Rensselaer Republican, Volume 19, Number 6, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 14 October 1886 — CAMPAIGN ISSUES. [ARTICLE]

CAMPAIGN ISSUES.

Speech of Senator John A. Logan, of Illinois, Delivered at Pittsburgh, Pa. The Democracy’s Broken Promises — Our Prosperity Under Protection. All thought and action follow certain linos from training, and after a time these Hues become set and are only changed with great difficulty. Whero no change is attempted, we have just to follow tho line of the past to discover the direction that will be pursued in the future. So with the history of parties ; where their platforms remain the same, wo can only Judge of their future usefulness by what they have accomplished in tho past. Tho party now In power in this land has writteh its history. After noarly twenty five years of supremacy, that party was reliovod in 1861, and to-day but one measure enacted in accord with its financial policy remains on the statute books, to wit, the independent treasury system. Its financial dogmas maintained then and advocated now, have all been abandoned by the country. The pet doctrine of this Democratic party, which it still fanatically clings to—State sovereignty—went down in a war waged by the Southern half of the party, backed by the sympathy and assistance of their Northern allies. At tho close of this disastrous rule, when the Republican party came to the rescue of our government, they found that tho financial and tariff policy of their defeated opponents had brought tho country to its lowest level, without credit at home or abroad. Certainly there is naught in this record of Democratic control to inspire the hope that its present course in the management of the government will improve. The Republican party was defeated in the last election for the reason that the Domocratio party had for twenty years persistently made unfounded charges of delinquency in the administration of the affairs of the Government, until the cry was raised by a great many people for a chango, for the purpose of ascertaining the truth or falsity of the charge. The Democratic party entered upon their search with an earnest zeal, inspired by jealous malice and a longing desire tofasten upon the Republican party the same character of corruption in the administration of the Government aB had marked their regime! After a most minute and painstaking examination of every transaction of the Government for the last twenty-five years, the old Democratic party, disappointed and disheartened, snaringly admit that the record} of the Republican party for purity and official integrity is the marvel of the world. Controlling this Government during a time when the most stupendous collections and disbursements of money were made of any time during its history, no man can point to a single case where the Government was defrauded that the defaulter was not pursued, and the cases of actual loss to the Government are so rare that they can he enumerated on the fingers of any hand. The percentage of loss during the Republican administration will defy comparison with the history of any Government on earth. When the Republican party assumed control of the Government, we established a system of currency that avoided all the evils experienced under the Democratic theory. The national banking system, the child of the Republican party, is constantly threatened by Democratic opposition, and should be restored to the care of the party of its invention. The Immense capital invested in the banks and the vast amount of their loans and assets would render a radical change in the system inimical to the conservative business interests of the whole country. We find the Democratic party ready at all times to seize upon any quack system of finance for the payment of the public debt, that promises destruction to our credit and our honor In the future. At the same time, it bitterly opposes every advanced step taken by our party, and when we made our currency equal to coin we had to overcome their bitter opposition. So their opposition extended to all the great measures'proposed by the Republican party. They have ever opposed our tariff system, and I desire to discuss this tariff ip a plain, common sense, and business-like manner. I promise to advance nd theories, but simply to recall to your minds historical facts, and leave them to justify my tariff convictions. lam a tariff man from principle, and what led to my convictions I propose briefly to discuss. Immediately after the formation of our present Government, and as the second act of the Federal Congress, a tariff bill was passed, and signed by George Washington, which declared in its preamble that such a measure was “necessary” for the “discharge of the debts of the United States, and the encouragement and protection of manufactures.” By a study of the commercial history of our country, I find this political measure followed by an unusual business activity, and a rapid increase In the number of our manufactures. Prior to the Revolution, you will remember, it had been the policy of England to crush the rising industries of the Colonies, and that this was one of the leading causes of the war for independence. Those far-seeing statesmen —the framers of our Constitution and organizers of our Government—readily perceived the necessity for fostering our manufactures and protecting our labor in order to make the country self-sus-taining. This system worked so well that at the

next Congress the law was extended. The prosperity of the people continued, and In 1812 they were enabled to sustain themselves in the war waged with England and win the victory. Immediately following this war English merchants attempted, by a concerted plan, to glut the American market with manufactured goods andforce the suspension of our manufactures, even at a temporary loss to themselves, thattheir harvest might be the richer when their competition in this country had been broken down. The scheme failed, owing to the prompt action of Congress in enacting the tariff -law of-181fi, whichisreaily the basis ot our American system of protection. Again, referring to our commercial history, I find this period marked by the increased prosperity of the people. This was followed in 1824 and 182 S by laws extending the scope of the tariff acts already on the statute books. But now.came a division in the previous almost unanimous Bentiment 4 of the country in reference to protection. The South, fostering slavery, had devoted all her energies to making that traffic profitable, and had not kept pace with tho North in advancing her manufactures. She saw with jealous eye the independent position attained by the North through hir varied industries, and instead of discerning the real reason for their sluggard pace, the leaders of the South seized upon the tariff as the cause of their condition. Such a clamor came from the South for free trade that the tariff men consented to a compromise and passed the act of 1832, which modified the existing law. This action was secured by the craft of the Southern leaders in consolidating their people upon the two doctrinos of State rights and free trade.’ But, as all compromises have ever proven, this one was a failure, and while it gave a Bet-back to our rapidly increasing interests of the North, was not satisfactory to the Southerners, who openly rebelled in South Carolina. But President Jackson soon quelled this disturbance, and tho free trade advocates claimed to be satisfied with the Clay compromise of 1833, which was a square backdown from the advanced,jioaition occupied by the tariff men, and proved a costly blunder. Our industries were from that time on the wane, and the commercial distress of 1837 is traceable to this compromiso. The advocates of free trade, having secured full power, through the aid of the kindred doctrines of State rights and slavery, in 1816 passed the free trade act of that year, and then followed such financial panic and business depression this country had never experienced. The furnaces of Pennsylvania ceased to burn, tho rich mountains were no longer mined, and the growing manufactures of the State were paralyzed.lnfant industry,that required the watchful care of a protecting Government, was ruthlessly destroyed by the adoption of this freetrade heresy. But in 1861 the Republican party came into power, bearing upon its victorious banners the magio inscription of the glorious trinity, “Unity, freedom and protection.” With this cry hod the victory bf 1860 been wbn, and right nobly did the party proceed to impress these doctrines upon the policy of the Government. By the genius of the Republican party the tariff act of 1864 was passed, and our sleeping energies were at once aroused, and the diversified industries of the country wore once more cherished and fostered. What a contrast did our condition present to that of the Confederacy during the four and a half years of struggle. In opposition to our policy of protection, tho Confederate Constitution declared, in Section 8: “Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes, duties, imports and excises for revenue necessary to pay the debts, provide for the common defense, and carry on the Government of the Confederate States, but no bounty shall be granted from the treasury, nor shall any duty or tax on importations from foreign nations be laid to promote or foster any branch of industry.” Since then the Democratic platforms have followed in, theory nnd almost in words the Confederate constitution on this subject. By this policy, which they would have forced upon Government, they were left in a perfectly dependent condition, so far as manufactured articles were concerned, and they had absolutely no manufactures until the blockade was established. The Union blockade served the purpose of a prohibitory tariff, and forced the energies of the Southern people to be exerted in tho direction of manufacturing. On the other hand, the North daring the war, and the whole country since, under the wise policy of the American protective tariff, has made rapid strides along

the roads of prosperity in the direction of peace and plenty. Ana in spite of the vast destruction of property and shrinkage In values consequent upon a great war, our accumulations in this country have more than trebled since 186), when the aggregation of wealth from the time the Pilgrims first landed was 814,000,000,000 Surely we must look for some cause lor this vast increase over and beyond the natural growth of the country. Will any one say that prior to 1860 our people wore not as intelligent, were not as energetic as now ? Certainly not. But the genius and energy of the American people needed to oe directed ; their old-time feeble efforts required protection, and the statesmanship of tho Republican party gave that direction and protection. And to-day your ports may be closed to the world, and you may be denied eommunicatiou with all mankind, and yet the Amerioan people can live in oomfort, ease, and elegance. It may he well for your people to in•piiru os to tho benefits they have received under the prot-icting care of the tariff since 1861. In Pennsylvania the number of manufacturing establishments in 1860 was ‘22,363; in 1880, 31,2.5. Capital invested In 1860, 8130.055,004 /in 1880, 8174,449,003. Hands employed in 1860, 222,132; in 1880, 387,112. Wages paid in 1880, 860,369,105; in 1880, 8134,0,>5,304. Value of Sroduots in lffl ), 8290,121,188 ; in 188:), 8744,748,040. umber of acres in farms and values in 1860, 17,012,140 acres, Valued at 8062,050,707 ; in 1880, 20.060,455 acres, valued at 8975,689,410. In connection with the discussion of the interests of your State, I desire also to show what the protective tariff has done for my old State of Illinois. We have ten manufacturing counties which produce 8340,000,000, and ninety-two nonmanufacturing counties which produce 874,000,000. The average value of land in the manufacturing counties is $13.96 per acre, and in the non-manufacturing counties, 829.89. These figures are only produced to show the inereaso in the value of farm lands near manufacturing towns, where a home market Is furnished the farmer for his products. Under our system of protection farm products are to-day higher, while manufactured goods are lower than in 1800 The wages of labor are increased, while the cost of manufactured articles is diminished, and our annual accumulations amount to 35 per cent, of the profits of the whole World, and our people are in the best possible condition. Contrast this re-1 suit of the twenty-four years of Republican stewardship with the miserable record of the Democratic party np to 1860, when the Treasury was nearly bankrupt and the commercial Interests of the country were at the lowest ebb. The Government was forced to borrow money at an exorbitant rate of interest, and distress prevailed everywhere. What benefits have accrued to the whole country are realized only by the contemplation of these figures.

In 1860 the capital invested in manufactures in the United States did not amount to one-third of what is at present invested. The advance of wages from 1-00 to 1880 is 150 per oent.; increase in number of hands employed, 108 per cent. The excess in the amount of wages paid at present above the amount they would receive at the rate paid in 1860 Is over 8160,000,000. The value of property accumulated in the United States up to 1800, including slaves, was 814,000,000,000. In 1880 the aggregated value of property was 844,000.000,000, being an increase of 830,000,000,000 in twenty years. In twenty years of Republican rule these great developments have been brought about under tho RepublicanAmerioan policy, in contradistinction to the Democratic-English free trade, or “tariff for revenue only.” Whether we can say this vast growth, accumulation, and development is altogether attributable to the Republican party or not, it is evident that their system of finance and their tariff policy gave enoouragement to the people at home and abroad for investment, and the exercise of their greatest energies, out of which grew an inspiration that led the people with gigantic strides to the attainment of the greatnesß, power, wealth, and glory of this great Republic. If the people are going to enter upon the Democratic-English policy hereafter, as v better than the Republican-American policy, would it not be well for them to reflect and ask themselves the question whether.under Democratic rule this country has ever advanced on any line whatever, either in wealth, intelligence, or individual or national power, as compared with these conditions under Republican administration? At the end of Republican rule we found everything in this land peace, happiness, and prosperity, and shall we abandon a policy thafhas brought this about ? Will the farmers demand that our manufactures be shut down, and their home market destroyed ? Will the operatives of this country be so blind to their own interests as by their votes to help retain in power a party that attempts to destroy the business of their employers? • With the histories and accomplishments of these two parties contrasted, why hesitate in deciding which shall control our State and National Government ? What is there in the men or methods of the Democratic party to inspire confidence? Who believes that a Congressional session will ever close without an attempt being made by the Democratic party to destroy our tariff system? And shall the three thousand millions of dollars invested in manufactures, and the two and three-quarters millions of operatives, be left to the mercy of the tariff-tinkers of the Democratic party? It had been frequently asserted by the Democratic party that our commerce suffered under Republican rule. That has been proven over and over again to be absolutely untrue. Our exports since 1861 have- amounted trover 000,030,000, or one-third more under twenty-four years of Republican rule than the exports had hitherto aggregated.

The Democracy ignorantly confounded our commerce with our carrying trade, and have demonstrated their ability, or lack of ability, to increase that trade by their course since they have controlled the national administration. One of the first acts of this administration was to crush and destroy the first man who had made it possible for American shipping to;compete with the world. Not satisfied with the stinging blow, a Democratic Postmaster General impudently refused to pay the mail subaidy voted by Congress for the transportation of mails in American ships, and allowed our mails to be carried in foreign bottoms. The Democratic party has had control of this Government during one session of Congress, and we may fairly jndge of it by its works. That party came into power on the promise to administer this Government more economically than the Republican party had, and to correct abuses that had crept into the public service. Where is the evidence of economy, and what abuses have been corrected? This year Congress appropriated millions of dollars more than the Republican party has appropriated for several years, and then they did not appropriate within millions of what the Democratic estin/ato called for. We were promised a navy, hut no step has been taken for the fulfillment of fbat promise, but the time of that session was spent in an inglorious attempt to destroy our protective tariff. The country has been searched for men to represent us abroad whose only object a few years ago was to destroy this Government. We have been harrassed with pettv quarrels with failed 11 to show’ any nerve in demanding the rights of American citizens. This constitutes the record of the present administration, and it is a fair average of Democratic statesmanship and ability. Is there anything in this showing that tends to convince the mind of the wisdom of continuing this party in power? This administration refused to approve the few bills that were passed to relievo the poor soldiers who were unable to make the technical proof required by the department, as many of them are not, , but who have received injuries, severe and troublesome; injuries and disease contracted in the army. Yet because the proof did not come up to the standard the administration says he cannot- allow charity to step in the way of duty. Thisda' a very strange position for the administration to take. Is there no Buch thing as charity in a government? Is the cold rule to be applied to every human being who is unfortunate and cannot make the exact evidence required by the statutes, or is it a fact that the Government should reach out the hand of Charity and assist the poor unfortunate men who preserved it as a nation? Will the administration say that charity did not step in the way of duty when thousands of dollars were appropriated for the relief of the sufferers from the floods of the Mississippi and Ohio rivers? Was there any law making it incumbent on the Government to do this ? Was it not act of charity 1 Will he say that while he extended charity to a person who failed to perform his duty in the service of his country, and claimed to put a charitable construction upon this act, will he say he can not do that when a poor unfortunate soldier asks tho same favor extended to him ? Is this the policy of this administration? Widely does it differ from the sentiments of Mr. Lincoln, when he expressed the noble thought, “With ma’«ice toward none ; with charity for aIL" The charity that this administration seem 3 to extend is extended to those who were the enemies of the country, and not to those who were its friends. , v What will Pennsylvania do? Will she elect her State ticket, or will she do as once before, let thia large Republican majority be frittered away .to nothing? General Beaver, who Is your candidate for Governor, is an able man, a gentleman, and an honest man, and certainly it 5 is not to his discredit that he was a brave and - gallant soldier, and lost one of his limbs while leading the Pennsylvania boys to victory against those who were trying to destroy the Government. He now marches forth on two crutches. Is that to be despised, or is it to his credit ? Is thejte no longer sympathy, no longer gratitude in the breasts of the American people? I believe there is, and that the gratitude of the people of Pennsylvania will assert itself in the November elections, and place as Chief Magistrate of this great State one of her noblest sens. General Beaver. i 1