Rensselaer Republican, Volume 21, Number 1, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 6 September 1888 — Page 6

tThk master and the reaper. ’ The muter called to taU rewn; "Hake scythe and sickle toon, And bring me the grain from the upland*. And the grass from the m *dow* green, , And from off of the nslst-clad marshes. ° Where the salt wave* fret and foam. ’ Y* shall gather the ruHtlns aedges To furnish the harvest home." Then the laborer* erleli “0 m ist?r, We will bring tliee the yellow grain Thst waves on the windy hillside. And the tender grass from the .fcUittl. But that which springs on the marshes 1* dry and harsh and thin, Unlike the sweet field grasses. So we will not gather if in But the master said: "O foolish 1 Tor many a weary day. * Through siortp and drought, ye have labored For the grain and the fragrant hay. The generous earth Is fruitful, * And breezes of summer blow Where three, in the. sun.'.and the dews of heaven, Have ripened soft and s’ow. * But out on the wide b’eak marsh land Hath never a plough been se\ And with rapine and rage of hungry waves The shivering soil is wet. There flower the oale green sedgsb. And the tides that ebb and flow. And the biting breath of the ■» wind. Is the only e»re they know. ‘ They have drunken of bitter waters, Their food hath been sharp sea sand, 0 And yet they h tve yielded a harveit Unto the mast' r’a hand. So shall ye all, O reapers. Honor them now the more. And garner In gladness, with songs of prais e. The grass from the deaolate shore." --Hatper's Magazine.

AN EDITOR'S RIDE.

Texss Siftings. • He was my solitary companion in the caboose of a Dakota freight train, and to while away the time he -’told me alxnit a trick the boys played upon an editor up ifi a little Minnesota town who took his girl to a ball. .Said my companion: One night there was a shindig out of town about a mile, at Old Man Plummer's place. It was a big un—they had three (tiddlers an’ the organ they borrowed from the Methodist Church. Of course this 'ere Charlie Higgles—that was his iiame—this 'eve •editor—of course Charlie must go. lie bio wed about it in his paper beforehand; too, and called it a hop, which prejerdiced some agin it too, if he had only knowed it. Well, he went out some six or seven miles on Gopher Perairie and got Old Hoss Perkins’s darter to take to c **» t . this hop. as he called‘it. They got to the Old Man’s ’l>o»t dark, je§s as the head fiddler was tuning up. “Well, the night wore on. which remark I once read and everything was all O. K. The danejn’ was kep’ lively an' ev’rvbodv had a good time. Charlie,the feller I’m a-talkin’ 'bout, brought the girl to the blowout in one o’ these ’ere one-lioss buggies that has powerful small wheels in' front an’ powerful big uns behind. Well,’long ’bout midnight, mebbv a little past, when it was dark as a string o’ black cats, ’bout twelve, or mebby some past, I don’t know exactly, some o’ the boys went out to this’ere buggy, kinder, an’ sorter walked around it, an’ hefted it. an’ talked a little, an’ said it looked like rain, an’ sized up the buggy, an’ bv-an’-bw sorter somehow changed the wheels on the blamed thing —put the behind ones -fbr’ard an’ the forard . ones behind, you see. The hoys done it, you know for ' sort of a joke I reckon. Mebby they wanted to see if a man what edited a newspaper would catch onto a buggy with its front r’ared up ’n the air like a treadmill. It made a powerful funnv- . . LookinLhnggy of it—’peared to be built some like a bufferlo—high in front an’ low behimJL I never seen such a highshouldered buggy before nor since. It looked ’sif it had its for’ard feet tip’ll the manger reachin’ over into the oat bin. "Well,'the niglit wore on some more; ’till 1 o’clock, when Charlie, this 'ere youth what thought he could run a paper, said he guessed they better go home. So he hitehed u]g l an'_Qld Iloss’s -darter put on her wraps an’ fixin’s—an’ went out an' got in the buggy with Charley. Still dark’s the inside of acow—no moon fora month, an’ the stars all clouded under. ‘There's something wrong with this’ere buggy,’, says Old Hoss’s gal, ‘No, nothin the matter,’ says Charlie, ’we’re jest goin’ up hill, that's all,’ an’ then they both leaned for'ardto keep from failin’ over back'ards. _v ’• ♦ still thought there was somethin’ out o’ rvhack wdtli the (Conveyance, an" said she allowed she’d have to tie a flatiron to her feet to keep from goin’out behind. ‘Don’t git aceited,' says Charlie, ‘we’se jess goin’ up old Dad Hawkins’s hill.’ So they kep’ naggin’ ilong,-slow like, on’ Charlie let the hoss stop an’ rest ev’rv little ways, ’cause "Tie said it must be powerful hard work to draw up such a steep hill. So they kep’ pokin’ long, pokin’ ’long, an’ Charlie ’lowed to get out and walk if the hill got much steeper. So tliev leaned for’ards, an’ part o’ the time hung onto the dash-board with their hands if they did strike a little hill, an' kep’ snailin’ ’long, snailin’ ’long. •. “A good deal of the time they stopped to let the Koss catch his breath, it bein’ such a powerful long hill, an’ then they’d sit :here quiet as a pot o’ paint, an’ think. By-an’-by the girl begun to get spunky. ‘l’ve traveled this ’ere road before, she said, ‘an’ I never seen no such monstrous hill.’ ‘Oh, that's all right; that’s all right,’ says Chalie, ‘we’re now goin’ up old Pap Nell’s hill.’ ‘But where is the holler between old Dad Hawkin’s hill an’ old Pap Nell’s hill?’ save Jule—her name was Jule. ‘I ’low

as how the road commissioners artist a’ fillet! it up and made on© long hill/ says Charlie. , --, - i- • “So they ieaned for’ards an’ kep’ a moseyin’ 'Jong slow, an’ lettiu' the hoes rest so he wouldn’t be all tired out when they got to the top 6’ the hill, an’ still it was. dark as the inside t»f a infidel. Mebby half a nour they didn’t say nothin’, and then says Charlie: -‘Jute.’ says he, ‘this does ’pear to be a somewhat lengthy Tull—seems ’sTf spine atmospheric inflooence must ’a’ lengthened it out.’ That’s what he’-said, atmospheric inflooence. “They poked a couple of miles finder, all the time easy on the boss. Then says Jule: ‘We must be on the wrong road/ says she. ‘You can't fool me, Mr, Higgles.' ‘Mebby we* be/ says Charlie, ‘I reckon we might bear of! to the right ’ So they jagged off to the right, an’ went a mile, still up hill. Then they jagged to the left, still hilly. Then they jagged in all directions, and pretty soon, after goin’ up a long steep hill for two miles, they turned squar' ’round an’ started back, but they still had to hang onto the dash board to keep from failin’ out behind. “ ‘Well, smitten Caesar!’ yelledCharlie, ‘if this ain’t the blamedest country I ever gpt into!’ an’ then lie hit the ole hoss a welt with the end of the liqes. ‘I reckon we’ll get out o’ this somehow, if we kill the boss!’ An’ then they went tearin’ ’round on that perairie with the hoss on the dead run, and Charlie a-yellin.’ 'Sufferin’ Washington/ howls Charlie, it’s all hill no matter where we go, but I’ll git out of it or bust!’ Then lie swung the lines some more, an’ Jule lmng onto the dashboard an’ bail the histories. They kep’ a goin’ for prettv near a nour, Charlie giftin' madder 'n' madder, an’ Jule more historical. „ ‘“ ’Bout then it begun to git a little light, and’ Chariie happened to look at the wheels. There to each side of him, as he hung onto the dash-board, them hind wheels was a-loomin’ up, each like the fly-wheel ou a saw-mill engine. Then he stopped the boss an' wilted. Jule seen the wheels, too, but she didn’t wilt. “We’ll kinder keep this thing qu’et,” says Charlie; - we won’t mention it to nobody—mum’s the word.’ “ ‘Yes, we will, says Jule, a-risin’ an’ climbin out; ‘yes, we’ll keep, it quiet, yon low-down, deceitful man. We’ll hush it up, we will—p’raps! Haul me all over the peraire in such a-lookin' thing,, will you, an’ tell me we’re goin' up hill! Good-by, sir, our paths kinder sep’rate an’ lay apart at this p’int!’ an’ she struck off across the country, ten miles, for home, an’ left Charlie a-think-in\ not loud but deep. “He didn't know how to fix the wheels, of course, so he came into town with them as they was. iu ’bout two hours, still thinkin' quiet, but powerful deep down. Frkp. H. Car.ru th.

Shall We Eat Whale.

The London Daily Telegraph has been discursing the possibility of inducing mankind to eat whale. Somebody,greatly daring, has dined on whale’s flesh, and reports it good. One-average whale would yield 50,000 pints of soup—somewhat oily, perhaps, r but nutritious and heat-producing; good enough, at any rate, for charity dinners to the poor. “An entire child’s school,-Isays the editor, “might be fed out of a single whale for the whole winter.” That would depend, probably, on the size of the child’s school and the size of the whale. It may be admitted, however, that what Mark Twain calls a good, ordinary, moderate sized whale would comprise a great deal of solid eating, it may also be presumed that a little of it would go a lhiig ways. Moreover, the cetaceans are a long-lived race; the Telegraph has heard of specimens from 300 to 700 years old. There is a strong antecedent} probability’ that even a middle-aged whale —say, rising his third century—would be tough. All things considered, therefore, the calculation is not unreasonable that on© whale would last a~Foarding school a whole winter. The editor supposes that this \vpiild mean a great saving to the boarding-school keeper. That depends on th© price of the whale. Is it expected that whale meat will be cheaper than mutton? '

The Vehicles of the Future.

It lias become quite common of late to estimate the future in the way of forecast ing what inventions must occur. It has not so generally occurred to our prophets to-tell us what civilization in its progressive movements will drop out. A recent writer suggests that we shall, in the next century, have very little use for horses. He supposes airships to be not only an achievement, but to be as common as wagons are now. - The farmer has then only to hitch a load to his airboat. and, lift it clear of trees, and move straight to market. The effect of navigating the - air will, however. be most nfarked on urban life. Cities will no longer be needed to any such extent as now. The airship, avoiding streets, can make a locution in the country as desirable for a great store as one in a city. Will not also a vast amount of land now needed for highways be given over to tillage? Go ahead and give us the airship. '*■=

Knows His Place.

- Passenger (on the “limited”) —Are you the conductor of the Pullman car, sir? Conductor (meekly)—No, ( sir, lam merely the conductor of the train.

FACTS FOR THE PEOPLE.

“The main question atissuefin America] is English free trade against the continental Bystem of protection. * * The American election is infinitely moreTmportant to Englishmen than their own internal politics hist at this juncture.' • * The result of the American election will help to decide many important issues in Great Britain.’’—lxmdon Sunday Times, July 15, 1888.

Please Don’t Misrepresent Grover.

Denver Republican. “The St. Paul Pioneer Press” misrepsepts Mr. Cleveland in an article contrasting hiS niggardliness in giving only 525 to the Charleston earthquake sufferers with' the generosity of Mr. Levi P. Morton in giving $50,000 to the starving people of Ireland. As a matter of fact Mr. Cleveland gave S2O instead of $25 to the earthquake fund. Even in the heat of a political campaign it is* always best to tell the truth.

The Seven Per Cent. Fraud.

Journal. Among all the frauds and false pretenses of the free-traders there is none more contemptible than the assertion that the Mills bill reduces the present tariff only 7 per cent., or, in other words that it affords only 7 per cent, less protection than the present tariff'does. The claim gives the lie to all their previous professions, to the St. Louis platform, to the President’s free trade message, and to all the speeches made in support of the Mills bill. If it were true it would stultify the Democratic party. But it is not true. The alleged result of per centage is reached by distorting facts and figures. By a mathematical hocus pocus they produce figures to show that the Mills bill only reduces the present tariff an average of 7 per cent., and then ask how can a tariff bill whose average duty is 40 per cent, be called free trade? The very same process of figuring shows the duty of England’s tariff to be a fraction under 70 per cent., or nearly twice as high as the average rate proposed to be left by the Mills bill. And England’s is the model free trade tariff of the world. The fact is, the amount of protection afforded bv a tariff is not determined by the height of the average rate of duties, as the Mills bill advocates deceitfully pretend. They well know, as every intelligent man must, that the amount of protection depends on the way in which the tariff is levied and the class of articles it is levied upon; just as they may know that the average rate of: duty in the British free trade tariff is 43 per cent, higher than the Mills bill. Any man can figure it out for himself. The values of England’s dutiable im»ports in 1886 aggregated £28,955,368, of about $145,000,000, and the duties collected on these imports, amounted to £20,139,582, or SIOO,OO ',OOO, being over 69 per cent, on the values. Yet it it a free trade tariff.

A Question for New Vote[?]s.

Any young man, before he enrolls himself under the Democratic banner, shoifld consider seriously this question: “If I join the Democratic party, how long can I stay with it?” We will assume that, Tike many young men fresh from"their studies, he is inclined to freetrade ideas. We will suppose that he votes the Democratic ticket in November. and considers himself a member of thatp&rty. A few weeks Jater the Legislature of his State—iot this may be true in any State —meets, and a HighLicense bill Or some other strict temperance measure is introduced. He sees his new-found party rally solidly to oppose it under the dictation of the liquor dealers. He is. vexed and. ashamed. He is intelligent, well-edu-cated and sincere. His conscience compels him to oppose the party he has just joined, and to denounce its action. Later on, a bill for the and better protection of the ballot is introduced. Here again he sees his party solidly contending against a measure which probably every conscientious voter in both parties wants to see passed. Again he is vexed and ashamed. It seems to him that the party leaders are actuated by the lowest motives, pander to the worst - classes of society, and are besides blind to the signs of the times. Again he opposes the party in which he has just enlisted. , Now, does a man show good common sense when he joins a party which he expects to spend most of his time opposing? On most of the great questions of the day—temperance being one of the chief of them—the Democ - atic -party is as hopelessly wrong as it was on the slavery Question, and if can no more chage Its position than it could with regard to slavery. Even many who do not agree with Republicans in believing that the free-trade tendency of the .party is its. most dangerous /character*--, istic, are compelled to admit that upon moral issues it is utterly wrong-headed. Then why have anything to do with it? To jump on a train for the sake of jumping off again is a very slow wav of reaching one’s destination.. Many persons of this -class seem to think that some mysterious virtue resides in Mr. Cleveland, which secures the country against the perils of complete Democratic ascendency. The record of his administration shows that this confidence is one of those delusions which. is not uncommon in politics. Many voters who supported him four years ago have found it out. But in any event the hew voter should remember that the power behind the President is that of the Democratic party, with its old character still unchanged. Mr. Cleveland cantiot possibly remain in power more than four years longer; and ‘when he is gone, the party must fall back upon the old set ot leaders whom the A merman people distrust. ' The notion that this hoary bladed old sinner, the'Democratic party, has at last been converted, and will now do works fit for repentance, is no new thing. Wheh the Democrats, of the South agreed to support Mr. Greeley, on a platform of universal amnesty anil reconciliation, many UlLug were glad to believe them sincere, and joyfully hailed the dawn of a better day. Yet the shocking atrocities &$* which the negro votedn the South has .been’ suppressed wete committed many years afterward, while the most shameless frauds known in the history of republican institutions continue to this day, and are relied upon to re-elect Mr. Cleveland. When Mr. Tilden was nominated there was a class, especially among the young voteys, who betiffced that the Democratic party was about to become a great instrument of administrative reform. It was onljroa few months before they were over-

whelmed with confusion and shame by the disclosure of the cipher dispatches —the vilest political conspiracy in our history. Those who indulge in similar dreams about the Democratic party of to-day have a like rude awakening' before them. It dnuiys to itself, by a natura], attraction, the worst elements, and can no more change its character than the leopard can change its spots.

A Short Tariff History.

Washington Gazette. . -vDuring the period proceeding the adoption of the Constitution we had free trade, and the years from 1783 to 1789 saw nearly all of the money of this country pass into the possession of British manufacturers, while our own industries were suspended, and our manufacturers ruined, our laborers beggared and ourfarmers unable to gather enough money to pay taxes. Bankruptcies, judgments, executions, mortgages, auctions, were the order pi the day. Free trade whs more cruel than war. Our imports from Great Britain alone were $30,000,000 in'l7B4 85, while our exports were only $9,000,000. This drained us of the last dollar, and the circulating medium was so scarce that business could not be properly transacted. The adoption of the Constitution was immediately accompanied by protection or high tariff legislation, and the result was a revival of industries, while the people became contented and prosperous. The tariff duties were increased in 1812 for war purposes, greatly to the benefit of home industries and the farming interests of the whole country. In 1816 the Democratic party repealed the law of 1789 and 1812, very low duties only being allowed. Great distress followed everywhere. Henry Clay declared that the average decrease in the valu© of property during this period was not less" than 59 per cent. In 1824 Congress gave the country a protective tariff'. At once great financial prosperity set in. Sohelpful w r as the tarijff in 1828 the duties were increased, and under this influence new industries started. President Jackson, inhisannual message in December, 1832,"says concerning the results in this protection: “Our country presents on eyerv side marks of prosperity and happiness unequaled in any portion of the world.” In the same year, 1832, the Democrats rallied their forces. The tariff'of 1824-28 was repealed. Financial depression followed, manufactures suspended, merchants became insolvent, labor unemployed and beggared and agriculture ruined. At sheriff's’ sales good horses sold at A 2, cows at $1 anil hogs at 6] cents apiece, so hard was it to raise money for taxes. This condition lasted until the election of Harrison, in 1840, when a high protective tariff was fought through and was established in 1842. At once business revived. The financial gloom passed away and industries sprang up through the Northern free States. The Democrats in 1846 repealed the tariff of 1842. Business was prostrated; ruin overtook tens of thousands who prospered under protection. President Fillmore, in his annual message, December, 1861, says: “The value of our exports. of breadstuff's and provisions, which it was supposed the incentive of a low tariff and large imports from abroad would have greatly augmented, has fallen from $68,000,000 in 1847 to $21,000,000 in 1865, with a certainty of further reduction in'1852.” In 1861 the Republican party in power enacted a protective tariff, and frttrn that time to the present our industries have prospered. There has been an average yearly increase in National wealth, for twenty-three years in succession, of $1,500,000,000 Q.ur foreign commerce has given a yearly balance to trade in our favor in the same period averaging the astounding sum of $54,00,’,000 a year. *

Republican Doctrine on Trusts.

Journal. James G. Blaine, in one of his speeches a few days ago, in referring to trusts declared that he should “not venture to say that they are not altogether advantageous or disadvantageous,” and added that “they are largely private affairs, with which neither President Cleveland nor any private citizen has any particu--lar right to interfere.” These 'expressions are apparently,given a good deal of aid and comfort to the Democracy. Democratic newspapers all over the country have seized upon this utterance, with the attempt to show that Mr. Blaine is in favor of trusts. Of course his meaning Was that “neither President Cleveland nor any private citizen has any particular right to interfere” with trusts except by the regular processes’of the law. In this position, he has every sane, responsible person in the country with him. However, if our Democratic friends are affxi'ous to find out how the Republican party stands on the t. ust question their attention is called to the following: : “We declare oii.r opposition to all combinations of capital organized in trusts or otherwise to control arbitrarily the condition of trade among our citizens, and we commend to Congress and the State Legislatures, in their Respective jurisdictions, such legislation as will prevent the execution of all schemes to oppress the people by undue charges on their supplies, or by unjust rates for the transportation of their products to market.’’ ----- —— - -- Let the Democrats read the foregoing words over carefully. They are taken from the Republican National platform adoptedjn Chicago in 1888. Party platforms do not always adequately-set forth the doctrines of the organizations which frame them. The Republican platform this however, fairly and plainly outlines the party views on the subject of trusts. Not only does this instrument clearly and all the commercial and industrial “combines,” such as the sugar, coal, Standard Oil and the otlaer trusts, but it denounces pool.by transportation agencies, -as well as all other influences which arbitrarily attempt to obstruct or set at defiance the natural laws of trade. This is sound Republican doctrine, as shown by the utterances of Republican statesmen and newspapers, and demonstrated "by Republican policy. We presume Mr. Blaine is fully iu accord with this view. There Is certainly no good reason to believe that he is hot. But if he is not, he does not fairly, represent Republican opinion on this question. The Indianapolis Jonrnal has the best of Congressman Bynum in the contest that has been going on between them. In a speech at Atlanta Bynum said tnat “four Months in the year the factory hands at Indianapolis were turned out to starve.”. The, Journal took the ground that the statement was a lie, which it is. Bynum hedged by claim-

ing that he did not make th© statement —that he was incorrectly reported. The Jonrnal now brings forward evidence that almost similar language was used by Bynum in a speech in Congress in favor of the Mills bill. Evidently Mr. B. has stirred up the wrong hornet’s best. “Protection to home industries I regard as the most important plank in any platform after ‘the Union must and shall be preserved.’ Gen v U. 8. Grant, in 1883. ■v. ■ ' - . : ; ;■■■■ ; “It is my deliberate judgment that the prosperity of America is mainlv due to her system of protective lawß.’ r -J?riace Bismarck. “We should be slow to abandon that system of protective'duties which looks to th© promotion and development of American industry and to the preservation of the highest possible scale of wages for the American workman.” — Benjamin Harrison. “No man’s wages should be so low that he cannot make provisions in his days of vigor for the incapacity of accident or the feebleness of old age.”—Benjamin Harrison. - ,• “We believe in the preservation of the American market for our American producers and workmen.” —Benjamin Harrison. “This is not the time to weigh in art apothecary’s scale the services or the rewards of the men whosaVedthe Nation.” —Benjamin Harrison. “Against whom is it that the Repub lican party lias been unable to protect your race?” —Benjamin Harrison to the colored voters. Ix the annual report of the Cobden Club, England is congratulated upon the fact that President Cleveland’s message “carries with it the promise of such measures of tariff reform as may, in the course of a few years, make something of a revolution in international trade” by opening to that country the extensive and profitable markets of the United States. Such testimony from such a source as to the meaningand tendency of the Democratic anti-protection policy simplifies the situation and leaves no excuse for misunderstanding on the part of any intelligent American voter. “The wages of the American laborer sent and the votes of the American laborer himself. The appeal lies to him.” James G. Blaine. “We don’t wan’t any Republicans in our country.” —Senator Colquitt and Representative Stewart, of Georgia. “Yes, I was a rebel and a Democrat, but I thank God I have never < Been a Republican.” —Rev. -John A. Brooks, Third-party Prohibition Candidate- for Vica-president, —— "-•■•TheTresideni is now trying to conciliate Mr.'Randall, and other aggrieved dr lukewarm Democratic leaders. Will he succeed? Hardlv, Mr. Randal[ knows a free trade • message when he sees it, and he is not the man to follow blindly after the Cobden club. Havemeyer, head of the [Sugar Trust, Gould, Standard Oil Payne, Standard Oil Whitney, Norvin Green, the Western Union potentate, Garland, the Pan Electric, Jeff ©avis, the traitor, G. W. Curtis, the dude mugwump, are all for Cleveland and reform. That is the reason he will be defeated. The public need not be deceived by Gould and Gruelle,the Indianapolis professional labor -agitators. These two worthies do not represent the labor of the country. Neither of them have done a day’s work at manual labor for years, if ever, and it is believed from almost unimpeachable evidence that their mouthy vaporings are paid for by the State Democratic committee. They have no influence among workingmen or anybody else who knows them. If the Democrats can afford to put such worthies forward as representatives- of Democracy the Republicans ought to stand it. - Congressman Bynum is one of the worst demagogues in the country. His apparent interest in behalf of the “poor ■ workingman” does not extend beyond the accomplishment of his selfish designs, Bynum is a lawyer and probably never did a hard day’s work at manual labor. Like Cleveland and the Democratic platform he favors the reduction of wages of American workingmen to the English standard^ The Democrats announce with a flourish of trumpets that Marshall Field, the Chicago merchant, has “come out for Cleveland.” Like nine-tenths of the reported “conversions” Marshall Field has been a Democrat all his life, and never supported a -Republican on the national ticket.

Talked Like Democrats.

Indianapolis Journal. E; G. Cornelius, who is in England with his family, after making the continental tour, wrote to his old partner in business, N. S. By ram, under date* of London, Aug. 6, and in the letter said: “This is a Very poor country in which to get American news. The papers of this place Often cave nothing from America except the stock market, or if something is said in Congress favoring free trade they are sure to have that. England is for "free trade in America, and favors the election of Cleveland; in fact the papers Rev he will sweep everything clean. The London Times calls Harrison the great unknown. I met a good many Englishmen while on our/continental tour and every last one of them talked just like an American Democrat. , . Georgia, which polled but 25,395 votes for Congressmen at the last election, has ten Representatives in Congress, while Dakota, which had an election at the same time and polled 104,011 votes, has no representative in Congress. Democratic fairness is fully exemplified in this.

By Express.

Infatuated Youth (after a three hours’ visit)— “Miss Maud, I must go.” * . Infatuated Maiden—“ Well, Charlie, but you will call again soon, I hope.” Infatiiated Youth—“l will be back in fifteen minutes.” -i

THEIR SEATS IN DANGER.

Congressmen Who Will Have to Fight Hard ft>r Re-election. Wash. special In N. Y. Graphic (Dem .) - The contests in the Congressional Districts this fall will be scarcely less exciting than that over the Presidency, as both parties are going to make extraordinary efforts to get control of the Senate and House, The: problem that perplexes most of the candidates is whether they can make most by staying here to attend the duties they are chosen to perform, or by going home to look after their interests there. It is always uncertain what may be going on at home while they are here, but if they go “to look after their fences” they are accused of neglecting their duties at Washington. There will be hard fights in all the close districts this fall, and in some that are not so close. The Republicans intend to get control of the next House if by any possible means they can accomplish it. The campaign will have to be chiefly on the tariff issue, those men who are renominated going before the people in their districts on their record in this contest and the new men on their declaration on the subjectA striking feature of the campaign promised is the effort to be made to defeat the leaders on each side "of the house —Mills and Reed. Democrats seldom get any comfort from the contemplation of the results of a count in Maine, and the Democracy of Texas is not seriously questioned. This adds an interest to the thing, Mr. Mills says, and it is generally understood to be the case, that the fight on him has already begun in his district, and “substantial aid” is being furnished by protectionists residing elsewhere-the same who, as it was charged, contributed to Mr. Morrison’s defeat after his vain effort to pass a tariff bill. They hardly hope to send a Republican in Mill’s place, but it would be a victory even to make a .considerable reduction in his majority. It is the Prohibitionists be must look out for. At the last election he got 17,160 votes against 11,338 for Rankin, Prohibitionist. The Republicans will endeavor to reduce, his majority j ust as low asathey can. Mr. Reed has gone home to look after his interests. It may appear somewhat strange, but in the rock-ribbed and sturdy old Republican fortress of Maine, Mr. Reed carried the first district by a majority of a little more than 20i over all votes cast for other candidates. It was really a pretty close cut to windward. He got 15,625 votes against 14,299 for the Democratic candidate; 785 for the Prohibitionist, and 335 scattering. It is popularly understood that, though Mr. Reed and Mr. Blaine are not the warmest oi friends, it was due entirely to Mr. Blaine’s assistance that the man from Maine was saved from defeat. Almost at the same moment Mr. Blaine sent a substantial contribution from his own pocket into Mr. Reed’s district. The Democrats now propose to make a great effort to prevent Mr. Reed’s return to the Fifty-first Congress. In this they have the hearty sympathy of a good many men in the party from remote sections of the country who have had the vanity knocked out of them and have been completely withered by the Maine member’s ironical tongue. Mr- Bynum, of Indiana, is going to travel along a hard road to the next Congress. An active protectionist has already been nominated to contest the district with him, 1 and the fight will be made on the tariff. His majority at the last election was about 1,700, over 40,000 votes being cast. It is claimed now that the protectionists have been making move gains in that, than any otheT district ip the State during the year, and a moßt determined contest will be made by the Republicans this fall to overturn that majority. Both candidates are strong men, and it promises to be an interesting fight. Mr. Bynum is a very active member of the Ways and Means Committee and a well informed tarift reformer. His frjends insist that he cannot be beaten. His ©pponent is a manu- * facturer of wide popularity. Another brilliant member of the Wavs and Means Committee who will have to run the gauntlet is Burrows, of Michigan. His was one of the most extensively circulated of the tariff speeches made in the House, and it /was a question which was the strongest minority man, on the committee —he or Reed. As a campaign orator he ranks second to none, except Butterworth, in the House, and when it comes to making a hard fight He has the energy -and staying qualities that generally Win. The only man in his State who ranks with him as an orator and politician isi George L. Yaple, who is a Dempcrat, and an ardent 1 tariff" reformer. The most brilliant campaigns in Michigan have been when these two men have been pitted against each other. In three contests they have had oyer ihebeat in the House, Yaple defeated Burrows for the Forty-eight Congress and was twice defeated himself. His vote has generally gone ahead of that for his party. He was defeated for Governor by a small majority. He is now again the Democratic nominee in Burrows’s district, and the contest is awaited with anxiety. It will be a hotly contested and brilliant fight on the tariff issue. The Republican majority is not very large and is variable. While Burrows will be a very bard man to beat, there is enough uncertainty in the result to give spice to the contest. ,