Rensselaer Republican, Volume 20, Number 49, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 9 August 1888 — FACTS FOR THE PEOPLE. [ARTICLE]

FACTS FOR THE PEOPLE.

The RochesU r Democrat says Clever ■ land is remarkable for having done two > tilings no other President ever did—go- j ing fishing on Decoration day and leav-1 ing the capital to go yachting while ■ Congress is in session. The President could not spare one day from his duties for the purpose of at- j •tending the Gettysburg celebration on j the 4th; but he finds it easy enough to] get off for four days on a fishiug excur- j sion.—Chicago Journal.

F*ct« for Workingman, Great, swaggering Texas, the home of Roger Q. Mills and ten other ex-Confed-erate brigadier members ol Congress, every one of whom voted to cripple American industries, pays mechanical wage-workers, according to the census df 1880, three and one-thiol millions per annum. Little Connecticut, one of the homes of protected industries, pays the same class fortv-three and a half millions per annum. Mississippi, the home of nulldoaers, every one of whose seven members of Congress—elected through fraud—voted to tear down Northern manufacturing interests, pays workingmen less than a million and a quarter per annum, while Massachusetts where the interests qf workingmen are fostered and protected, pays them , r ne hundred and twenty-eight'millions per annum. Six Southern States —Alabama, Arkansas, Mississippi, North and South Carolina, and Texas—sending forty-six Congressmen to Washington, who voted solidly in favor of British workshops and against Northern industries, pay, all told, for manufacturing wages, according to last census, thirteen and a half millions annually. Six Northern States— Connecticut, Massachusetts, Illinois, New York, Pennsylvania, and Ohio—a large majority of whose Congressmen voted in favor; of American industries and American workingmen, pay the latter annually six hundred and twentyfour millions! Who an* the true friends of Northern workingmen, Grover Cleveland and his Southern free trade allies or Ben Harrison and his champions of American industries?

Wlia “l're-- Trade” Mean*. The Democracy objects to being called a free-trade party. Mr. Cleveland, in his letter to the Tammany Society on Fourth of July, indignantly denied that he was a free trader. Gen. Palmer, in his speech at Caxlinville, 111., a few itights ago, attempted to prove that the designation, as applied to either the President or his party, is inaccurate and unjust. Mr. Palmer says that “free trade is untaxed Irade.” Neither Mr. Cleveland nor Mr. Mills, he declared, in substance, desire to demolish the custom houses. The latter, in fact, intends to keep the duties up to an average of about 40 or 42 per cent. Therefore, neither he nor the President can be a free trader.

A few minutes’ careful thought, intelligently directed, will convince Mr. Palmer and every other Democrat that this sort of reasoning is unsound. The President asked to have the surplus, which he placed at about §113,000,000, abolished by cutting down duties. He would leave the internal taxes, as well as the luxuries and sugar which are on the customs list, untouched. Customs duties in the aggregate amounted to -about $317,000,000 in 1837. .Sugar produced, $58,000,000 of this, and the articles classed as luxuries nearly $42,000,000. Deducting the duties on sugar and luxuries from the aggregate and only about $117,000,000 ot duties remain. This $117.000,000, broadly speaking, was obtained from imports of manufactures and raw materials of manufactures. The reduction of the surplus would all have to come, in the President’s plan, from the latter two classes of goods. If a cut of $113,000,000, or even of $100,000,000 : should be made in the revenue on articles which bring only $117,OOO.OQO, the duty on them would be virtually abolished. Even the most obtuse Democrat will, or ought to, understand this. A out oj even the smaller amount revenue point. Thete would be no protection left for the manufacturer or the producer of the raw material. Such a scheme would virtually wipe out the industries indicated as effectually and as •quickly as the entire abolition of the duties would do. for it must be remembered that a reduction of duties to a certain point would increase the revenue by augmenting the. importations. Great Britain is a free trade country. It is designated as such by economists in and out of England, and bv members of all the various schools of economics. Yet England lias custom houses and a tariff, and this tariff produces about $100,000,000 a year. It is a tariff for revenue only. This is the sort of a tariff which Mr. Cleveland is anxious to introduce in the United States. There would not be the slightest vestige of protection in it. Its effect in restricting importations in Great BrijtgjnJs scarcely appreciable. The sameYvouki be. the ease if it were in force iff'this country. No one would get and.no one would expect anv protection from it. Mr. Cleveland’s scheme in the United States would mean what the scheme of Cobden, Peel and their successors means in Englandfree trade and nothing more. 7 -<

How it Work# a New Jersey. New York Pjess. William Barbour, of the Barbour Flax Spinning Company, Paterson, N. J., speaking of the tariff, says: “Our eot> cern was founded over "one hundred years ago at Lisburn, Ireland, and from these we supplied all our foreign, trade. When the protective policy was adopted by the United States, we found it to our advantage to build a factory over here at Paterson, N. J., to supply‘this market. Meanwhile the home plant supplied the rest of our trade. Now Germany has adopted a strong protective policy and we have been forced to build a factory thepe. For fort® years our mills in Ireland have supplied that trade, but in « few months our factory at Ottenson,n<?aV Hamburg, will be completed, and then we can supply the German market from that factory. Now, in that factory we will perhaps employ five hundred hands to begin with. In the United States we employ between oqe thousand five, hundred and one thousand eight hundred in our. Paterson factories. Two years ago I made a careful comparison of the wages paid in our Paterson and Lisburn factories. In the former we had at that time 1,500 hands, and,in the latter 2,800. Now in two weeks these 2,800 operatives in Ireland drew only SSOO morekpay than the 1,500 operatives in Paterson drew. Of these 2,800 and more

operatives in Ireland, there is not one tl at owns the house lie lives ip. But iq Paterson many have bought and paid for nice, comfortable homes. If a man w orking for me wants to build a!bouse, 1 Hin only Joo glad to lend him the money, for I knowliewill be more am bitions and a better workman in] consequence of it- Or if one of my employes has saved, up money and wants to invest it; I w ill borrow it and pav 6 per cent, for it? 1 have in my mind now two girls who have saved up $1,700 apiece. They have deposited the money with us and we pav them 0 per cent, for it. I mention these things simply to show the difference between the employes iiV oqx two factories, of our employes in Ireland ever had wages enough to be able to have moneV at interest, to say nothing of owning a home. The Paterson employes all cafne from Ireland originally, so you can se<* how much iietter on they are here tllan they" wen* there. 1 never yet had one ask, me to let him return to Ireland and work in that factory, but every time I go to Lisburn the operatives come in]crowds and beg for a chance to come over here. Within the past five years we have paid an average of sixty "thousand dollars a yearduty on thread. Labor formed sui'h a large percentage of the cost in this thread that it was mors profitable for us to make it over there than here. This is under the present tariff of 40 per cent. The Mills hill reduces the tariff to 25 per cent. Wlmt w ill be the result? Instead of decreasing to venue to the government on tliis particular article, such a reduction would increase it three-fold, because we would make a a great deal less thread here, and a great deal more over there. This, of course, is providing we were to continue to pay the same wages here we, are paying nosh. During tlii' past threu years or- so, r tlie. revenue on linen thread lias been growing smaller and smaller, owing to the increase in factories and facilities here formakingit. If the government wants to lessen the revenue from this thread let.it increase the tariff; then only the very finest grades, which we cannot make here with our well-paid labor, would be Imported.

A Southern anil Knglish BUI. Irish Citizen, Chicago. The Mills bill is Southern and English in its every phase. Almost everything raised or manufactured in the South is protected; and almost every exclusively Northern product, like wool or salt, is put on the free list. The duty on cotton is not made very much lower, because cotton is largely manufactured ip the South, but the duty on carpets is lowered from about 60 per cent, ad valorem to 30 per cent, ad valorem, because the South does not'make carpets, hut England does. If the disloyalty of the Democratic party had been put to the most trying tests, its disloyalty could not be possibly proven more clearly than it has been proved by the passage of the Mills bill in its present shape. The Mills hill is only the forerunner of that, free trade with America which is the heart’s desire of England, and which Grover Cleveland and her other Democratic allies seem determined she shall retain.

For Demoe at.s to Kxplain. New York Mail ami Kxpress. It will be impossible for the able Democratic editors to explain away the distinctively Southern and sectional aspects of the Mills bill as revealed especially in these characteristic features, viz.: Louisiana sugar sis per cent, duty Southern rice 100)4 per oiut. dutv No-theru lumber no duty Nor hern wool no duty Nortnern salt no duty Not them beats* ami peas J ..no duty Northern vegetables no duty Northe nSax tnotdus-ed) ... no duty Northern 1ime..... uo duty FULLY I P TO THE WATTERSON STANDARD Interview with Hei ry Wattersou in the New York Star. July 7, 18*8, copies in the Louisville Courier Journal. July S. Tariff reduction of “the Henry AVat* terson kind” is the tariff reduction of the St. I Amis platform land none other * * * It may be that I have been more in earnest "and insistent in the matter of urgency; hut nowhere and at no. time have T pvcesutoH the iloirmnilw made bv the St. Louis platform, which 1 not only voted for in the committee, and reported to the convention,: but which is the exact reproduction of my own views delivered over and over again. 11ST WHAT THE WATTERSON STANDARD IS. Henry Wa'tereon in-the Louisville UouiierJournal, March 1. I'BS2. «

The Democratic party, except in the persons of imbeciles hardly worth mentioning, is not on the fence. It is a free trade party or it is nothing. H**rirv "atltrson iu the Cour.er-Journal.March 20. iSS2. The Democrat who is not a free-trader should go elsewhere. He should join the Republicans, * * The Democratic party will make a free trade fight in 1884. If it loses it will imike another in"18S8. The conflict between\Jree trade and protection is irrepressible, awti must he fought out to the bitter,end. AA’e spit upon compromises and propose neither to ask nor give quarter.

The duty on calico is 3 cents a yard under the present tariff, and yet calico is sold at the mills in New England of the sort subject to this duty for 21 cents a yajrtl. Had not Air. Cleveland better revise his absurd free trade message?

Ln*ks Lika Five. Trade. The Hon. Roger Q. Mills, of Texas, is Chairman of the Ways and Moans Committee of the Fiftieth Congress. “ On the 4th of July, in a public adaress delivered in the city of New York, he asserted that “no Democrat in this country desires free trade,” and in analyzing liis tariff bill, now pending in Congress, lie asked the question: “Does that look like free trade?”, In this remarkable" address the attempted straddle of J.SSB was officially inaugurated. But can the straddlers again straddle? The Mills bill declares, so Free trade in lumber, which we produce to the value of $300,000,000 annually. t■. \ v»■ .. —— Free trade in wool, of which we produce over 3,000,000,00.) .p&andS annually. Free trade in salt, of which we produce 40,000,000 bushels annually. Free trade in flax, hemp, jute, and Other fibers. , * • Free trade in cement, potash, lime, and brick. Free trade in meats, game, and trade in vegetables, peas and beans. • Free trade in marble and stone. Free trade in at lfiast one hundred others articles produced in this country.

most of which would be -produced in sufficient quantities for home consumption if properly protected. This bill is supported by nearly everv Democrat in the Fiftieth Con cress; i’s approved unanimously by the National Democratic Convention at St. Louis,and yet, and yet—“no Democrat in this country desires free trade.”, I I The committee on resolutions in the Democratic convention in 1884 were in session thirty-six consecutive hours wrangling over a tariff plank. Was there any wrangling over the tariff plank in 1888? Does that look like free trade? But where were such men as Patrick Walsh, of Georgia. Samuel J. Randall, of Pennsylvania, and Smith M. .Weed, of New York when the Democratic convention met in 1888? They were left at home. “Does that look like free trade?” Patrick Walsh said: “Slavery is dead, and itsTVi+i sister, free trade, should be buried in the same* grave;” and Patrick Walsh didn’t go to St. Louis. “Docs that look like free trade?” The issue of 1860 is again upon us. The Hop. Hon. George D. Tillman, M. C., from South Carolina says: “Was it not for our intemperate zeal for free trade that led to nullification, and was it not as much to enjoy free trade as to proteet slavery that South Carolina seceded in I 860?”

7~“ AX la BoLcI Blatherskite. Riles a Gazeite. When the Pro h ibit ion Nat ion a! Cot ivention placetTm nomination for the Vice Presidency Dr. John A. Brooks, of Missouri, it evidently did not know what it was doing, or else the members of the convention went to work deliberately to show their contempt for-that sentiment oLloyalty in the North which saved thisgovernment from the attacks of Southern traitors, and so set to work with a deliberate purpose to insult the loyal people of the North; and in so doing they tohk a step in advance of anything the Democratic party has ever dared to do. The Democratic party, although it is controlled by the South, has never since the war dared to place in nomination for President or Vice President a man with as vile a rebel record as has this fellow Brooks. In his recent speech in Chicago he admitted that bis sympathies were with the South during the war, and that he prayed for the destruction of the government, He also indirectly admitted that he was too cowardly to fight for the cause that he prayed for,and only “went into the rebel army to avoid being thrown into prison,” a sneaking camp follower, besides whom Quantrell and the James and Younger boys were heroes. This rebel blatherskite Brooks made a speech at Decatur, 111., Thursday, which was devoted to abuse of the Republican party, and in which he admitted that he had been a rebel, a slave-owner, and a fire-eating Democrat, but he thanked God he h id never_ a Republican. He wouldn’t have that sin to answer for. No, and the Republican party will never have to answer for the sin of having in its ranks a cowardly, sneaking traitor like this fellow John A. Brooks.

Any Northern man who will vote for such a cowardly, sneaking traitor wo&ld • vote for Jefferson Davis, if by so doing he could help to destroy the Republican party, and securely install in power the Democratic party, in whose interest Brooks and the other demagogue thirdparty leaders are working '.'feul from whom they are drawing pay. In his speech in Decatur the Rev. Brooks exhorted Christian people to vote as they prav.and asserted that if the Democrats and Republicans do not. join the Prohibitionists the-devil will get them sureJrt Twenty-five years, ago the Rev. Brooks was working as earnestly in the cause of human slavery as he is now working for prohibition and he and hypocrites like him were preaching and proclaiming that human slavery was a Divine institution. Out upon such hypocrites and demagogues. They are and ever have been the curse of this country, anil they would be dangerous if they had any brains, but Jo Smith and old Brigham Young, scoundrels that they wen*, had more brains and ability than is possessed by fourteen car-loads of these would-be political leaders like Blatherskite Brooks. - ;L- ...

An Actual Fact ss t < Wrol. To the Kditorof the ladtmapoif-i Journal. There are those who profess to believe that the placing of wool on the free-list will not cause the destruction of the w'ool-growing interests of this Country. I have in ray office a line of samples of high-bred wool from Odessa. This wool is delivered in New York at 13 J cents per pound. As the seaboard rules the prices of wool in this country, it is easy to ascertain wiiat the farim r will realize here, in competition with; this wool. It will cost to gather this 'Wool in store from the hands of the farmer in storeage, commission, transportation, etc., 5 cents per pound. So the American farmer must produce as good w*ool at this, or. better at 81 cents per pound. I send you a sample of this wool. As stated before, it is high-bred, of fine quality, and will compare with our best fine American wool in texture and light shrinkage. Now, I present no theory, but an actual fact. If the Mills hill should become the law the American farmer will sell this wool at 81 cents per pound as long as the markets abroad remain as they, now are. Or he will quit wthe business and send his sheep to the block. •r. Alphei s Birch. y Greeneastle, Ind., July IP.

D«n>o racy toil the T<*rifl. Indianspolis Journal. The Democrats have been caught helping the monopolist again. The particular “combine” whose interests the party is just now serving is the Sugar Trust. In the Mills bill, in its first form, the sugar schedule did not suit the reliners. True, they liked it better than they did the proposition of the Republicans, which was to put refined as well ai raw sugar on the free list, and to give a bounty to the sugar-growers. But it did not favor the refiners as much as these gentlemen desired, and, therefore, Havemeyer, the head of the Sugar Trust, had an interview with Mr. Mills and his committee. The result was that his suggestions were agreed to, and the sugar schedule was altered to suit the ideas of the “combine.” 1 The Democracy has done valuable service lor the trusts since Mr. Cleveland became President. He put a representative of the'jStandard Oil Company in one Cabinet office, and champion of a certain telephone pool in another. These gentlemen, respectively, are Secretary Whitney and Attorney General Garland. Mr. Lamar’s friendship for the

railroads may or may not have been known to the Presidetat at the time of his elevation to the head of the Department of the Interior. Undoubtedly, however, it was discovered soon afterward, and thjs, so far as the public has learned, did, not _ change the relations between President and Secretary;' except to make them closer and more affectionate. And,. subsequently, wlien the President placed Mr. Lamar on the Supreme Bench, he was put in a position in which his service to the trusts could • not be interrupted hv a change of administration. 'The President still further recognized the trusts when he selected Congressman Scott, the head of the Coal Pool, to be bisdieutenant and ■spokesman LfiXlongress aud ai the National Convention. The Democratic party has always been a champion of the “combines.” The biggest of these organizations which the country has ever known was the Slavery Trust, In order to force down the wages ,of labor, and make the gap betweeff the workingman and the capitalist as broad and difficult to cross as it is in Turkey or China, the Democracy * uphold slaverv.. The party, indeed, tridd to extend it to the Territories, and ultimately,no doubt, would have attempted to carry it into the free States. When the free people of the country determined to resist the extension of this trust the Democracy plunged flu* country into war. Its friendship for “combines,” in fact, is not a new development in its policy which will be discarded when the popular verdict on the party is rendered at the bal-lot-box. The affection which the Dem - cracy holds for the Standard Oil, Sugar, Coal and other trusts, therefore,is simply tin* manifestation of an influence which can not lie changed until the whole character and being of the party is altered. .. i - ■■■■'■