Rensselaer Republican, Volume 21, Number 2, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 13 September 1888 — CLEVELAND ACCEPTS. [ARTICLE]

CLEVELAND ACCEPTS.

The following is the President’s letter of acceptance: i gton, Sept. 18,1888. Hon. Patrick A- Collins and others, Conynittee: Gentlemen—ln addressing to you my formal acceptance of the nomination to the presidency of the United States, my thoughts persistently dwell upon the impressive relation of such action to the American people, whose confidence is thus invited, and to the political party to which I belong, jnst entering upon a contest for continued supremacy. The world does not afford a spectacle more sublime than is furnished when millions of free and intelligent American citizens select their chief magistrate, and bid one of their number to find the highest earthly honor and the full measure of public duty in ready submission to their will. It follows that a candidate for this high office can never forget that when the turmoil and the strife which attend the selection of its incumbent shall be heard no more, there must be, in the quiet calm which follows, a complete and solemn self-consecration by the people’s chosen President of every faculty, endeavor to the service of a confiding and generous nation of freemen. These thoughts are intensified by the light of my experience in the presidential office, which has soberly impressed me with the severe responsibilities which it imposes, while it has quickened my love for American institutions and taught me the priceless value of the trust of my countrymen. It is of the highest importance that those who administer our government should jealously protect and maintain the rights of American citizens at home and abroad, and should strive to achieve for our country her proper place among the nations of the earth, but there is no people w r hose home interests are so great and w'hose numerous objects of domestic concern deserve so much watchfulness and care. Among these are the regulation of a sound financial system suited to our needs, thus securing an efficient agency of national wealth and general prosperity; the construction and equipment of means of defense to insure our national safety and maintain the honor beneath which such national safety reposes; the protection of our national domain,' still stretching beyond the needs of a century’s expansion, and its preservation for the settler and 'the pioneer of our marvelous growth; a sensible and sincere recognition of the value of American labor, lead ng to the scrupulous care and just appreciation of the, interests of our w’orkingmen; the limitation and checking of such monopolistic tendencies and schemes as interfere with the advantages and benefits which the people may rightly claim; a generous regard and care for our surviving soldiers and sailors and for the widows and orphans of such as have died, to the end that while the appreciation of theirservices ahdsacrificea is quickened, the application of their pension fund to improper cases may be prevented; protection against a servile immigration which injuriously- competes with our laboring men in the field of toil and adds to our population an element ignorant Of our institutions and law's, impossible of assimilation with our people and dangerous to our peace and welfare; a strict and steadfast adherence to the principles of civil-service reform and a thorough execution of the law’s passed for their enforcement, thus permitting to our people the advantages of business methods in the operation of their government; the guaranty to our colored citizens of all their rights of citizenship and their just recognition and encouragemeiit.in ail tilings pertaining to that relation; a firm, patient and „humane Indian policy, so that in peaceful relations with the government the civilization of tlje Indian may be promoted with resulting quiet and safety to the settlers on our frontiers, and the curtailment of public expense by the introduction of economical methods tin every department of tlie government. The pledges contained in the platform adopted by the late convention of the National Democracy lead to the advancement of these objects and insure good government—the aspiration of every true American citizen, and the motive for every patriotic action and effort. In the consciousness that muca has been done in the direction of good government by the present administration, and submitting its record to the fair inspection of mv countrymen, r indorse tne platform thus presented, with the determination that if I am again called to the chief magistracy there shall be a continuance of devoted endeavor to advance the of the, entire country. “Our scale of jgderal taxation and its consequences largely engross, at this time, the attention of our citizens, and the people are soberly considering the necessity of measures of relief. Our government is the creation of the people ' established to carry out their designs and accomplish their good. It was founded on justice, and w r as made for a free, intelligent and virtuous people. It tis only useful w’hen within their control, and only serves them well wlien regulated and guided by their constant touch. - It is a free government, because it guarantees to American citizen theunrestructed and personal use and enjoyment of all the rewards of his toil and of all his income, except what may be his fair contribution to necessary public expense. Therefore, it is not only the right but the duty of a free people, in the enforcement of this guaranty, to insist that such expense should be strictly limited to the actual public needs. It seems.perfectly clear that when the gov-; ernment, this’ -instrumentality created and maintained by the people to do their bidding, turns upon them, and through an utter perversion of its power extorts from their labor and capital tribute largely in excess of public necessities, the creature has rebelled against the creator and the masters are robbed by their servants. The cost of the government must continue to be met by tariff duties collected at our custom-houses upon imported goods, and by internal revenue taxes assessed upon spirituous and malt liquors, tobacco and oleomargarine. I suppose it is needless to explain that all these duties and assessments are added to the price of the articles upon which they are levied, and thus become a tax upon all those who buy these articles for use and consumption. I suppose, too, it is well understood that the effect of this tariff taxation is not limited to the consumers of imported articles, but that the duties imposed upon such articles permit a corresponding increase in price to be laid upon domestic productions of the same kind, which increase, paid by all ourpeo-

pie asconsumers of home productions and entering every American home, constitutes a form of taxation as certain, as inevitable as though the amount was annually paid into the hand of the taxgatherer. These results are inseparable from the plan we have adopted for the collection of our revenue by tariff duties. They are not mentioned to discredit the system, but by way of preface to the statement that every million of dollars collected at our custom-houses for duties upon imported articles and paid into the public treasury represent fiaany millions more, which, though never reaching the national treasury, are paid bv our citizens as the increased cost of domestic productions resulting from our tariff laws. In these circumstances, and in view of this necessary effect of the operation of our plan for raising revefiue, the absoluteduty of limiting the rate of tariff charges to the necessities of a frugal and economical administration of the government, seems to be perfectly plain. The continuance, upon a pretext of meeting public expenditures, of such a scale ot tariff taxation as draws from the substance of the peoples sum largely in excess of public needs is surely something which, under a government based upon justice, and which finds its strength and usefulness in the faith and trust of the people ought not to be tolerated. While the heaviest burdensincident to the necessities of the government are uncomplainingly borne, light burdens become grievous and intolerable when not justified by such necessities. Unnecessary taxation is unjust taxation. And yet this is our condition. We are annually collecting at our custom-houses, and by means of our internal revenue taxation, many millions in excess of all legitimate public needs. As a consequence, there now remains in the national treasury a surplus of more than one hundred and thirty millions of dollars. No better evidence could be furnished that the people are exorbitantly taxed. The extent of the superfluous burden indicated by this surplus will be better appreciated when it is suggested that such surplus alone represents taxation aggregating more than one hundred and eight thousand dollars in a county containing fifty thousand inhabitants. Taxation has always been the feature of organized government the hardest to reconcile with the people’s ideas of freedom and happiness. When presented in a direct form nothing will arouse popular discontent more quickly and profoundly than unjust and unnecessary taxation. Our farmers, mechanics, laborers and all our citizens closely scan the slightest increase in the taxes assessed upon their lands and other property, ams demand good reasons for such increase. And yet they seem to be expected, in some quarters, to regard the unnecessary volume of insidious and direct taxation visited upon them by our present rate of tariff duties with indifference,if not with favoi. The surplus revenue now remaining in the treasury not only furnishes conclu-. sive proof of unjust taxation, but its existence institutes a separate and inde-* pendent menace to the prosperity of the people. This vast accumulation of idle funds represents that much money drawn from the circulating medium of the country which is needed in the channels of trade and business.

It is a great mistake to suppose that the consequence which follow the continual withdrawal and hoarding by the government of the currency of the people are not of immediate importance to the mass of our citizens and only concerns those engaged in large financial transactions. In, the restless enterprise and activity which free and ready money among the people produces, is found that opportunity for labor and employment, and that impetus to business and production which bring in their train prosperity to our citizens in every station and vocation. New ventures, new investments in business and manufacture, the construction of new and important works, and the enlargement of enterprises already established, depend largely upon obtaining money upon easy terms, with fair security; and all the§e things are stimulated by an abundant volume of circulating medium. Even the harvested grain of the farmer remains without a market unless money is forthcoming for its movement, and transportation to the seaboard. The first result of a scarcity of money among the people is the exaction of severe terms for its use. Increasing distrust and timidity is followed by a refusal to loan or advance on any terms. Investors refuse all risks, and decline all securities, and in a general fright the money still in the hands of the people is per sistently hoarded. It is quite apparent that when this perfectly natural, if not •inevitable stage is reached, depression 'in all busines and enterprise will, as a ‘necessary consequence, lessen the opportunity for work and employment, and reduce salaries and the wages of labor. Instead, then, of being exempt from the influence and effect of an im-> mense surplus lying idle in the national treasury, bur wage earner and others who rely upon their labor for support are, most of all, directly concerned in the situation. Others, seeing the approach of danger, may provide against it, but - it will find * those depending upon their 5 daily toil for bread unprepared, helpless, and defenseless. Such a state of affairs does not present a case of idleness resulting from disputes between the laboring man and his employer, but it produces an absolute anti enforced stoppage of employment and wages. “In reviewing the bad effects of this accumulated surplus and the scale of tariff rates by which it is produced, we must not overlook the tendency toward gross and scandalous public extravagance which a congested treasury induces, nor the fact that we are maintaining,, without excuse, in a time of profound peace, substantially the rate of tariff duties imposed in time of war, when the necessities of the government justified the imposition of the weightiest burdens upon the people. Divers plans have been suggested for the return of this accumulated surplus to the people and the channels of trade. Some of these devices are at variance w r ith all rules of good finance, some are delusive, some are absurd, and some betray by their reckless extravagance the demoralizing influence of a great surplus of public money upon the judgments of individuals, While such efforts should be made as are consistent with public duty and sanctioned by sound judgment to avoid danger by the useful disposition of the surplus now remaining in the treasury, it is evident that if its distribution were aecbmplished another accumulation wquid soon take its.plaee if the constant flow of redundant income was not checked at its source by a reform irl- our present tariff laws. We do not propose to deal yptti these conditions by* merely at-

tempting to satisfy the people of the! of abstract theories, nor by alone j urging their assent to political doctrine. We present to them the proposition that they are unjustly treated in the extent of present federal taxation; that as a result a condition of extreme danger exists, and that it is for them to demand a remedy, and that defense and safety promised in the guarantees of their free government. We believe that the same means which are adopted tb relieve the treasury of its present surplus and prevent its recurrence, should cheapen to our people the cost of supplying their daily wants. Both of these objects we seek jn part to gain by reducing the present tariff rate upon the necessaries of life. We fully appreciate the importance to the country of our domestic industrial ent rprises. Ip the rectification of existing wrongs tbeir maintenance and prosperity should be carefully and in a friendly spirit considered. Eyen such reliance upon present revenue arrangements as have beeti invited or encouraged should be fairly and justly regarded. Abrupt and radical changes which might endanger such enterprises, and injuriously affect the interests of labor dependent upon their success and continuance,are not contemplated or intended. But we know the cost of our domestic manufactured products is increased and the price to the consumer enhanced by the duty imposed upon the raw material used in their manufacture. We know that this increased cost prevents the sale of our productions at foreign markets in competition with those countries which have the advantage of free raw material. We know that, confined to a home market,our manufacturing operations are curtailed,and their demand for labor irregular and the rate of wages paid uncertain. We propose, therefore, to stimulate our domestic industrial enterprises by freeing from duty the imported raw materials which, by the employment of labor; are used in our home manufactures, thus extending the markets for their sale and permitting an increased and steady production, with the allowance of abundant profits. True to the undeviating course of the Democratic party, we will not neglect the interest of labor and our workingmen. In all the efforts to remedy existing evils we will furnish no excuse for the loss of employment or the reduction of the wage of honest toil On the contrary, we propose, in any adjustment of our revenue laws, to concede such enr couragement and advantage to the employers of domestic labor as will easily compensate for any difference that may exist between the standard of wages which should be paid to our laboring men and the rate allowed in other countries. We propose, too, by extending the markets for our manufacture to promote the steady employment of labor, While by cheapening the cost of the necessaries of life we increase the purchasing power of the W’orkingman’s wages and add to the comforts of his home.

And before passing from this phase of the question I am constrained to express the opinion that while the interests of labor should be always sedulously regarded in any modification of our tariff laws, and additional s and more direct and efficient protection to these interests would be afforded by the restriction and prohibition of the immigration or importation of laborers from other countries, who swarm upon our shores, having no purpose or intent of becoming our fellow-citizens or acquiring any permanent interest in our, country', hut who, crowd every field of employment with unintelligent labor at wages which ought not to satisfy those who make ciaiin to. American citizenship. The platform adopted by the late National Convention of our party contains the following declaration: “Judged by Democratic .principles, the interests of the people are betrayed when, by unnecessary taxation, trusts and combinations are permitted and fostered, which, while unduly enriching the few that combine, rob the body of our citizens by depriving them as purchasers of the benefits of natural competition. 0 Such confirmations have always been condemned by the Democratic party. The declaration of its National Convention is sincerely made, and no member oTo'uFparty will be fbund excusing the existence or belittling the pernicious results of these devices to wrong the people. Under various names they have been punished by the common law for hundreds of years, and they have lost none of their hateful features because they have assumed the names of trusts instead of conspiracies. We believe that these trusts are the natural • offspring of a market artificially restricted; that an inordinately high tariff, besides furnishing the temptation for their existence, enlarges the limit within which they may operate against the people, and thus increases of theirpporerw r er for -wrong-doing. With an unalterable hatred ©f all such schemes,-we count the checking of their baleful operations among the good results promised by revenue reform.

While we~cannot avoid partisan misrepresentation, our position upon the question of revenue reform should be so plainly stated as to admit of no misunderstanding. We have entered upon no crusade of free trade. The reformewe seek to inaugurate upon the utmost care for established industries and enterpries, a jealous regard for the interests of American labor, and a sincere desire to relieve the country from the injustice and danger of a condition which threatens evil to all the people of the land. We are dealing with no imaginary danger. Its existence has been repeatedly confessed by all political parties, and pledges of a remedy have been made on all sides. Yet when, in «the legislative body where, under tlre| Constitution, all remedical measures applicable to this subject must originate, the Democratic majority were attempting with extreme moderation to redeem the pledge common to both parties, they were met by determined opposition and obstruction; and the minority, refusing to co-operate in- the House of Representatives, or propose another remedy, have remitted the redemption of their narty pledge to the doubtful + power oil the Senate. The people will hardly be deceived by their abandonment of the field of legislative action to meet in political convention and flippantly declare in their party platform that our conservative and careful effort to relieve the situation is destructive to the American system of protection. Nor will the people be misled by the appeal to prejudice contained in the absurd allegation that we serve the interests of Europe, while they will support the interests of America. ’ They propose in their platform to thus support the interests of our country by re-

moving the internal revenue tax from tobacco and from spirits used in the arts and for jmechamcal purposes. They declare, also, that there should be such a revision of our tariff laws as shall tend to check the importation of such articles as are produced here. f Thus, in proposing to increase the duties upon such articles to nearly or quite a prohibitory point, they confess themselves willing to travel backward on the road of civilization and to deprive our people-of the markets for their goods which can only be gained and kept by the semblance, at least, of an interchange in business, while they abandon our consumers to the unrestrained oppression of the domestic trusts and combinations which are, in the same platform, perfunctorily, condemned. They propose, further, to release entirely from import duties all articles of foreign production (except luxuries) the like of which cannot be produced in this country. The plain people of the land, and the poor, who scarcely use articles of any description produced exclusively abroad and not already free, will find it difficult Todlscover where their interests are regarded in this proposition. They need in their homes cheaper domestic necessaries, and this seems to be entirely unprovided for in this proposed scheme to serve the country. Small compensation for this neglected need is found in the further purpose here announced and covered by the declaration, that if, after the changes already mentioned, there still remains a larger revenue than is requisite for the wants of the government, the entire internal taxation should be repealed, rather than surrender any part of our protective system. Our people ask relief from the undue and unnecessary burden of tariff taxation now resting upon them. They are offered instead free tobacco and free whisky. They ask for bread, and they are given a stone. The implication contained in this party declaration that desperate measures are justified or necessary to save from destruction or surrender what is termed onr protective system, should confuse no one. The existence of such a system is entirely consistent with the regulation of the extent to which it should be applied and -the correction of its abuses.

Of course, in a country as great as ours, with Such a w’onderful interests, after leading in entirely different directions,,it is difficult, if not impossible, to settle upon a perfect tariff plan. But, in accomplishing the reform we have entered upon, the necessity of which is so obvious, I believe we should not be content with a reduction of revenue involving the prohibition of importations and the removal of the internal tax upon whisky. It can be better and more safely done within the lines of granting actual relief to the people in their means of living, and at the same time giving an impetus to our domestic enterprises and furthering our national welfare. If misrepresentations of our purposes and motives are to gain credence and defeat our present efforts in this direction, there Seems to be no reason why every endeavor in the future to accomplish revenue reform should not be likewise attacked and with like result. And yet no thoughtful man can fail to see in the continuance; of the present burdens of the people and the abstract ion by the government of the currency of the country inevitable distress and disaster. All danger will be averted by timely action. The difficulty of applying the remedy will never be less, and the blame should not be laid at the door of the Democratic party if it is applied too late. With firm faith in the intelligence and patriotism of our countrymen, and relping upon the conviction that misrepresentation will not influence them, prejudice will not cloud their understanding and that menace will motdm timidate them, let us urge the people’s interest and public duty for the vindication of our attempt to inaugurate a righteous and benefieent reform.

GROVER CLEVELAND,