Rensselaer Republican, Volume 20, Number 14, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 8 December 1887 — Page 2

fbe SkjroMiara. Qao. E. Mumiu, Publisher. BSNBBCLAER, “ INDIANA

Shi Clerk of the House has issued an officials list of members elect, by which it appears that the strength of the parties will be: Democrats, 168; Republicans, 16S; independents, A The four men classified as independents are A. R. Anderson, Iowa; John Nicholas, North Carolina; Samuel L Hopkins, Virginia, and Henry Smith, Wisconsin. The an* nexed table shows the number of Demo* •rats and Republicans, respectively from Cm several States: Dcm. Rep Dem. Bcp. * - Mtatoippi........ 7 - Ark0m*........ 6 - Minourl ..14 2 California 2 4 Nebrwka. 1 1 Colorado - 1 Newla - 1 CaunceUcat.... S 1 New Hampahlre 1 1 Mawan 1* - Newleieey 1 j BlorMa 2 - New York 11 18 Udotxia. 10 - North Caroline. 7 1 Miinot* * IS Ohio li Mknt. C 7 Oregon... - 1 Intt* 2 ft Pennsylvania... I 10 - 7 Rhode I-land.... - 2 Kentucky ft 8 South Carolina.. 7 LoaUUm - » - Tennessee I*2 Maine - 4 Texas U Maryland * 1 Vermont - * Kameehwests., i - 8 Virginia 1 • Michigan.... 8 6 West Virginia... I l Musiott...... 8 2 Wisconsin 1 7 mad...: - .. ift* is* In the event of the Presidental contest being thrown into the House the Republicans would have an advantage, having a majority in twenty States. But this event is hardly probable.

SOMEWHAT STRANGE.

An edd pair of twins were born at the Summit County, Ohio, Infirmary, one of tbs babies being blask and the other white. “Hold this baby while I have a fight with that man,” said an East Boston woman to a sailor who had just come ashore. The ready to be entertained, took infant, and the woman took the man’s arm and walked away . An Alabama lady has a plant known as the star cactus: Its buds cannot be told from p rattlesnake’s head, and the full blown flower is like the skin of a rattlesnake; it is nearly the exact color, and is tough and leathery like it. The flower smells very bad. GUas blowers’ cheeks become thin and lose their elasticity by the contin ued blowing. They hang dorn like inverted pockets, and grow useless. It is s matter of record, it is Baid, that both in this country and.in Europe glass workers have blown holes through their cheeks. Pierre Bontempe, a laborer of Angen, in Prance, fell into a drunken sleep one afternoon, and when he awoke felt as if he had been bitten by 1,000 mosquitoes. He had been tattooed from head to foot with horrible pictures, which he has since been unable to obliterate. Marshal John Jolly, of Butte City, Montana, is the owner of the most expensive policeman’s star in the United States. It is of solid gojd and has five points. At the end of each point is a diamond costing $125, and in the center is a monogram of Mr. Jolly’s name in diamonds.

The remarkable story of a calf born •n Saturday and livingnntil the following Thursday evening, or a period of five days, without once having partaken of the lacteal fluid upon which yonng members of the kine family are supposed to exist, comes to us from Money Cheek Township, McLean County, 111. Wm. R. Jones, of Edmore, Mich., h— a horse that he sends to the depot and other places without a driver. A stranger observed him going through the town that way the other day, and tried to stop him, but the kno ving horse dodged the anxions man, and bolted away from him, and then resumed a moderate gait and made his way home to the stable to await further orders. “We find that Miss Lillie was accidentally killed by falling over a precipice while walking her sleep,” was the title verdict a jury at Barmouth, North Wales, recently rendered on the death of a young woman who, it is believed, while in asomnambulistic state, walked out of her house, and was found at the base of a cliff fifty feet high.

Comparisons Anent Men and Women Men are more enthusiastic and ready to espouse the caube of woman than her ■liter women are. Women, when their interest is finally won, are more lasting in their friendships. There is an instinctive rivalry between women which, until it is overcome by the bonds of sympathy, is a bar to true, unselfish friendship. Men expect more in return for their iavom than women do. The friendships of men noticeably decreases after a woman marries. Men are ter more agreeable to approach in any matter requiring courtesy and politeness. The friendship of women notieably strengthens after a woman marries. A good and efficient man is a better friend and adviser than a weak woman. A good and efficient woman is a better iliend and adviser than a weak man. Women are far safer and more reliable friend h in the long run. There is no role which governs the matter.—E la Wheeler Wilcox.

A Plea for the Surplus.

Philadelphia Press. i The Nicaraguan Canal Company will dim Congress for a big appropriation this winter. The projectors are anxious to ran a canal through the treasury to ahow what they can do in that line.

PRESID ENTS MESSAGE.

To t>j* Congrms oi tbe United Bteta: son are confronted at the threshold of your legislative duties with a condition of tbd national finances which imperatively demands immediate and careful consideration. TUB TRBASUST irRPLCB. The amount of money annually exacted, through the operations of the present laws, from the industries and necessities of the people, largely exceeds the sum necessary to meet the expenses of the government. Wken we consider that the theory of Oar institutions guarantees to every citizen the full enjoyment of all the fruits of his industry and enterprise, with only each deductions as be his share toward the carefcl and economical maintenance of the government which protects him,it is plain that the exaction of more than this is indefensible extortion and aculpahle betrayal of American fairness and justice. This wrong, inflicted upon those who bear the burden of national taxation, like other wrongs, multiplies a brood of evil consequences. The public treasury, which Bhould only exist as a conduit conveying the people’s tribute to its legitimate objects of expenditure, becomes a hoarding place for money needlessly withdrawn from trade and people’s nse, thus crippling oar national energies, suspending our country’s development, preventing investment in productive enterprises, threatening financial disturbance, and inviting schemes of public plunder. This condition of our treasury is not altogether new; and it has more than once of late been submitted to the people’s representatives in Congress, who alone can apply a remedy. And yet the situation still continues, with aggravated incidents more than ever presaging financial convulsion and wide' 1 spread disaster. It will not do to neglect this situation because its dangeri are not now palpably imminent and apparent. They exist none the less certainly, and await the unforeseen . and unexpected occasion when suddenly they will be precipitated upon ns.

aVBMBASB OV BONN. _ On the 30th day of June, 1885 ls the excess of revenues over public expenditures, after eomplying with the annual requirement of the sinking-fund act, was $17,869,736.84; during the year ended June 20,1886, such excess amounted to $48,405,645 10, and during the year ended June 30, 1887, it reached the sum of $66,567,849 54. The annual con tributions to the sinking-fund during the three years above specified, amounting in the aggregate to $138,058,300 94, and deducted from the surplus as stated, were made by calling in for that purpose outstanding 3 per cent, bonds of the Government. During the six months prior to June 30, 1887, the surplus revenue had grown so large by repeated accumulations—and it was feared the withdrawal of this great "Bum of money needed by the people would so affect the business of the country—that the sum of $79,864,000 of such Burplus was applied to the payment of the principle and interest of the 3 per cent, bonds still outstanding, and which were then payable at the option of the Government. The precarious condition of financial affairs among the people still needing relief, immediately after the 30th day of June, 1887,.the remainder of the 3 per cent, bonds then outstanding, amounting with principle and interest, to the sum of $13,877,500, were called in and applied tothe sinking-fund contribution for the current fiscal year. Notwithstanding these operations of the Treasury Department, representations of distress inbusiness circles not only continued but increased, and absolute peril seemed at hand. In these circumstances the contributions to the sinkingfund for the current fiscal year was at once completed by the expenditure of $27,684,283.15 in the purchase of Government bonds not yet due, bearing 4 and 4J per cent, interest, the premium paid thereon averaging abont 24 per cent, for the former and 8 per cent for the latter. In addition to this the interest accruing daring the current year upon the outstanding bonded indebtedness of the Government was, to some extent, anticipated, and the banks selected as depositories of public money were permitted to somewhat increase their deposits.

Kxusarrr bob erltcf. While the expedients thus employed, to release to the people the money lying idle in the Treasury, served to avert immediate danger, our surplus revenue has continued to accumulate, the excess for the present year amounting on the first day of December to $55,258,701.10. and estimated to reach the sum of $113,000.000 on the 30th of June next, at which date it is expected that this sum, added the prior accumulations, will swell the surplus in the Treasury to $150,000,000. There seems to be no assurance that, with such a withdrawal from use of the people’s circulating medium, oar business community may not in the near future be subjected to the same distress which was quite lately produced from the same cauce. And while the functions of our National Treasury should be few and simple, and whi ! e its best condition would be reachi d. I believe, by its entire disconnection from private business interests, yet when, by a perversion of its purposes, it idly holds money uselessly subtracted from the changels Of trade, there seems to be reason for the ffaim that some legitimate means should be devised by the Government to restore in an emergency, without waste or extravagance, such money to its place among the people. 1 i such an emergency arises, there now exists ho clear and. undoubted executive power of relief. Heretofore redemption of 3 per cent, bonds, which were payable at option of the Government. has afforded a means for the disbursement of the excess of oar revenues; but these bonds have all been retired, and there are no bonds outstanding tire payment of which we have the right to insist upon. The contribution to the sinking fund, which furnishes the occasion for the expenditure in the purchase of bonds, has been already made for the current year, so that there is no outlet in that direction. In the present state of legislation the only pretense of any existing executive power to restore, at this time, any part of our surplus revenues to the people by its expenditure consists in the supposition that the Secretary of the Treasury may enter the market and purchase the bonds of the Government not yet due. at a rate of premium to be agreed upon. ' the only provision of law from which such a power oould be derived is found

in an appropriation bill passed a number of years ago; and it isßubiedt to the suspicion that it was intended as temporary and limited in its application, instead of conferring a continuing discretion and authority. No condition ought to exist which would justify the grant of power to a single official, upon his judgment oi its necessity, to withhold from or release to the business of the Kle, in an uposual manner, money in the Treasury, and thus affect, at his will, the financial situation of the country; and if it is deemed wise to lodge jn the Secretary of the Treasury the authority in the present juncture to purchase bonds, it Bhonld be planily vetaed and provided, as far as possible, with such checks and limitations as will define this official’e right and discretion, and at the Bame time relieve him from undue responsibility.

In considering the question of purchasing bonds as a means of restoring to circulation the surplus money accumulating in the Treasury, it should be borne in mind that premiums must, of coarse, be paid udou such purchase,that there may be a large part of these bonds held as investments winch can not be Curchastd at any price, and that cominations among holders who are willing to sell, may unreasonably enhance the cost of suen bonds to the Government. OBnwrioxaTo plans proposed. It has been suggested that the present bonded debt might be refunded at a less rate of interest, and the difference between the old and new securities paid in cash, thus finding use for the surplus in the Treasury. The success of his plan, it is apparent, must depend upon the volition of the holders of the present bonds; and it is not entirely certain that the inducement which most be offered them would result in more financial benefits to the Govern a ent than the purchase of bonds, while the latter proposition would reduce the principal of the debt by actual payment, instead of extending it. The proposition to deposit the money held by the Government in banks throughout the country, for nse by the people, is, it seems to me, exceedingly objectionable in principle, as establishing too close a relationship between the operations of the Government Treasury and the business of the country, and too extensive a commingling of their money,

thus fostering an unnatural reliance in private business upon public funds. If this scheme should be adopted it should only be done as a temporary expedient to meet an urgent necessity. Legislative and executive effort should generally be in the opposite direction, and should have a tendency to divorce, as much and as fast as can safeiy be done, the Treasury Department from private enterprises. Of course, it is not expected that unnecessary and extravagant appropriations will be made for the purpose of avoiding the accumulation of an excess of revenue. Such expenditures, beside the demoralization of all just conception of public duty which it entails, stimulates a habit of reckless improvidence not in the least consistent with the mission of our -people or the high and beneficent purposes of our government. WHERE THE BBSPOMSIBILWY RESTS. I have deemed it my duty to thus bring to the knowledge of my countrymen, as well as to the attention of their representatives charged with the responsibility of Legislative reliei, the gravity of our financial situation. The failure of the Congress heretofore to provide against the dangers which it was quite evident the very nature of the difficulty must necessarily produce, caused a condition of financial distress and apprehension since your last adjournment., which taxed to the utmost all the authority and expedients within executive control, and these appear now to be exhausted. If disaster results from the continued inaction of Congress the responsibility must rest where it belongs. Though the sitnation thus far considered is fraught with danger which should be fully realised, and though it presents features of wrong to the people as well as peril to the country, it is but a result growing out of a perfectly palpable and apparent cause constantly reproducing the same alarming circumstances—a congested National Treasury and depleted monetary condition in the business of the country. It need hardly be stated that while the present situation demands a remedy, we can only be saved from a like predicament in the future by the removal of its cause.

THI TARIM. Our scheme of taxation, by means of which needless surplus is taken from the people and put into the public Treasury, consists of a tariff for duty levied upon importations from abroad, and internal revenue taxes levied upon the consumption of tobacco and spirituous and malt liquors. It must be conceded that none of the things subjected to internal revenue taxation are strictly speaking necessaries; there appears 10 be no just complaint of this taxation by of these articles, and there seems to be nothing so well able to bear the burden without hardship to any portion of the people. But our present tariff laws, the vicious, inequitable and . illogical source of unnecessary taxation, ought to be at once revised and amend ed. These laws, as their primary and plain effect, raise the price to consumers of all articles imported and subjected to duty by precisely the sum paid for such duties. Thus the amount of duty measures the tax paid by those who purchase for use these imported articles. Many of these things, however,are rinsed or manufactured in our owncountry,and the duties now levied upon foreign goods and products are called protection to these home manufacturers, because they re : :er it possible for those of our people v. ho are manufacturers to make these taxed articles and sell them for a price cqval to that demanded for the imported goods that have paid customs duty So it happens that while comparatively a few use the imported articles, millions of our people, who never nse and never saw any of the foreign products, purchase and nse things of the same kind made in this conntry, and pay therefor nearly or quite tfce same enhanced priced which the duty adds to imported articles. Those who buy imports pay the duty charged thereon into the public treasury,bat the great majority of our citizens who buy domestic articles of the same class pay a sum at least approximately equal to v this duty to the home manufacturer. This reference to the operation of our tariff lawß is not made by way of instruction, but in order that we may be constantly reminded of the manner in which they impose a burden upon those who consume domestic products as well as those who consume imported articles,

and thus create a tax upon all our I people. TARO* MOT TO SB ABOLISH*!) KWTIRBI.T. It is not proposed to entirely relieve the country of this taxation. It must be extensively continued as he source of the Government’s income and in a readjustment of oar tariff the interest of American labor engaged in manufacture should be carefully considered, as well as the preservation of our manufacturers. It may be callbd protection or by any other name, but relief irom the hardships and dangers of onr present tariff laws should be devised w th especial precaution against imperiling the existence of onr manufacturing interests. Bat this existence should not mean a condition whith, without regard to this

public welfare or a national exigency, most always insure the realization of immense profit instead of moderately profitable returns. As the volume and diversity of our national activities increase, new recruits are added to those who desire a continuation of the advantages which they conceive the present system of tariff taxation directly affords them. So stubbornly have all efforts to reform the present condition been resisted by those of onr fellow-citizens thus engaged, that they can hardly complain of the suspicion, entertained to a certain extent, that there exists an organized combination all along the line to maintain their advantage. We are in the midst of centennial celebrations, and with becoming bride we rejoice in American skill and ingenuity,in American energy and enterprise, and in the wonderful natural advantages and resources developed by a century’s national growth. Yet when an attempt is made to justify a scheme which permits a tax to be laid upon every consumer in the land for the benefit of our manufacturers, quite beyond a reasonable demand for government regard, it suits the purpose of advocacy to call our manufacturers “intant industries,” still needing the highest and greatest degree of favor and fostering care that can be wrung from federal legislation. It is also said that the increase in tbe price of domestic manufactures resulting from the present tariff is necessary in order that higher wages may be paid to onr workmen employed in manufactories than are paid for what is called the pauper labor of Europe.

T*E NUMBER OF BENEFICIARI*. All will acknowledge the force of an argument which involves the welfare and liberal compensation of our workingmen. Labor is honorable in the eyes of every American citizen; and, as t lies at the foundation of our development and progress, it is entitled, without affectation or hypocrisy, to the utmost regard. The standard of our laborers’ life Bhoal4 not be measured by that of anyother country less favored, and they are entitled to their full share of all our advantages. By the last census it is made to appear that of the 17,392,000 of our population engaged in all kinds _of industries, 7,607.493 are engaged in agriculture, 4,074,238 in professional and personal service (2,934,876 of whom are domestic servants and laborers), while 1,810,256 are employed in trade and transportation, and 3,837,712 are classed as employed in manufacturing and min ing. For present purposes, however, the last number given should be con siderably reduced. Without attempting to enumerate all, it will be conceded that there should be deducted from those which it includes 375,143 carpenters and joiners, 285,404 milliners, dress makers and seamstresses, 172,726 blacksmiths, 138,756 tailors and tailoressee, 101,473 masons, 76,741 bu'chers, 41,309 bakete, 22,08# plasterers and 4,891 engaged in manufacturing agric ltural implements, amonnting in the aggregate to 1,214,096, leaving 2 623,080 persons employed in such manufacturing industries claimed to be benefitted by a high tariff. To these the appeal is made to save their employment and maintain their wages by resisting a change. There should be no disposition to answer the suggestions by the allegation that they are in a minority among those whoiabor, and, therefore, should forego an ad vantage in the interest of low prices for the majority. Their compensation, as it may be affected by the operation of tariff laws, should at all times be scrupulously kept m view; and yet, with slight reflection, they will not overtook the fact that the are consumers with the rest; that they,too, have their wants and those of their families to supply from their earning«, and that the price ot the necessaries of life, as well as the amount of their wages, will regulate their welfare and comfort.

AN EQUITABLE REDCSTION DBMANDHD. But the reduction of taxation demanded should be so measured as not to necessitate nor justify either'the loss of employment by the workingman or the lessening of his wages; and the profits still remaining to the manufacturer, after a necessary readjustment, and should furnish no excuse for the sacri - fice of the interests of his employes, either in their opportunity to work or in the deminuation of their compensation* Nor can the worker in manufactories fail to understand that while a high tariff is claimed to be necessary to allow the payment of remunerative wages, it certainly results in a very large increase in the price of aIL sorts of manufactures, which, in almost countless forms, he needs for the use of himself and his family. He receives at the desk of his emplover his wages, and, perhaps, before he reaches his home, is obliged, in a purchase for family use of an article which embraces his own b hor, to return in the payment of the increase in price which the tariff permits; the hardearned compensation of many days 6f toil. THE TABIFB ON WOOB. The farmer and the agriculturist who manufacture nothing, bat who pay the increased price which the tariff imposes upon every agricultural implem nt, upon all he wears, and upon all he uses and owns, except tbe increase of his flocks and herds and snch things as his husbandry produces from the soil, is invited to aid in maintaining the .present situation; and he is told that a high duty on imported wool is necessary for the benefit of those who have sh ep to shear, in order that the price of their wool may be increased. They, of course, are not reminded that the farmer who has no sheep is by this scheme obliged, in his purchases of clothing and woolen goods, to pay s tribute to his fellow-farmer as well as to the manufacturer and merchant; nor is any mention made of the fact that the sheen-owners themselves and their households must wear clothing and use other articles manufactured from the wool they sell at tariff prices, and thus as consumers, re-

turn their share of this increase price to the tradesman. I think it may be fairly assumed that a large proportion of the sheep -owned by the farmers throughout the country are found in small flocks numbering from,twenty to fifty. The duty on thf grade of imported wool which these sheep yield is ten cents each 100 pounds if of the value of thirty cents or less,and twelve cents if the value of more than thirty cents. If the liberal estimate of six pounds be allowed for each fleece, the duty thereon would be sixty or eev-enty-two cents, and this may be taken as the utmost enhancement of its price to the farmer by reason of this duty. Eighteen dollars would thus represent the increased price of the wool from 25 sheep and $66 that from the wool of 50 sheep, and at present values this addition would amount to abont one-third of its price. If, upon its sale, the farmer receives this or less than a tariff profit, the wool leaves his bands charged with precisely that sum, which in all its changes will adhere to it, until it reaches the consumer. When manufactured into cloth and other goods and material for use its cost is not only increased to (he extent of the farmer’s tariff profit, but a further sum has been added for the benefit of the manufacturer under operation of other tariff laws. In meantime the day arrives when the farmer find it necessary to purchase woolen goods and material to clothe himself and family for the winter.. When he faces the tradesmen for that purpose he discovers that he is obliged not only to return in the way of increased prices, his tariff profit on the wool he sold, and which then, perhaps, lies before him in manufactured form, but that he must add a considerable sum thereto to meet a further increase in the cost caused bv a tariff duty on the manufacturer. Thus, in the end he is aroused to the fact that he has paid upon a moderate purchase, as a result of the tariff scheme.which,when he sold his wool seemed so profitable,an increase in priee more than sufficient to sweep away all the tariff profi; he received upon the wool he produced and sold.

When the number of farmers engaged in woolraising is compared with all tne farmers in the country, and the small proportion they bear to onr population is considered; when it is made apparent that in the case of a large part of those who own sheep the benefit of the present tariff on wool is illusory; and above all, when it must be conceded that the increase of the cost of living caused by such tariff becomes a burden upon those with moderate means, and the poor, the employed and unemployed, the sick and well, and the young and old, and that its constitutes a tax which with relentless grasp is fastened upon the clothing of every man, woman and child in the land, reasons are suggested why the removal or reduction of this duty should be included in a revision of our tariff laws.

. WHERE REDUCTIONS MAY BE MADE. In speaking of the increased cost to the consumer of our home manufacture, resulting from a duty laid upon imported articles of the same description, the fact ia not overlooked that competition among our domestic producers sometimes has the effect of keeping the price of their products below the highest limit allowed by such duty. But itis notorious that this competition is too often strangled by combinations quite prevalent at this time and frequently called trusts, which for their object the regulation of the supply and price of commodities, made and sold by members of the combination. The people can hardly hope for any consideration in the operation of these selfish schemes. If, however, in the absence of such combination, a healthy and free competition reduce the price of any particular dutiable article of home production below the limit which it might otherwise reach under our tariff laws, and if, with Buch reduced price its manufac ure continues to thrive, it is entirely evident that one thing has been discovered which should be carefully scrutinized in an efloit to reduce taxation.. The necessity of combination to maintain the price of any commodity to the tariff point, furnishes proof that some one is willing to accept lower pricez are remunerative; and lower prices prodneedby competition prove the same thing. Thus where either of these conditions exists a case would seem to be Dresented for an easy reduction of taxation.

DUTY OF MANUFACTURERS. The considerations which have been presented touching our tariff laws are intended only to enforce an earnest re commendation that the surplus revenues of the Government be prevented by the reduction of our customs duties,and at the same time,to emphasize suggestion that in accomplishing this purpose, we may discharge a double duty to our people by granting to them a measure of relief from tariff taxation in quarters where it is most needed, and from sources where’t can be most fairly and j ustly accorded. Nor can the presentation made of such considerations be, with any degree of fairness, regarded as evidence of unfriendliness toward our manufacturing, interests or of any lack of appreciation of their value and importance. These interests constitue a leading and most substantial element of our national greatness and furnish the proud proof of our country’s progress. But if in the emergency that presses upon ns our manufacturers are asked to surrender something for the public good and to avert disaster, their patriotism, as well as a grateful recognition of advantages already afforded, Bhonld lead them to willing co-operation. No de mand is made that they shall forego all the benefits of governmental regard, but they can not fail to be admonished of their duty as well as their enlightened self-interest and safptv when they are reminded of the fact that financial panic and collapse, to which the present condition tends, afford no greater shelter or protection to our manufacturers than to our other important enterprises. Opportunity for safe, careful and deliberate reform is now offered, and none of us should be unmindful of a time when an abused and irritated people, heedless of those who have resisted timely and reasonable relief, may insist upon a radical and sweeping rectification of their wrongs.

rerneuLTire attbndins revision. - - The difficulty attending a wise and fair revision of our tariff lawß is not underestimated. It requires on the part of the Congress great labor and care,and especially a broad and national contemplation of the subject, and a patriotic disregard of such local and selfish claims as are unreasonable and reckless of the welfare of the entire country.

TBS BRBB LI tar. Under the present laWa mo r e than 4,000 articles are subject to duty. Many of these do not in any way compete with our own manufacturers, and many are hardly worth attention as sahj.-cts of reveue. A considerable reduction can be made, in the a.-g* eg.ito by adding them to the free list. The takii:iop of luxuries present no features of hardships; but the pece-iriries oi lbe used and consumed by ait the p-ogle, the duty upon which adds v to the cost of living in very home, should be greatly cheapened. The radioal reduction of the duties imposed upon raw material used in manufactures, or its free importation, is, of course, an important factor in any effort to reduce the price of these necessaries; it would not only relive them from the increased cost caused by the tariff on such material, but the manufactured product being thus cheapened that part of the tariff now laid upon such product, as a compensation to our manufacturers for the present price of raw meterial, could be accordingly modified. Such reduction, of free importation, would serve beside to largely reduce the revenue. It is not apparent how such a change can have any injurious effect upon our manufacturers. On the contrary, it would appear to give them a better chance in foreign markets with the, manufacturers of other countries who cheapen their wares by free material. Thus our people might have the opportunity of extending their sales beyond the limits of home consumption—saving them from the depression, interruption in business and loss caused by a glutted domestic market, and affording their employee more certain and steady labor, with its resulting quiet and coutentment.

NOT A PARTISAN SWEZTION. The question thus imperatively presented for solution should be aoproached in a spirit higher than partisanship and considered in the light of that regard for patriotic duty which should characterize the action of those intrusted with the weal of a confiding people. But the obligation to declared party politics and principles is not wanting to urge prompt and effective action. Both of the great political parties now represented in the government have, by repeated and authoritative declarations, condemned the condition of our laws which permit the collection from the people of unnecessary revenue, and have, in the most solemn manner, oromißed its. correction; and neither as citizens or partisans are our citizens in a mood to condone the deliberate violation of these pledges.

A CONDITION, NOT A THEOBT. Oir progress toward a wise conclusion will not be improved by dwelling npon theories of protection and free trade. This savors too much of bandying epithets. It is a condition which confronts us, not a theory. Relief from this condition may involve a slight reduction of the advantages which we award our home productions, but the entire withdrawal of such advantages should not be contemplated. The question of free trade is absolutely irrelevant, and the persistant claim made in certain quarters that all efforts to relieve the people from unjust, and unnecessary taxation are schemes of so called free-traders is mischievous and far removed from any condition for the public good. The simple and plain duty which ve owe the people is to reduce taxation to the necessary expenses of an economical operation of the Government, and to restore to the business of the countrythe money which we hold in the Treasury through the perversion of governmental powers. These things can and should be done with safety to all our industries, without dauger to the opportunity for remunerative labor which onr workingmen need, and with benefit to them and all our people, by cheapening their means of subsistence and increasing the measure of their comforts.

OTHER MATTBRS DEFERRED. The Constitution provides that the President shall from time to time give to the Congress information of tne state of the Union. It has been the custom of the Executive, in compliance with this provision, to annually exhibit to the Congress, at the opening of its session, the general condition of the country, and to detail. wilh some particularity, the operations of the different executive departments. It would bet especially agreeable to follow this course at the present time, and to call attention to the valuable accomplishments of these departments during the last fiscal year. But I am so much impressed with the paramount importance Of the subject to which this complication has thus far been devoted, that 1 shall forego the addition of any other topic and only urge upon vout immediate consideration the“ State of the Union” as shown in the present condition of our Treasury and our general fiscal situation, upon which every element of our safety and prosperity depends: The reports of the heads of departments, which will be submitted, contain full and explicit information touching the transactions of the business intrusted to them, and such recommendations relating to legislation in the public interest as they deem advisable. I ask for these reports and tions the deliberate examination of the legislative branch of the Government* ~~ There are other subjects not embraced in the departmental-reports demanding legislative consideration, and which I should be glad to submit- Some of them, however, have been eamesty presented in previous messages, and as to them, I beg leave to repeat prior recommendations. As the law makes no provision for any report from the departmen of state, a brief history of the transactions of that important department, together with other matters which, it may hereafter be deemed essential to commend to the attention of the Congress, may furnish the occasion for a future communication* Grover Clevhland. Washington, D. C., December 6. Seeking Information. “Yes, dear the Sunday school teacher, “with God nothing is impo-sible.” “Can" He make a thing a loot long with only, one end to it?” inquired Bobby,who is a small but earnest Christian. “Now, Bobby,” Baid the teacher, with gentle reproof, “yon are talking foolishly.” “ What’s the matter with a dog’s tail?” asked Bobby.