Rensselaer Republican, Volume 18, Number 32, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 15 April 1886 — IRELAND FOR THE IRISH. [ARTICLE]

IRELAND FOR THE IRISH.

Mr. Gladstone, in an Earnest Speech, Lays Before Parliament His HomeRule Scheme. It Contemplates a Dual Parliament at Dublin, with General Power of Imposing Taxes. It Is Opposed by Mr. Trevelyan and Partially Indorsed by Mr. Parnell, The Parnelltte members of the British House of -Common* commenced to secure desirable seats soon after daybreak on the moraine of tne Bth inst., and held them for eleven hours, until Mr. Gladstone made his appearance. ‘ The thoroughfares tn the vicinity were se crowded as to cause a suspension of traffic. Tbe Premier was in excellent health; and was greeted by deafening applause, which lasted some minutes. As soon as the cheering ceased Mr. Gladstone rose and moved for permission to introduce a bill to amend previous legislation and to make provision for the future Government of Ireland. On making this motion Mr. Gladstone said: “The time has arrived when both honor and duty require Parliament to come to a decisive resolution. It should be the endeavor to liberate Parliament from the restraints under which, during late years, it has ineffectually struggled, and to restore legislation to its unimpaired course. It is our duty to establish harmonious relations between Great Britain and Ireland on a footing of free institutions, in which Englishmen, Scotchmen and Irishmen have a like interest." This sentiment was greeted with prolonged cheers. As scon as quiet was restored, Air. Gladstone entered upen a brief review of the general features of past legislation for Ireland. He dwelt upon . the coercive and repressive measures wnich had baen put in force from time to time, and deprecated any further resort to the rude remedies of intimidation. “Sine® the year 1833,* he said, ' only two years have passed without coercive legislation for Ireland ; and, iu spite of all this, the law continues to be disregarded, because it is invested, in the eyes of the Irish, with a foreign aspect- Were further coercjou to be successful, it would require two conditions —autocracy of: the Government, and the secrecy of public transactions. IParncllite cheers, i The mainspring of the law in England is felt to be English; in Scotland to be Scotch: hut jri Ireland" it is not felt to he Irish. The first condition of civilized life in Ireland demands that tire people have confidence iu the law and sympathy therewith. The problem, therefore, before Parliament at the present time is to reconcile imperial unity with the diversity of legislatures." He believed that the Government had found tho solution of this problem in the establishment of a Parliament at Dublin for the conductsof business, both legislative and administrative. (Loud cheers by the Paraellites. i “The political equality of the three countries." said Mr. Gladstone, “must be recognized, 'therefore, there must be an equitable distribution of the imperial funds. The peculiar circumstances evicting in Inland also make it necessary to establish safeguards for the minority in that country. The Government willba obliged to consider tli • closrcßS-' nicted with the land , end the relations, which' they will sustain with the Piotestant minority. As Ireland is to have.a domestic Legislature, it will, therefore, be impractical).e for Irish representatives to come here.” “The intention of tlie Government bill," Mr. Gladstone said, “is that the Parliament at Dublin shall be a dual body. It is to be composed of two orders, each of which shall have the power to veto tbe nets of the other. The first order will include 103 members ; the second order'2oC. Twenty-eight of the present Irish Peers will continue to sit ifi the House of Lords, ufid niey wiirbe gfftfitrtrtlie Option to have life seats in the first Irish order. The office of Viceroy of Ireland will not be discontinued. The bill intends that the Viceroy shall remain, and that the office shall hereufter be lion-political that is. the incumbent of tbe office will not be expected to retire with the downfall, of the British Ministry.” Mr. Gladstone continued: “If I read Irish history aright, misfortune and calamity have wedded her sons to tlieir soil with an embrace yet closer than is known elsewhere, and the Irishman is still more profoundly Irish; but it does not follow that because his local patriotism is strong he should be incapable ol an imperial patriotism. There are two modes of pres enting the subject which I have argued; oue of them is to present what we now recommend ns good, and the other is to present it as a choice of evils, and as the least among the varied evils with which as possibilities jre ace. confronted. Well, I have argued the matter as if it had been a choice of evils. * * * Ido not know- whether it may appear toojbold, but in my own heart I cherish the hope that this, is not merely a choice of the lesser evil, but that it may be proved to he ere long a good in itself. |Loud cheers. | “There is, I know, ail answer to this, and what is the answer? The answer is only found in the X’iew which rests upon a basis of despair, of absolute condemnation of Ireland and Irishmen as exceptions to those beneficial provisions which have made in general, Europeans in particular, Englishmen and Americans capable of selfgovernment; that an Irishman is a lusus nature ; that justice, common sense, moderation, natural prosperity, have no meaning for him; that all that be eau understand and all that he can appreciate is Btrife—perpetual dissension. Now, sir, I am not going to argue in this House whether this view, this monstrous view |lrish cheers 5 , is a correct one. I say an Irishman is as capable of loyalty as another man [renewed cheers]; but if "his loyalty has heen checked, why it is because the laws by whrch he is governed do not present themselves to him as they do to us in England or Scotland with a native and congenial element. ” In conelusiouj Mr. Gladstone said: “lasktha* we shall practice as we have very often preached, and that in our own case we should be firm and fearless m applying the doctrines we have often inculcated on others, that the concession of local self-government is not the way T to sap and impair, but to strengthen and consolidate unity. lask that we should learn to rely less on mere written stipulations, and more on those better stipulations written on the heart and mind of man. I ask that we should apply to Ireland the happy experience we have gained in England aud Scotland, where a course of gen--erations has now taught us, not as a dream or a theory, but as a matter of practice and of life, that tlie best and - surest foundation we can find to build on is the foundation afforded by the affections and convictions'andx will of man, and that it is thus by the decree of the Almighty, far more than by any other method, we may be enabled to secure at once the social happiness, the power, and the permanence of the empire.” Mr. Gladstone spoke three hours and twentyfive minutea explaining his measure. He resumed his seat amid bursts of enthusiastic cheers, which were sustained for several minutes. When the applause had subsided Mr. Trevelyan, who,.with Mr. Chamberlain,-.recently resigned from the Cabinet, addressed the House of Commons in opposition to Mr. (Gladstone’s bill. “For my part,” said he, “I have no hesitation in saying that I think complete separation of Ireland fro n Great Britain would he preferable to tho plan of government that had just been -proposed. We should then know the worst at once.” At the conclusion of Trevelyan s speech, Mr. Parnell arose, and was received with cheers by the Irish members. As to the hill before the House, while reserving his full expression of opinion until hs had sesn it, Mr. Parnell congratulated the House on the-fact that there was still living an English statesman who cpuld devote his attention to this important matter, and begged to thank Mr. Gladstone for v\ hut would not only prove a benefiefal measure, from the Irish point of view, but which he believed would be found to be of equal benefit to England. The bill, nevertheless, contained blots which the Irish renresentatives would do their bast to remove. On the whole, however, apart from thee'Pile fect3,he believed the measure would be cheerfully accepted by the Irish petopl? and their representatives as a satisfactory lo'.ution of the long-standing dispute between the two countries.