued.” —London 'Jaimes. Do not forget that President Cleveland in selecting liip seven cabinet officers, chose three who at the time were members of the Cobd.en Club; to-wit: Messrs. Bayard, Endicott and Lamar.

Sounding Keynotes.

Mi;. Blaine, for his party, sounded last week very skillfully the keynote which will echo throughout thy, country for the next three months, and, on the accept-, mice of whieli, Republican, speyesn depends. Thy. Democratic answer to it, coming from a high and authoritative source, should ring put equally lirm and clear. —New York Sun. What's the matter with the keynotes already sounded by President Cleveland, Henry Watterson, Roger Q. Mills, and Senator Vest. Mills said: “I desire free trade, and I will not help to perfect any law that stands in the way of free trade.” Wattersoji remarked that “the Democratic party, except in the persons of imbeciles hardly worth is not oh the fence: it is the free trade party.” The New York World declared that “no protectionist Can lx? a Democrat,” and Senator Vest insists (bat President Cleveland lias challenged the protected industries of the country to a fight of extermination. These keynotes are explicit enough to show where the Democrats stand.—Chicago Inter-Ocean.

The Real Platform.

The issue of overshadowing importance is the wages of the- workingman, and an exchange states the case forcibly when it declares that the real platform u the dinner table. Food and clothing were never as cheap as now. The question is. shall wages came down, tool Mr. Cleveland and his followers say yes. —Omaha Republican.

THURMAN AND BISMARCK.

A Passage from a Recent Speech of Each of These Aged Men. Judge Thurman is now a very old man, anil so is Prince Bismarck. The Inter Ocean will reproduce a passage from a recent speech of each of these old men. Says tiro judge: - "No my friends, of ail the humbugs by which men were attempted be deceived, the humbug of the laboring man l>eing benefited by a high protective tarill is the gretest I ever heard of. Ah. but says someone, it enables the manufacturer in this country to pay higher wages to his laboring men, and therefore is a benefit to them. My friends, did you ever know any manufacturer that jraiil higher wages to his hands because of an... increase of the tariff? If you did yon have met with something I have never seen. There is a man named Barnuni in this country, a great showman, a man who has gathered together in his showmore curiosities tlian perhaps can lie found in any other single place on the face of the earth, but among ajl his curiosities he has never found such a curiosity as the manufacturer whu pm ill higher wages to his hands because of a raise in the tariff.” • It ia submitted, in all courtesy, that, this passage is in a vein of senility or buffoonery. Let us hear Prince Bismarck speak: 'Z.- . - “The success of the United States in material development is the most illustrious of .modern time. The American nation has riot only successfully borne arid suppressed the most gigantic and expensive war of all history, but immediately afterward disbanded its army, found work for all its soldiers and marines, paid off most erf it debt, given labor and homes to all the unemployed of Europe as fast as they could arrive within the territory, anil still by a system of taxation so indirect as not to be perceived, much less felt. Because it is inv deliberate judgment that the prosI>i iitv ofLAmerica is m;uniy Mue to its -system-of protective jaws, I urge that Germany has now reached that point where it j.is necessary to imitate the tariff system of the United states.” Mark how the German statesman apjieals to fact, to "history teaching by exjierience," and how the American * who lays, claim to statesmanship appeals. 1 as au anarchist might, to the instincts of a mob. But Judge Thurman was not speaking to a uioh; lie was speaking directly to a gathering of thoughtful citizens of Ohio, and indirectly to the people of the United State's. It is moro charitable to suppose that he was ignorant of his subject than that he indulged ’in maliyious or senile demagogy.—Chicago Inter Ocean.

Bradley for Harrison.

■*- Hon. James A. Bradley, one of the most influential temperance men in the State of New Jersey, andthe founder of Asbury Park, which is well i known throughout the United States as a great teihpPrance resort, says: “Yes, indeed; I not only shall vote for Harrison and Morton, but I shall enter into the campaign for them with the same ardor I felt when I worked for Lincoln uinLHaralin away back in 1860.” Mr. Bfttdlcy has been one of the staunchest Prohibitionists, and his return to the Republican party is something to feel proud over. Hurrah for Bradley 1 ;

IT’S THE “GAIN" THAT DOES IT.

Ron* L’rohlbMlon Ula||P» That Will Not Stand a Little Examination. No political organization ever banked do extensively on its -immense gains” os the I’roliibition party. In its fourth Sresuh*itial campaign (1884) its candia(e received 150,940, or about one in seventy of the votes gast that year. Two years later, an off year, summing up al! the odds and ends that.might be counted in its favor, it claimed 294,853 Tliis was heralded ;u> “immenstt gains," and tin- party started out with new vigor, oiplirring thus: ff 150,000 Ixvonies 300,000 in two years, it will lx* 000,000 in four years, and 1.200,000 in six years, and. 2,400.000 in eight years, and 4.800,000 in ten years, and 9,000,000 in twelve years; and then we are there. But the year 1887 (tad some elections which make some. modifications of these figures, yet they cry “immense gains” from sheer habit. At their convention in this city, they fixed their figures as the 600,000 due, from the above arithmetic, apportioning tip* vpU* among the states with wijjp discrimination. But in ten, states there were elections last year, and there have been three this year, whose tigures would stagger ordinary men. hut our third jmrty friends never mjnd it, hut go on all the same crying ‘‘immense gains.” for convenience"we give the figures of these thirt(*en states for 1886, and 1887 and the estimate for 1888: , :~J

1886, 1887, Estimated. 1888. lowa (18811 1,405, 111 1000. Maryland 7. lift 4,272 15,000. Nebraska 8.175 6.500 IC, 000 New JeX.ey 10,SOM 12,1100 30.000 Pennsylvania 32,458 18,471 35,000 Kentueky (JSBS) 38.912 8.300 20,000 MassaclmsetU 8,251 10.702 12,000 Ohio 28.082 t 20,700 35.000 New York $,437 40,996 75,000 It will lie seen that in these states all hyt three greatly declined, and that the aggregate “gains” in these three large states' was only 7,788. or less than onefourth the loss in Kentucky alone, and only about one-half the loss in Pennsylvania. There have lxmn three elections this year. In all these this party luis sjx*nt men and money, and womeVg'too, with a lavish hand. Oregon, was canvassed by St. John and Mrs. Malloy, Maine by Fisk and Miss Willard, and g hundred others, male and female. Sjieakijag of the Maine campaign, tlie candidate fdr governor, said; two weeks ago: “We have raised nigre mopey than ever liefore, We. will poll from 5,900 to 7,000," and The Voice a month ago claimed at least 10,000 for Vermont. The elections are over now, and; we ap|x*nd flje result: 1886. 1888. Estmated ' . ■ - _ 18H8. Orcprnn 2.753 1,074 5,000 Vermont 1,511 1,387* 25.000 Maine . : ... . . 8:873 goon* - 7,000 These are the. “immense gains” on which the mendacious party is making appeals to honest men for support. Urtsus|x*cting men ary led to believe that at the rate of “immense gains” the party is making, it will bury the Republican party this year, then the Democratic party in 1892, or at the furthest in 1890. so that 1900 will find it alone in its glory, and master of the situation. And some preachers repeat tips story! Preachers, even as politicians, ought to tell the truth. There has been no election in Indiana ' since 1880. except municipal and township elections: but these tell the same story of "immense gains” that is told in the figures above. Thus, in the Indiana|M>lis city election the 153 of 1886 was reduced to 91k the Center township vote ( o£ 206 of 1886 was reduced to 148; the Warnsi township vote of 37 was reduced to 20. In Hendricks county the aggregate vote of 265 of 1886 was reduced to 95. and so on: and there has lx*en uo Indication of any change in this trend, yet the orators of that liarty cry •‘immense gains.”—lndianapolis Journal. ~~

They Talk as They Shot.

The veteran soldiers and sailors of New York City have formed themselves into a Harrison and Morton brigade and ha ve adopted as their reasons for so doing the following very terse and well put resolutions: We indorse the platform of the Republican national convention. We denounce President Cleveland for vetoing soldiers’ and sailors’ pension bills, 1 For wanting to return flags captured from reliels ih the war. For buying blankets from England for the soldiers with the money of the, American people. ( For wanting to give our American fishing rights up to Canada. For his free trade Mills bill. -- —- For luvving his cabinet and chief advisers composed of rebel generals, colonels and mpmliers of the Cohden jCtffb in England, who Unit, the ship 1)99, or Alabama, to destroy our ships on the high seas. We vote against him because England wants him elected. For wishing to negotiate a treaty with England to capture and return to her all political refugees. For awarding government, contract for dredging ship canals to an English syndicate for the sunv of $1,200,000. For his methods of civil service reform. For letting the brave substitute, who weut to the front for him, die in the poorhouse when owing him over SIOO. Because he solemnly said that it was wrong and dangerous to elect a president for a second term. Because he said that a public office was a public trust, and we think the public better not trust him any further. \ And we intend to vote against him on general principles.

Let Us Reason Well.

Irish-Americans who oppose Gen. Benjamin Harrison ought toconsider whether they are in favor of the nominee of the free trade Democracy who is so popular in England. Is it time that the American people cannot be trusted to select i tlreir own president, without the aid of The London Times and other Tory newspapers in London? Must we admit that the excellent gentleman who occupies tlie white house has all the virtue and purity which the honest masses of the American people lack? Must we admit that Englisn free traders alone are fit to rule this great country, and the people of . the republic, who saved it five and twenty : years ago. in spite of British treacheiy, are not? It seems a little harsh to say that our form of government ought to be changed, too; so that the Cobuen cldb - can frame laws for Americans, but can we come to any other conclusion if we consider the joy in England over the renomination of Grover Cleveland ? “American Celt.” Will President Cleveland ever g» back on trusts? Not he. The monstrous Standard Oil trust made him president and is represented in his cabinet.

POINTS ON THE ISSUE.

AN ENGLISH WORKINGMAN ON FREE - TRADE “BENEFITS." j ' * Democratic Kipresslons That Explain Their rurpoM—Some Industries the Mills Rill Will Affect —A Comparative .Statement of tlie 'Tariff* Now and in Former Tears —Paragraphs That -Hit Center. Mr. 11. J. PeUi/er, of Lpndon, secretary of the Workman's association for the defense of British industry, will shortly visit this country apd deliver a series of addresses to workingmen ujxm the tariff under the auspices of tile Home Market club of Boston. The following answers to tariff questions which he gave in a recent Better will therefore have a special interest to American workmen: "First. Do I consider the free trade policy of England a'tienefit or an injury to the workingmen of England? (I presume by England you include Great Britain and Ireland.) I thjnk the best answer 1, can give to this is to say that many and many q time, and not so very long singe, either, I have lain in bed all day on a Sunday while my only shirt and pair of stockings were being washed ready for Monday morning simply because the monoy that should have gone for clothes had gone to pay for printing pamphjets I hafj written, denouncing this curse of free trade, This was, of course, liefore we had an association, hut 1, inink it will, show, pretty clearly what my views are on this question. “Second—Does, the lower cost of the necessaries of life make np for the loss in wages occasioned by the absence of a protective tariff? Sitting where I am sitting now as I write this letter, looking out on to the market square of Galway, I see the best answer that could possibly lie given to this question. There is a great car-load of Irishmen and Irishwomen (willing and < able to work) just come in from Connemara,* a place where the necessaries of life are lower in price thap they are in any part of the United Kingdom. They a£e on their way to the American steamer, going to America, where the necessaries of life are very much liigher in price. And why are they going? -Simply became low prices have brought their wages down to 25 cents a day, prin some cases even leas, and no employment to be gotj even at that Rite. “Tlii! population of Ireland (and England also) is flying away from its native country, like Lot fled from the cities of the plain, leaving free trade, wjiert* everything is cheap, apd going to protection, where everything is dear, “Third—Do I think wages would be higher in England under a system of protection to Borne industries? I don't think anything alxiut it; I am quite sifre of it. We don't want a better proof of this than the fact that during the late Franco-German war, and ftp: about three years after, we had ip this country what amounted to protection. England was relieved for the time from the flood of rlp-ap manufactured articles and other surplus productions of the continent. (lie effect of this being to send wages up at least 30 per cent., in some trades far higher; not only so, but every .one had constant employment, that lieing the time of our great prosperity. But just as the French and Germans settled down to work and sent their goods over to England, so our trade has gone steadily down, and, of course, our wages have gone down with it. The home trade of ttreat Britain and Ireland is in gxxxl times about six times as great and north six times ps much as our ex|iort trade, and yet oar socalled political economists are doing here what the free trade party want to do in America, that is, let the home trade (that they have got) go for the sake of a foreign trade (which they expect to get.)"—New York Press.

DEMOCRACY MEANS FREE TRADE.

Views of Leading Democrats on tlie Tariff Issue, “All trade, should boas free as possible,” —Speaker Carlisle. '■>.. “'I desire free trade, and I will not help to perfect any law that stands in the way of free trade.”—Roger Q. Mills. “The Democratic party is a free trade party or it is Democrat whocis not a free trader should go elsewhere."'—Henry Watterson. “Add to the free list as mapy articles as possible. Reduce duties upon every dutiable article to the lowest point possible." —Secretary Fairchild. “It would i e a glorious consummation of this debate could we only have gentlemen on the other side join in this invocation to paper anil to type and to the hearts of honest men to clear the way for British Colxlen free trade,”—S. S. Cox. “Mr. Cleveland stands before the country a champion of free trade.”— London Times. - “Mr. Mills’ speech is a manly, vigorous, and most effective free trade speech.”—Henry George. “If we did not require money to defray the excuses of government, I would l>e an absolute and uncompromising free trader."—Congressman Hare.

The War Taxes.

It is frequently stated that war taxes are still retained in the United States, when as a matter of fact they have been reduced from time to time since 1868, so that now they are about half what they were atyhe highest point Duties on imports were reduced in 1872, 1875 aid 1883 by placing articles on the free list and diminishing rates. According to the recent report of the Bureau of Statistics, in 1868, the average dH valorem rate of duty on all imports into this country was then 46 1-2 per cent.; in 1875 it was 38 per cent.; ill 1879 it was 28 1-2 per cent. By a reduction of prices since 1884, but not by any change of ! duties, the average duty on all imports last year was 32 per cent. The average duties collected on all imports, free as Well as dutiable, from 1824 to 1833 was 46 1-2 per cent. Even in tire “low tariff” era between 1846 and 1857, the average duty thus collected w;is 20 per cent. —only 2 1-2 per cent, less than m 1884. The significant the tariff of 1846-or the Mills bill, and the present tariff or the revised protective tariff now proposed by the Republicans, consists ip the fact that the tariff of ' 1846, as well as the Mills bill, imposed much lower duties on imported manufactured goods which would come into competition with the products of our own industries, than those now imposed, while on the other hand the tariff of 1846 imposed heavier duties on tea, coffee and many other articles not produced here, which are placed on the free last or lightly taxed by the present

tariff- The Mills bill now imposes 68, per cent on sugar and n)0 per cent, on sce. For example in 1854, of the 276 trillions of imports, only*22 1-2 pi* one thirteenth, came In free of! duty; while in 1884 of the 07 1-2 millions, 21-1.-4 millions, or one-third, came in fra; gs duty. '

SHOTS IN THE BULL’S EYE.

. * —*—■ —iFf" l 1 ■ “"r —■ —•* —* —— Pointed Paragraphs That Go to the Center r . of the Question. I believe in free trade as 1 believe in the Protestant religion.—President Cleveland. Farmers should rememlier that there is now a tariff of 20 cents on wheat, which keei>B out tile Canadian and other foreign products* and that the Democrats propose to,remove this protection. —Omaha Republican. The general secretary of the Knights <>f Labor makes a statement which every member of the order is able to comprehend. He declares that the objects (if the ot;der and of the protective policy areprecisely the same. They are both designed to limit disastrous competition, and for that reason every be a protectionist as wtfll.—Sap Francisco Chronicle. ‘ “I am like, the boy who hired his sister, to make his shirts'. Home one said, ‘You could have taken those shirts to the factory and had them made and saved s2.’ ‘Yes.’ said the Ixiy protectionLst, ‘Sister Sally got a pretty fair price. She always pays me well for what I -do for her. That is still under the same roof * with me, and if sickness or trouble or hard luck comes to any of our family that money is there in the house."—Hon. William E. Mason. Tbc Enquirer prints another set of purported letters from initial correspondents asking if it is true that the Mills hill leaves the duties as .they were on southern products and removes them entirely from many northern products. It makes a show of indignant denial, and marshals some figures about the reduction of the duties on rice and sugar which a plain, honest man would say are deliberately intended to deceive. Had, it really received any such letters as it. pretemls, and. desired to ai)sw<;r them, truthfully and honest ly, it, would have said that under the Mills hill the duty orv rice is. VX) 1-2 per cent, on sugar 68 |x*r cent, and oi\ wool, salt. luuilx*r, nine, flax, and vegetables nothing at all. —Ohio. State Journal; The.Fanner and the His [the farmer's] industry in this era of wonderful development has got well abreast of that of tile mine, the workshop, and the lfiamifactory, and he is today among the most independent of men. He is not only prosperous himself, hut takes an Americrfu pride in the prosperity of his countrymen engaged in other employments. Not withstanding this growth, this content, this prosperity, the free trade revenue reformer insists that he is getting systematically and remorselessly roblied" by our protective, system. • It is recklessly assorted that this system has sonichow or other so. impoverished the farmers, especially of the great west, that a mortgage is. with. Its usurious intere t, devouring almost every farm in that growing section. This is bald assertion, unsupiiorted by foot.—Speech of Hon. Thomas M. Browne, of Indiana, in house of representatives, April 20, 1888.

A given amount of the farm products of this country in 188? was worth less in the market than the same amount, was worth in 1884, as appears from (lie reports of the bureau of statistics, by the enormous extent of $238,000,000; showing that under a Democratic administration.with the constant threat of free trade, the. constant menace hero of the “Morrison bill” and the we reached a point in 1887 where the same quantity of surplus farm products had fallen iit value m the short space of three years to the amount of $238,000,000. Why was that? Simply because the market had decreased in certain localities.—Speech of lion. Charles 11. Grosvenor, in house of representatives, May 19, 1838.

A Few Industries the Democrats Propose to Kill.

The Jlills bill declares for— Free trade in lumber, which we produce to the value of $300,000,000 annually. Free trade in wool, of which wo .produce nearly 300,000,000 pounds annually. Free trade in salt, of which we produce nearly 40,000,000 bushels annually. trade in flax, hemp, jute and other fibres. Free trade in cement, potash, lime and brick. \ ■ ' ' Free irado in meats, -gamp and pool—try. Free trade in vegetables, jieas and beans. B’roe trade in marble and stone. Free trade in tin" plates, which would destroy the sheet iron industries.' Free trade in at least tOO other articles ■ produced in this country, most of which, would lie produced m sufficient % quantities for heme consumption if properly- : protected.

Trusts and Democracy.

The Mills committee refused to listen to the representatives of lalioring men when the tariff bill was in preparation, but they gave a secret hearing to Henry M. Hnvemeyer,, the head of the most burdensome trust in the country, and at his suggestion changed the sugar list so aa to enubto him* to continue to rch con- ' sinners bf $20,000,000 a year; and this in addition to perpetuating an annual tax of $48,000,000 upon the food supply in i the interest of Louisiana planters. This charge was openly made in the house bv a Republican congressman, and Mr. Mills ; was challenged to deny it. He did note? undertake to do so. because he knew it could and would lie proved. The less Democrats say about trusts and monopolies, under the circumstances. the more wisdom they will display.—Omaha Republican.

Soldiers, Read and Ponder.

So old Libby prison is to betaken from. Richmond to Chicago and set up as a side-show to the bloody-shirt circus, to, exhibit in that city next June. Well, let her go, Gallagher. The building that was used in storiug Yankees during Ujie war has since served "a similar purpose, for commercial fertilizers, so ymj, tear it down and carry it awayifyoj* will, but the scent of those twin geraniums will hang ’raa& it stilt—Scott Ray. UkiWby Democrat*. Seges V- m a recent speech to a southern audience, said of'his bill: “I ua ashamed to confess how small the reduction is. But the best part of the bill id the free list, and wool is the first. ’* it was toot rice and sugar—they ware thoroughly protected in this bill.