Rensselaer Republican, Volume 19, Number 31, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 7 April 1887 — SENATOR SHERMAN. [ARTICLE]

SENATOR SHERMAN.

Report or His Nashville Speech—Why Tennessee Ought to Be a Republican State. No Division of the Colored Vote Can Take , Place Till Negroes Have Their Bights. We present below a liberal synopsis of Hon. John Sherman’s speech, delivered at Nashville, Tenn., on the 24th ult.: Senator Sherman said he accepted the invitation of the Republican members of the Tennessee Legislature to address them because he believed a fair presentation of the principles of the Republican party to the whole people of the State would induce them to join “in a public policy that will contribute to the interests or the people of Tennessee and of the whole country more aud greater benefits and advantages than can possibly be conferred upon them by the Democratic party.” After referring to the slavery controversy, and the repeal of the Missouri compromise, Senator Sherman continued: I still regard the repeal of the Missouri compromise as nothing less than a crime, and therefore I, with the great mass of the Northern Whigs and Democrats, as a patriotic duty, resolved, so far ns I could, I would secure to Kansas and Nebraska free institutions, and thus restore the status quo. This was done," as 1 thought, bv the election of Abraham Lincoln. Had his election been acquiesced in the South now knows how kind, forbearing, and conservative would have been his policy; for, of all the public men I have met. he, more than any other, combined the loving kindness of a woman with the moderation and wise forethought of a statesman. Both sides felt that the abolition of slavery was the necessary result of the war, aud it seemed to us if the slaves were to be free they must be armed with the privileges of freemen, and these were secured to them by constitutional amendments. The attempt to enforce these rights by national authorities has thus far partially failed, and now it is conceded that under the limitations of the Constitution the rights'of the citizen of a State can only be enforced through State or national tribunals. I trust that the time is not far distant when the people of every State will feel it to bo just and expedient that every citizen of the State shall be protected in the free and equal enjoyment of every right and privilege conferred by the Constitution of the United States. The Bepublican party is pledged to this policy, and, though it will use no unconstitutional means to secure equal rights, it will be false to its principles if it does not use all its moral and legal power to that end. Sectional feeling will continue to exist as long as large masses of people, whether poor or rich, white or black, are denied their rights to share in self-government. It sets a bad example, which the criminal classes in the North have in some cases eagerly adopted to oheat at elections, as in Cincinnati two years ago. It also produces inequality of representation between the North and South, and this keeps up sectional lines in party politics. It opens the way to the corruption and fraud which in time destroy all pretense of republican government. The freedman in the full enjoyment of his rights will divide between parties as other citizens do, and his labor will become the great factor in the wealth and prosperity of the region in which he lives. It is now contributing its full share in building up with marvelous rapidity the region I have recently traversed, and will be of infinitely more value to the South than the heedless and listless labor of slaves in the olden times. Win these people by kindness und a just regard to their constitutional rights, and they will vote with you and do their full share to make the South rich, prosperous? and happy. At this time the only articles made in this country subject to national taxation are whisky, tobacco, and beer. They have been continued so long only to pay expenses growing out of the war, such as pensions and interest ou the public debt, aud because from their very nature the tax cannot be levied by State authority. If Tennessee Bhould tax the production of manufacture of whisky, tobacco, or beer, it would only drive the manufacture into neighboring States which levied no such tax. Another reason why these articles are taxed by Congress is that the tax is easily and cheaply collected, and is more freely paid than any other. In this way over $100,000,000 of national revenue is raised. But these taxes, though not felt as a serious burden, can be dispensed with, reduced, or modified whenever it is deemed best. There 3 till remain the duties levied on Imported goods, and in the mode of doing this liep the main issue between the Republican and Democratic parties. Both parties concede that these taxes or duties on goods imported from foreign countries must be, as they have been in the paflft, the main source of national revenud.’ Tthe Democratic party claims, however, that they shall be levied for revenue only, while the Republican party claims that, while levied for revenue, they should be so adjusted as to protect, foster, and encourage American industry. The domestic production of manufactured articles in the United States for the year 1886 is rouldly estimated at $5,500,000,000, of which amount about one-half, or $2,500,000,000, are domestic articles which oompete with foreign’ productions. The amount of importations from abroad in 1886 was of the value of $625,000,000. The revenue received from the duties on these articles amounted to $188,000,000, making an average rate of duty of about 30 per cent. Tho general idea of the Democratic party is to levy these duties by such a rate approaching an ad&ilorem average rate as probably would produce the requisite revenue. The Republican idea is practically embodied in the tariff laws as they now exist. , Of the $625,000,000 of goods imported, $211,000,000 —or more than one-third—are now admitted duty free. The remaining $414,000,000 are subject to duties varying from 10 per cent, to over 100 per cent, it is the general policy of the law to admit free of duty all articles of foreign production that cannot be produced in this country, for which we have not the natural soil aud climate, and yet which are in common use in every family here, such as tea, coffee, and similar articles. The second rule is to admit free of duty all raw articles which cannot be produced in t‘-is country and are the necessary basis of domestic manufactures. Such articles as chemicals, indigo, sulphur, indin rubber, raw silk and the like are admitted free of duty: Under this provision perhaps 500 art cit s described in sixteen pages of the document I hold in my hand, Being the annual report of the imported merchandise for consumption in the United States for the year 1886, are admitted free of duty. On the remaining articles of import, embracing probably more than 1,000 in number, the whole customs duties are collected, amounting to $1h8.000,000. These are ■ classified into: First, luxuries, consisting * of wines, liquors, and ci are —articles con- : stlmed mainly by the rich, which pay duty at a rate approaching or above 1(0 per cent, i These are articles which cannot be readily smuggled, can be certainly described and

yield a large revenue. Jewelry, difisonds, and the like are articles of luxury, upon which the highest duty is levied that can be collected, but as they are easily concealed on the person, and, therefore, easily smuggled, rates of duty are imposed upon them as high os experience shows can be collected. There are also classed as luxuries a large amount of expensive dress goods, such as silks, fine clothß, satin or furbelows, aud the like, mainly for gentlemen’s and ladies' wear, which also pay a high rate of duty, and are purely articles of luxury or ornament consumed by the rich. The next class of articles are those which enter into competition with domestic manufactures, such as cotton goods, linen goods, woolen goods, aud innumerable articles made out of metals, and also raw articles like iron, coal, and similar natural products. Upon these articles are such a duty levied as will, without destroying competition, give to the domestic manufacturer of similar articles what may be called a protective duty ranging from 26 to 75 per cent., sufficient to encourage their manufacture in this country, and thus to increase and diversity our products. There is a third class of duties on a great variety of articles which come into competition with tho productions of the farmer and the planter. Among these are wool, live animals, wheat, and various forms of grain, sugar, rice, and other productions of the South. On these such a duty is levied as will encourage our farmers in producing every article of agriculture suited to our climate and soil. Under these general groupings may be classed all the numerous articles embraced in the tariff, with duties on each carefully adjusted for the protection of home industry. This protective policy has been recommended by every President of the United States prior to Martin Van Buren, and by statesmen of all sections, but was never put into.effective force until the ascendency of the Republican party in 1861. The first really protective tariff was passed in the closing hours of Mr. Buchanadministration, and is purely a Republican measure, though signed by him. We have had now an experience of twentyfive years under this system, and we can judge of its effects by actual results; In 1860 the total manufactures of the United States were estimated at $180,000,000, including every variety of mechanical employment. As I have already stated, these have increased to over five billion dollars in value aud nearly five-fold in quantity, and they include almost every article essential for human life. In the production of all these articles there is now free trade and close competition in the United States, and the price has been greatly reduced on all of them. They embrace almost every article used on the farm, in the workshop, and in nine-tenths of the families of the United States. Our industry is so diversified that there is hardly an object of desire outside of luxuries of the rich that is not produced in’, the United States,, and our home industries are rapidly displacing the foreign article ot similar character and quality. ■Formerly manufactures were confined to a small region of the country, mainly in New England and the East, and now these manufactures are diffused all over the United States, especially in the North, and rapidly extending to the South, especially to Tennessee aud Alabama. In tnis way we bring together the consume# and the producer of nearly all the articles necessary to human life and happiness. We give to the farmer a home market for home products, so that now of all the products of the farm over 90 per cent, is consumed in this country, and less than 10 per.ceht. exported abroad, though the aggregate of exportation of food products amounts to nearly $500,000,000. In this way also we secure to, T tho laboring man far better wages than are paid in any country of Europe, enable him to be self-reliant and self-respecting, to educate* his children, and to enjoy the substantial comforts of life. It is this system, by which onr industries have been increased and diversified, which makes this country, others, the strongest, the richest, and<|(appiest among the nations of the world. You in Tennessee are now beginning to enjoy the benefits of this system. Vou have, perhaps, in your State a greater variety of natural resources than any other. You are as deeply interested in the tariff question as Pennsylvania, for there is nothing in the way of natural resources in Pennsylvania that you do not possess in Tennessee. All that is needed to make your State rich and prosperous beyond all former experience is to accept the* Republican policy of protection. Indeed, all that is needed iu Tennessee is- that it should become a Republican State. If the Democratic party has any fixed creed or policy it is in opposition to protection. Mr. Carlisle, in his recent speech in Boston, says that the Democratic party is unalterably opposed to any tax except for revenue only. But I sometimes doubt whether it has any creed or policy. I do not doubt the integrity and honesty of purpose of our Democratic neighbors, but 1 do doubt their capacity as a party to deal with thßse great business questions. Take another question, in which you are as deeply interested as any portion of the people of the United States, and that is the currency question. | Mr. Sherman here eulogized the financial policy of the Republican party. ] He said: Within a .few days I have been in Cuba, and had an experience with this kind of money. A gold dollar was worth 100 cents; a paper dollar was worth 40 cents, and intrinsically worth nothing. Why is it the Democratic party in the olden times, when it had almost continuous power, could not deal with the currency question? It was simply because, from their narrow notions of the powers of the National Government, they would not allow, or denied the power of Congress to provide, a national currency. Tne untohj, loss by their system of finance to the peo--ple of all the West can only be measured by hundreds of millions of dollars.

So also as to the education of the people. The Republican party is in favor of aiding the States in the education of illiterate children by liberal appropriat ons of public money. This is considered an object of the highest public policy, for without intelligeuce no people can safely be trusted with political power. This is especially true as to the South, where a large population has been converted by the results of war into citizens with political power. In the last Congress the Senate of the United States passed a bill making a large and liberal prov sion to aid the States in the education of their children. The Democratic party has thus far been able to defeat the proposition. I notice from the message of your Governor that he is in harmony with the Republican party on this question. Take also the question of internal improvements, I believe, in common with the ltepubl can party, that it is the dnty of Congress, from money in Treasury not otherwise appropriated, from time to time to make proper appropriations for national improvements. , ■ Continuing Mr. Sherman said that if 1 “Jim” Blaine had been President he would htrave signed the Bill that Cleveland vetoed. ■ At the conclusion of his speech Mr. Sherman was enthusiasti ally app auded ] and was congratulated on all sides, many ; Democrats crowding to the platform to thank him for his words of fraternal kindness. *