Rensselaer Republican, Volume 20, Number 16, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 22 December 1887 — Page 6

MR. BLAINES VIEW.

OMhlmllr to Reduction f n ihe Tariff as at Present I*at(l. , Anwlntu I. duttrtra Shutllft M* Pro* ttMtieU Mid Whi«kjT»H"cl A'*e -Tho Tariff on Wool K«td«U to Krt |> Moiu**Ma»<l«> lltaukotH on oar B r Immediately after the publication of the President’s message, Hon. James 0. Blaine, who is now sojourning in Pari*, submitted to an interview on the tariff question. He said! “I have been reading an abstrfet of the President’s message, and have been espeoallv interested in "the comments of the London papers. Those papers all assume to declare the message is a free trade manifesto, and evidently ere j anticipating an enlarged market for j RngHah fabrics inthe United States as a ocinseonenre of the President's recorn menda' iohs. " IVfbSjip " Iblil 'IRM'j stamped tho character ot that message more clearly than any words of mine can” “Yon don’t mean actual free trade without duty?” queried the reporter, ‘No,” replied Mr. Blaine; ‘‘nor -do the London papers mean that. They Birnply mean that thi President has recommended what in the United States is known as a revenue tariff, rejecting the protective feature as an object and not even permitting protection to result freely as an incident t"> revenue - duties ” “I don’t know that I comprehend that, last point,” said the reporter. “I mean,” daid Mr. Blaine, “that for the first time in the history of the United States, the President recoin mends retaining the internal tat in order that, the tariff miy be forced down even below the fair revenue, standard. He recommends that the tax on tobacco ht> retained, and thus. that many millions annually shall be levied on a doimsiic product which would far better come from a tariff on foreign fabrics.” “Then do yon mean to imply that you would favor the repeal of the tobacco tax?’. “Certainly; I mean just that,” said Mr. Blaine. “I should urge that to be done at once, even before the Christmas holidays. It wonld in the first place bring great relief to growers of tobacco Sll ever the country, and would materially lesson the price of the article to the consumers. Tobacco to millions of men is a necessity. The President calls it a luxury, but, it is a luxury in no other sense than tea and coflee are luxuries. It is well to remember that the luxury of vesterdav becomes a necessity of today. Watch, if you please, the number of men at work on the farm, in the coal mine, along the railroad, in the iron foundry, or in any Tailing, and you will find ninety-five to pne hundred chewing while they .work. After each meal the same proportion seek tne solace of a pipe or cigar. These then not only pay the millions of the tobacco tax, but pay on every ping and every cigar an en. hanoed price which the tax enables ttie -manufacturer and retailer to impose. Ttie only excuse for such a tax is the. actual necessity under which the Government found its seif during the war, and the years immediately following To retain the tax now m order to destroy the protection which would incidentally fallow from raising the same amount of money on foreign imports, is certainly a most extraordinary policy for our Government.” “Well, then, Mr. Blaine, wonld you advise the repeal of the whisky tax?” “No, I would not. Other considerations than those of financial admist-a-tion are to be taken into account with regard to whisky. There is a moral side to it. To cheapen the price of whisky is to increase the consumption ©norm otis’y. There would be no sense in urging the reform wrought by high lkensem many States ii Tne National; Government neutralizes the good effect by making whisky within the reach of every one at twenty cents a gallon Whisky would he every where distilled if the surveillance 61 the GoVermem were withdrawn by the remission of the tsr; and ellicit sales would nor then be prevented even bv a police as rigorous and searching as that whiclr Russia pursues the Nihilists. It would destroy high license at once in all the States. “Whisky has done a vast deal of harm in the United Stales. I. would try and make it do some good. I would use the tax to forti y our cities on the sea btard. Tnviewofthe powerful letter addressed to the Deni ore ratio party on themhject of fortification - by the late Samuel J. Tiklen, in 1885, lam aoqozsd that no attention has oeen paid to the subject bv the Democratic administration. Never before iu the his torv of the world has any government, allowed great cities on the sea board, like Philadelphia, New York, Boston, Baltimore, New Orleans and Sin Francisco to remain defenseless.” “But,” said the reporter, ‘ you don’t think we are to have war ia any direc tion?” “Certainly not,” said Mr, Blaine. “Neither, I presume, did Mr. Tilden when he wrote his remarkable letter. Bat we should change a remote chance into an absolute imposeibilty. If our weak and exposed points were strongly fortified; it to-day we had by any chance even suen a war as we had with Mexico our enemy could procure iron-clads in Europe that would menace our great cities with destruc ion or lav them under contribution.” “But would not our fortifying now look as if we expected war?” “Why should it any more than the fortifications made seventy or eighty years ago by our grandfathers, when they guarded themselves against successful attack from the armaments of that day? We don’t necessarily expect a burglar because we lock our doors at night, but, if by any possibility, a burglar cornea it connlbutes vastly to our peaie of mind and our sound sleep to feel that, he can’t get in.” “But after the fortifications should be constructed would you still maintain the tax on whisxy?” ‘‘Yea,” said Mr. Blaine. “So long as and when the National government should have no use for the money I should divide the tax among the Federal Union with the specific object of lightening the tax oh veal estate. The houses and farms of the whole country pay too large a proportion 9* the taxes. If, ultimately, relief could be given in that direction,it would, in my judgment, he a wisp and beneficent policy. Some honest but misguided friends of temperance have urged that the government snotiid not us© the money - derived sr >m

the tax on whisky. My reply is that the tax bn whisky by the Federal government, with its suppression of all illicit distrl'ation, ana consequent enhancement of price, haa been a powerful agent in the temperance reform by putting it beyond the reach of so many. The amount of whisky used in the United States per capita, to (Jay is not more than forty per cent, of that consumed thirty years ago.’’ After a few moment’s silence, Mr. Blaine added that, in his judgment, the whisky tax should be so modified as to permit all who use pure alcohol in the arts aud mechanical pursuits, to have it free of tax. In all such cases the tax oould be remitted wiihont danger of fraud, just as now the tax on Bpirits ex* norted are remitted. .» “Besides your general and sweeping opposition to the President’s recom mendation, have you any other specific objections?” “Yes,” answered Mr. Blaine; “I should seriously object to the repeal of the duty on wool. The repeal that would work great injustice to many interests and would seriously discourage what we should earnestly encourage; namely, the sheep culture, among farmers throughout the Union To break down wool growing and be dependent on foreign countries for the blanket under which we sleep, and the coat fiat covers our back is hot a wise policy for the National government, to enforce.” “Do you think if the President’s recommendation Were adopted it would increase our export trade?” “Possibly in some few articles . >f peculiar construction it might, hut it would iricreaseour import trade ten-fold as much in the great staple fabrics, in woolen and cotton goods, in iron, in steel.in all the thousand and one shapes in which they are wrought. How are we to export staple fabrics to the markets, of Europe, and how are we to manufacture them cheaper than they do in Eu rope unless we get cheaper labor than they have in Europe. “Then you think that the question of labor underlies the whole subject? ’ “Of course it does,’’replied Mr. Blaine, “It ia, in fact, the entire question. Whenever we can force carpenters, masons,iron workersand machauics in every department to work as cheaply, and live as poorly, in the United States, as similar workmen in Europe, we can, of course, manufacture just as cheaply as they do in England aud France. But I am totally opposed to a policy that would entail such results. To attempt it is equivalent to a social and financial revolution, and that would bring untold distress.” “Yes.but might not the great farming class be benefited by importing articles from Europe instead of buying them at higher prices at home?” “The moment,” answered Mr. Blaine, “you begin to import freely from Europe you drive our own workmen from mechanical and manufacturing pursuits. The same proportion they become tillers of the spil, increasing steadily the agricultural product, and decreasing steadily tfie large home demand which is constantly enlarging as home manufactures enlarge. That, of course, works great injury to the farmer, glutting the market with itis products and tending constantly to lower prices.” “Yes, but. the foreign demand for farm products would be increased in like ratio, would it not?” “Even suppose it were,’” said Mr. Blaine, “now do you know the source from which it will' be supplied? The tendency in Russia to day and in the Asiatic possesions of England is toward a large increase of the grain supply, the gram being raised by tne cheapest possible labor. Manufacturing countries wiil buy their breadstuffs where they can get them cheapest, and the enlarging of the home market for the American farmer beiug checked he would search in vain for one of tbe. same value. His foreign sales are already checked by the great competition abrpad. There never was a time when the increase of a large home market was so valuable to him. The best proof is that the farmers are prosperous in proportion to the nearness of manufacturing centers, and a protective tariff tend to Bpread maufacturers. In Ohio and Indiana for oxainpLe, though not classed as manufacturing States the annual value of fabrics is larger than the annual value of agricultural products ” “But those holding the President’s views,” remarked the reporter, “are always quoting the great propriety of the country under the tariff of 1846.” That tariff did not involve the one destructive point recommended by the President, namely, the retaining of direct, internal taxes in order to abolish indirect taxes levied on foreign fabrics. But th® country had peculiar advan tages under it by the Crimean war involving England, France and Russia and largely impairing their trade. All these incidents or accidents, if you choose, were immensely stimulating to trade in the United States, regardless of the nature of our tariff. But mark the end of this European experience with the tariff of 1846 which for a time gave an illusory and deceptive show of prosperity. Its enactment was immediately followed by the Mexican war; then in 1848 by the great convnlsions of Europe; then in 1849 and succeeding years by the enormous gold yield in California. The powers made peace in 1854,and at the same time the output of gold in California fell off. Immediately the financial panic of 1856 came upon the country with disast rons force. Though we had in these years mined a vast amount of gold in California, every bank in .New York was compelled to suspsnd specie pay ments. Four hundred millions in gold had been carried out of the country in in eight years to pay for foreign goods that should have been manufactured at home, and we had years ot depression and distresses in atonement for* our iolly. “It is remarkable that, President Polk recommended the tariff of 1846 on precisely the same ground that President Cleveland recommends a similar enactment now, namely, the surplus in the treasury was menacing the prosperty of the country. History is repea ing itself: By the ’way,” Mr. Blaine added, after a moment’s reflection, “it is worth notiee that Mr. Polk insisted on emptying the treasury by a free-trade tariff, then immediately rushed the country into debt' by borrowing 1150.000,000 for the Mexican war. I trost nothing may occur to repeat so disastrous a sequel to the policy recommended by Presidenri GeveMnd. But the uniform fate has been for fi% years past that the Democratic party when it goes out of power, always leaves an empty treasury, and when it returns to power always finds a full treasury.”

•there should be no redaction of the National revenue?” “No, what I have sajd implies the reverse. I would reduce it by a prompt repeal of, the tobacco tax, and would 'make here an there some changes in the tariff, not reduce protection, but wisely foster it.” “Would you you explain your meaning more folly?” “I mean,” said Mr. Blaine, “that no great system of revenue like otir tariff can operate with efficiency and equity Unless the changes of trade be closely watched and the law promptly adapted to those changes. But 1 would make no change that should impair the protective character of the whole body of the tariff laws. Four years ago, in the Act of 1883, we made changes of the character I have tried to indicate. If such changes were made, and the fortifying of our sea coast thus undertaken at a very moderate annual outlay no surplus would he found after that already accumulated had been disposed of. The outlay of money on fortifica--riona while doing , great service to the country, would give good work to many men.” “But what about the existing plus?” “The abstract of the message I have seen,” replied Mr. Blaine, “contains no reference to that point. I, therefore, make no comment further than to indorse Mr. Fred. Grant’s remark that a surplus is al ways, easier to handle than a ! deficit.” The reporter repeated the question whether the President’s recommends- 1 lion would not, if adopted, give us the [ i,advantage of a large increase on exports. “I only repeat,” answered Mr. Blaine, “that it would yearly enlarge our imports, while the only export it would seriously increase, would be our gold and „fM lmMy-. Ti mv would flow bounteously, just as it did under the tariff of 18-J6. The President’s recommends tion enacted into law would result, as did an experiment in drainage of a man who wished to turn a swauip into a productive field. He dug a drain into a neighboring river, but it happened, unfortunately, that the level of the river was higher than the level of the sw mp. .The consequence need not be told. A parallel would be found when tne President’s policy, in attempting to open a channel for an increase of exports, should simplv succeed in making a deluging inflow of fabrics, to the destruction of home industry.”

Some Slack Heather.

Senator George, of Mißsitsippi, is one of the most bow-legged men in Congress, and, by tbe way, there are a great many of them It is one of the traditions of the country where he comes from that his trousers are cut with a circular saw. The resuh is that these garments are usually conspicuous for a baggy appearance where they are widest. Senator Vance called the attention of a group of his cqileagues standing in the lob y of bia "hotel to this interesting phenomenon and then remarked: “i never gee a rear view of my old Iriend George without ’ thinking of the story of an old tar-heel down in North Carolina wbo went to a circus for the first time in his life. After that memorable event he was sitting around the tavern fire one evening relating his experience to a group of liis cronies and, regarding them with an air of superiority, under which ihey were. Meekly inquisitive. One of them timidly asked. “‘Didyou see the bar at the circus, Uncle Did you see tlie bar?’ “‘ faaa,’ responded the old man solemnly, ‘I done seen the bar.’ “‘What sort of a bar -w-as it, Un«le Zoke? “‘Waal,l never done seen a bar afore, but I Tow that it, raought be a right smart of a bar.’ “ ‘Did you see the camel,Uncle Eeke?' “ ‘ Yaas, I done seen the camel.’ “ What sort of a camel was it, Uncle Z.-ke?' “ ‘ Waal, I never done seen a camel afore, but I Tow that it mought be a right,smart of a camel.’ “Did you see the liox, Uncle Bake?’ “‘Yaas, I done seen the lion.’ “ ‘What sot tof a lion was it, Uncle Zeke?’ “ ‘Waal,l never doneseeD a lion afore, but I Tow that it mought be a right smart of a lion.” . T “ Did vou see the elephant, Uncle Zike?’ “ ‘Yaas, I done seen the elephant..’ “ ‘What sort of an elephant was it?’ Waal, I never done seem an elephant afore, an’ I Tow that it mought. be a right smart of an elephant; but it ’peared to me like as if he had a heap 0’ 1 ack leather about his pants.’”

A CHRISTMAS HYMN.

Oome, sing the otdeu song on*e more! The Christmas-carol sing: With solemn joy. from shore, to share, Let earth, its tribute bring. Though nigh two thousaa i year* hav* sped. The tale is ever fresh Ol woman born, in humble shed, The word of God made flesh. With guiding star, and angels tong, Heaven gTeet the waiting earth; - And sages come and shepherds throng To view the wondrous birth. Then she fulfilled those prophet-dreams: That Hebrew vision old; From Bethlehem’s stall a glory streams That makes the future gold. A gotten future-health and peace To all beneath the sun; A time when wars and wrongs shaH*ea*e, ~,And heaven and earth te one. Be this our tru*t. vhrongh long delay. With no weak doubt's defiled; And be in all our hearts to day, kcct bom.'tbe efcfiial Cbiigr ~

THE CHRISTMAS DINNER.

Rebel my stomach, fret me if you wvl, O’erloaded with your usual Christmas filL Anguish, remorse, repentance all we vain. Sincere an :s my grief, the aches remain To\rarh Be that the -fonts reward is pain. ■- - - 4. .. .... r ... Great guns! Has my digestion ceased to wo*t Or didsome polaon in the rianda Jurk? Of Christinas dinners this shall be the last: So sare as this <1 ire illness shall have passed x—*UhChrtstffli»ditrt»seieSnßßWß&tart;

INDIANA REPUBLICANS.

They'Qat.her at Indianapolis in Force and Hold a “Conference-” A 1 Kuthustumlo Meeting of ihe Bone and .Smew of ttie Party to Propose Plans for the Coming Cainpalgn—-The Proceeding*. A “conference” of the leading Republicans of the State was held at Indianapolis, Tuesday. The attendance was probably 400 or 500. Tbe late Legislature was largely represented, including Speaker Sayer, and many Senators. J. N. Huston, chairman of the Srate Central Committee, called the meeting to order, and stated its object to be “to derive means to elect a ticket when ii is nominated,” and not to boom any prospective cafididate for any office. Rev. Ira J. Chase, of Hendricks county, was made chairman and Ohras; E Wilson, of Tippecanoe, and Ben D. Bagby, of Marion, secretaries. Committees on “organization in the State,” and resolutions were appointed as follows: Lists. organization of party. 1. 11,.5. Benue t, Vaujerburg. 2. Wit). Carroll, Orange. ' J. E. Bershire, Jackson.,* 4. John Linek Jefferson. , 6. Lew Campbell, Hendricks. 6. Charles E. Hock. Henry. 7. L. I'. Micheaer, Shelby. 8. lb S. Kennedy, Montgomery. ‘J. Captain W. 11. Hard, ijintotl. 10. S P. Thompson, Jasper. 11. John I. Dill, Huntington. 12. K S; Taylor, Alien. IS. Jasper Packard, Luportc. RESOLUTIONS. 1. K>. W. Horton, Pike. 2. W. R. Gardiner. Daviess. а. G. B. Cardwill, Floyd. 4. J . Ripley. o. :J. II: Jordan, Morgan. б. . C. C. Binkley, Wavne, 7. E. Vs. Halford, Marion. 8. N. Fdbek, Vigo. 9. Jas. M.. Dresser, Tippeeanoe. 10. D. t*. Baldwin, Cass. 11. Ed. Goldthwaiie, Grant. 12. Senator Drake. Lagrange. 13. L. W. Royse, Kosciusko. The committee on organization in the State submitted the folio which were adopted: R. solved, That we hereby advise our State Central Committee not to hold our State Convention until after the meeting of the National Republican Convention. Resolved, That it is the opinion of this conference that the organization of the Lincoln League Clubs will be of great benefit to the party, and we therefore request the Republicans of the State and the officers and managers of the State Lincoln League.to push the organization of such clubs without delay, until one is organized wherever it can be properly maintained, Resolved, That it is the opinion of this committee that our State Central Committee should open headquarters at an early day and begin at once the Organization ol r.ur party to the end that we may be fully prepared for the contest oflSsS. ' Resolved, That it is the judgment of this conference that the County and State Ceutral Committees should be reorgonized at an early day, and we therefore advise the State, Central Committee to take steps ncces-ary to bring about such reorganization of said committees in Januuary and February, D-83, and that every Republican iu the several localities be solicited to take part iu the selection of such commiteemen. The committee on resolutions submitted their report which was very lengthy. Tire report was adopted. It reads as follows: ’ The Republican party is the party of Protection: Called into existence to protect the National domain against the further extension of the curse of human slavery, its entir? history has been one of protection to the-best interests and dearest rig its of a free people. It piotected the constitutional election of a President against Democratic rebellion. It protectei the Union of the States against Democratic ‘Secession. It protected,constitutiona! government and an indivisible Nation against armed reoellion and insidious treason. It protected the public faith against repudiation and disUonor. It protected business and industry against universal bankrutcy and prostration by wise tariff and financial legislation, by which home industry was marvellously stimulated and developed, and a national currency based upon gold and silver coin, the safest and best me couutry has ever had, was substi tut ed for a baseless and worthless system of Democratic paper money. It has protected the nation against every evil which, an alliance between a corrupt party organization with the baser elements and dangerous forces of society could suggest or threaten. In the light of its past history, and true to its cherished traditions, the Re publican party must continue to stand lor protec ion. It must protect an equal ballot and a fair election, the corner stone of representative Government, against every specit-s of fraud and crime and all forms of intimidation and violence, no matter where commuted or by whom practiced, North, South, East and West. It must protect the equal rights of all men, remembering that “equality of rights is the first of rights. ’ It must protect American industry and American workingmen against unfair competition from underpaid foreign labor, and from contract and servile laborIt must protect legitimate business,and tnepeople as well, from the “frusta” and ‘ Combines” which seek to limit production and control prices. These un-American combinations should be prohibited and punished by law. It must protect free represen tat ve Government, based upon theintelligdnce and virtue of the people, against the menace of domestic illiteracy and the danger of alien vicious and criminal classes. It must protect the sanciiiv of law against the doctrines and assaults of im ported anarchy, and the social „ order against any and all influences that would weaken anddeefcrey its foundatioi s. It must protect the state and tbe home against the evi’s of theliqnor iraffic;and vides for the education of the children of all the people, against open enemies and secret foes. > The Republicans of Indiana have borne an honorable part in the achievemerits of the party, have- a common share with their brethren th-oughout the country in the glory of its hr story, and are ready to do their fall duty in meeting the responsibilities ot the present and fighting the battles of the future. Not attempting to speak in the name and hYihfi.»Rthority of the party,

this conference of Republicans informally declares; The resolutions then declare for (1) first a free ballot and honest connts (2) condemns the disfranchisement of any portion of the people in any State or Territory, for purely pastisan purposes; as a high eripie and misdemeanor; (3) the protection of American interests, industrial, commercial, social and economic, is-the imperative duty of Americans; (4) the surplus in tho national t.reaaury should be expended upon work of public defense and Bafety, and recommends such revision of revenue laws, both internal and tariff as shall equalize burden and benefit, and protect enterprise and labor; (5) condemns the spirit that jests and sneers at the scars and wounds of Union veterans, while it pays honor to the memory of traitors and seeks to perpetuate sectional strife by unaae and discriminating „re ward a th those most prominent in rebellion against the Government. Sixth—-We indorse and reaffirm all the declarations of the last Republican State platform upon the abuses and mismanagement of the Democratic party of Indiana. We denounce the existing legis ative and congressional gerrvinan- ' der, whereby a portion of the people were disfranchised for the purpose of maintaining its supremacy, and we call upon the ol the State to repeat their emphatic verdict against that in fatpy- We arraign the Democratic administration for gross incompetence in the managemfeDt and conduct of the finances of the State, whereby the public debt has been largely increased and the State treasury seriously embarrassed. We denounce the continuance of the partisan management of otir benevolent inßiitutions, in view of the scandalous revelations of corruption, scoundrelism and outrage, particularly in the Hospital for the Insane. The truth of the charges made against the ring that still maintains its control fias been ampiy demonstrated by the, s worn test! rnony taken during the last session of tjie Legislature and confessed by the action of the Governor of the State in an attempted removal of the trustees from positions they have prostituted to the basest personal and political ends. We renew the declaration for a non-partisan control of the State benevolent, penal and reformatory institutions, and for the extension of the principle of civil service reform to the public service of tho State wherever applicable. Seventh—We-repeat with emphasis the declaration of the last platform that politics and legislation shall be freed irom every vestage of the domination and influence of th- liquor power. The traffic in intoxicating liquors must and shall be made obedient to law. We reaffirm the belief that laws Bhould be passed giving to local communities the right to control the traffic, and where it exists it should be under stringent regulations, and a tax should he plated, upon it that will relieve the local treasuries of the extraordinary burdens it imposes upon the people. The bill passed by the Republican House of Representatives of the last General Assembly was a pledge of the good faith of the party and its represen’atives, as were other measures passed by tnat House in conformity with the pledges male in the platform. Eighth—We denounce the action of the Democrats in the last Generai Assembly as revolutionary and criminal. The will of the people expressed in a peaceable and lawful election., advised and participated in by the Democratic party, was set at defiance, and the-Con-s.i ution and laws, as expounded by the Supreme Court of the State, disregarded and nullified.- Publieand private rights were subverted and destroyed, and the Capitol of tbe State disgraced by violent acts and brutal methods. The alleged election of a United* Slates Senator was the result simply of fraud aud force, of high-handed usurpation of power, the overthrow of constitutional, and legal forms, the setting aside of the results of a popular election and the theft of the prerogatives of duly elected and qualified members of the Legislature. We believe, receivers of stolen goods to be entitled to no more “courtesy” than those who committed the robbery; and we.therefore r. spectfully ask the United States Senate to make due aud dili gent inquiry into 'he facts connected with the pretended election of a member of that body from this State. Ninth—Coming into power under claims of necessity for and promise of reform in the civil service, the Demrcracy has shown its hypocrisy and incapacity. Investigation into all departments of the government has served only to demonstrate the honesty and efficiency of every branch under Re publican contrql, while the , experience of th«“past two years has shown the inoompetency of the Democratic party for admidis:ration. Removals and appointments have been made for partisan reasons and without regard for the public interest, until now the civil service is crippled and inefficient as never before. The existing condition of affairs in the postoffice and other departments is full proof of the false pretense and in competence of the present administration. , And (10) opposes the appointment of L Q O.Lam tr to be an associate justice of the Supreme Court. The resolutions were unanimously adopted. Gen. Harrison, Gov. Porter, Major W. H. Calkins and Speaker Sayre made speeches which were enthusiastically received. Gov, Porter took occasion to say that* he would not be a candidate for Governor. The proceedings were harmonious and characterized with much enthusiasm.

Regulating a Lazy Son.

Kew Tort Commercial Advertiser. . According to the terms of Horatio G. Onderdonk’a will, his executors, or at least one of them, will have to get up narly every day in the week except Sunday. One of the conditions by which a son of Mr. Ordendonk inherits a fortune is that he has his breakfast before 8 o’clock every morning except Sunday, and that he does not go fishing or tmP tin g on that day. The executors will probably take tjirnß watching him. __ : Siftings: Adam was the first man W sell a raee. , v

THE CONVICTS CHRISTM AS EVE.

Tbe term was. done; my penalty was pact; I saw the outside of the wall* at last. When I left that ttone punishment of sin, 'Twa* 'moet as hard as when I first went in. It seemed at once as though the swlft-roioed «it Told slanderous tale* about me every-where; As if the ground itself was shrinking back For fear 'twould get the Cain’s mark of my traek Women wonld edge away,with shrewd she-gnaaaee. As if my very glance would spoil their dresses; Men looked me over with close, cardies* g&as, Aud understood my downcast, jail-bred ways; My hands wereso grim-hardened and defiled, ,' I wouldn’t have had the cheek to pet a child: If I had spoken to a dog that day, He would hare tipped his nose.and walked away; And so I wandered In jail of doubt. Whence neither heaven nor earth wonid let me out. The world itself seemed to me every Wit As hard a prison as the one I’d quit. If you are made of anything but dirt; If you’ve a soul that other souls can hnrt. Turn to the right w hoever passes it’s death to drop among the lawless classes! -Men loHe. who lose the friendshi(> of .the law, A blessing from each breath of air they draw; They know the advantage of a good square lace. When then's has been disfigured by disgrace. So 1 trudged round appropriately slow For one with no particular place to go. The houses scowled and stared as if to say, “You jail-bird; we are honest, walk away!’’ The factory seemed to stream when 1 e tine near ‘Stand back! unsentenced men are working he^e!” And virtue had th’ appearance all the time Of trying hard to push me back to crime, It struck me strange, that stormy, snow-blenched day, To watch the different people ou the way, All carrying bundles, of all sorts of sizes, As carefully as gold and silver prizes. Well dressed or poor, I could not understand Why each one hugged a bundle iu his hand. I asked an old poli leman what it meant; He looked the over with eyes shreodlybeat. While muttering in a voice that fairly froze, “It’s cause to-morrow’s Christmas,T suppose.” And then the fact came crashing over me, ’ How horribly alone a man can be' ~ . I don’t pretend what tortures yet may wait For souls that have not run their reckonings straight; - __^ —__ It Isn’t for mortal ignorance to say What kind of night may follow any day; There may be pai 1 for sin some time found cat That sin on earth knows nothing yet about; But I don’t think there’s any harbor known Worse for a wrecked soul than to be alone. Alone I—there maybe never has occurred A word whose gloom is gloomier than that word! You who can brighten up your Christmas joys With all affection’s small but mighty toys, Who fancy that-yo .r gifts of love be rash, And presents are not worth their price in earh, Thank Goa, with love and thrift no more at war, That you’ve some one to speud your money (cr! A dollar plays a very dingy part, Till magnetized by some one’s grateful heart. So evening saw me straggling, up and down Within the gayly lighted, desolate town, , A hungry, sad heart-hermit all the while, My rou -h face begging for a friendly smile. Folks talked with folks in new-made -warmth and glee, - But no one had a word or look for me; Love flowed like water, but it could not make The world forgive me lor my one mistake. An open church some look of welceme wore; I crept in soft, aud sat down near the door. I’d.nevor seen 'mongst n.y unhappy race So many happy children in one place; I never knew how much a hymn could bring From heaven, until I heard those children sieg; I never saw such sweet-breathed gales of glee Aaswepl.around that fruitful-.. Christmas-tree, You who have tripped through, childhood's merry days With passionate love protecting All your ways, Who did not see a Christmas time go by Without some present for your sparkling eye, Thank God; whose goodness gave snoh joy its birth, And scattered heaven-seeds iu the dust of earth! In stone paved ground my thorny field was set; I never had a Christmas present yet. And so T sat and saw them, and confess Felt all the unliappier for their happiness; And when a man gets into such a state. He’s very proud-or very desolate. Just then a cry of fire amongst us came; The pretty Christinas tree was all aflame: And one sweet child there in our startled gnse Was screaming with her white olothes all ablaa#, The arowd seemed *razy-like, both old kasL young, And vary swift of speeeh, though slow as tonga*. But one knew what t r do and not to say, And he a aonvict, just let loose that day. I fought like one who deals in deadly strif*I wrapped my life around that ohild’s swaet ltia; I ohokad the flame* that choked her, with si*h • links Stol'n from some fcood but. very frightened f*lta; I gave the dear girl to her parent*' sight, Pnharm*d by anything nxeepting fright; I tore the blazing branches from th tree; And all was safe, and no one hurt but me. That night, of whieh I asked for sleep in vain | That night, tbattossed me round on prongs *ll pain, j That stabbed me with fi*roe tortures threnghand through,

Was still the happiest that I ever knew. I felt that I at last had earned a place Among my raee, by suffering for my rate; I fßlt the glorious facte wouldn’t let me mbs A mother’s thanks—perhaps a child's’sweet kirn That man’s warm gratitude would tnd a plan J r# lift we up, aud help me be a man. / Nekt'day thiyVomglrt a lette to my bed, I 1 opened It with tingling nerves and read’ I "Ton have upon my kindness certain claims 1 For rescuing my young child from the flames; Such deeds deserve a hand unstained by crime; I trust you will reform while yet there’s time. The blackest sinner may find mercy still, (Unclosed please find a thousand dollar bill.) Our paths, of course, on different roads mart He Don’t follow me for any more. Sood-by." Tscorehed the dirty rag till it was black; Enclosed it in a rag and sent it back. That very night I cracked a tradesman’s doer. Stole with my blistered hands ten thousand Which next day I took special pains to send To my good, distant, wealthy, high-toned friend And wrote upon it, in a steady hand, In words I hoped he wouldn’t mi-uaderstand; “Money is cheap, as l have shown you hem, But gratitudeand sympathy are dear. These rags are stolen—have been—may often b I trust the one wasn’t that you seut to me. Hoping ! our pride and you are reconciled— From the black, sinful rescuer of your child.” I crept to court—a .crashed, triumphant wown Confessed the theft, and took auother term: My life closed, atid began; and I am back Among the rogues that walk the broad-gang* track, I toil ’mid every sort of sin that’s known; j walk rongh roads—but do not Walk Alone. Will Carleton in Harper’s Magname. Anthony Com9to«k will soon imri upon it that only dressed beef shall aj pear in the market.