Rensselaer Republican, Volume 18, Number 13, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 3 December 1885 — Page 2

FA *W*" Boom from his ioortiey, Farmer John Arrived tfila Korning, safe stud sound; Bis black boat off, and his old shoes on, “Now I'm myself.* said Farmer John; And he thinks, ‘l*ll Hook around." Bp leaps the dog : “Get down, you pup! Axe you so glad you would eat meflfpV' The old cow looks at the gate, to greet him; The horses pricked up their ears, to meet him. • “Well, well, old Bay 1 Ra, ha, old Gray I Do you get good feed when I am away ?” n. •You haven't a rib,” says Fanner John; “The cattle are looking round and sleek; The colt is going te ba a roan. And a beauty, too; how he has grown t We’ll wean the calf in a week." Says Farmer John, “When I’ve been off, To call yon again about the trough. And watch you and pet you while you drink, la a greater comfort than you can think 1" And he pets old Bay, And he slaps old Gray; •Ah I this is the comfort of going away.* in. ■For, after all," John, “The best of a journey is getting home ; I’ve seen great sights, but I wouldnot give This spot, and the peaceful life I live, For all their Paris and Borne; These hills for the city’s stifled air, And big hotels, and bustle and glare; Land all houses, and roads ail stones, That deafen your ears and batter your bonos Would you, old Bay? Would you, old Gray? That’s what one gets for going away." rv. •There Money is king,” says Farmer John, “And Fashion is queen; and it's mighty queer To see how sometimes, while the mail 'la raking and scraping all he can, < The wife spends, every year, " Enough, you would Think, for a score of wives, To keep them in luxury all their lives 1 The town is a perfect Babylon To a quiet chap," says Farmer John. “You see, old Bay, You soe, old Gray, Im wiser than when I went away." > v,/ ' V. "I’ve found out this,” says Farmer John, “That happiness is not bought and sold, And clutched in a life of waste and harry. In nights of pleasure aud days o; worry; And wealth,isn’t all in gold, Martga o and stocks, and ten per cent., But in simple ways and sweet content. Few wants, pufe hoj>es, and noble ends. Some land to till', and a few good friends Like you, old Bay, Like you, old Gray— That’s what i’ve learned by going away.” VI- < And a happy man is Farmer John; O, a rich and happy man is he 1 He sees the peas and pumpkins growing. The corn in tassel, the buckwheat blowing, And fruit on vine and tree; The large, kind oxen look their thanks, As he rubs their foreheads, and strokes their flanks, The doves light round him and strut and coo; gays Farmer John, “I’ll take you, too— And you, old Bay, And you, old Gray, Next time IJtravel so far away.” — -J, T. Trowbridge.

UPRISING IN THE EAST.

Recent Unwritten History of Hen and Events in European Turkey. Doings that Led Up to the Step—The Leaders Who Are at the Head of the Warriors. In all probability, writes a Paris correspondent to the New York Times, there will be war before the spring of 1886, and, if for no other reason, because campaigning in Bulgaria is quite impossible after the Ist of October, at least in such a way as to bring about a definite solution of the various questions at issue. AVe . may then take it nearly for granted that the winter will be passed m negotiations which may or may not put off the hour of reckoning, but that the end is at hand. And during that winter ■will come u£ and bo settled another question, that of alliances, which, after all has been said, is the one great question that preoccupies the continental cabinets. Here no one can venture to speak save at a guess, for it is just as likely that the Sultan and King George of Greece will work together as that the latter shall be thrown in with the Serbs, dislike of the Slavs being as great among the Hellenes as ever was their hatred for the Osmanli. That the Turks, if not interfered with by Russia, can crush Serbs, Bulgarians, and Greeks, either separately or united, no' one can doubt who watched the events of eight years back, and having seen the various Balkanian McGregors on their native heaths has learned the truth of the local saying that “one Montenegrin equals three Turks, six Serbs, and ten Bulgarians, and has but one peer, the Albanian.” But, as with the crushing e>f the aforesaid, or rathef after that crushing, both Russia, and Austria would be fmced to interfere in favor of their respective pets, diplomacy intends to do what it can to avoid a conflict which must result in a general European conflagration. But Ido not propose to discuss the probabilities of any particular combination, believing that all combinations, even the most unlikely, are possible. I simply wish to tell something of the promise's of that revolution, which, beginning in the valley of the Maritza, may end—heaven knows where; and aleo something, from my personal relations, of those,, who have already played, or who are destined to play, leading'parts in that tragi-comic drama on which the curtain rose last month at Philippopoplis. Great astonishment was manifested by all who followed the Bulgarian question since the constitution of the principality, in 1879, that Prince Alexander should have adopted the views of M. Petko lvaravelof, toward whom , although now his prime minister, he had, in 1879, 1880, and 1881, alwas exhibited sentiments of repugnance and animosity, chiefly—l may say entirely —-because the individual was the leader of the liberal party, representing the opinions of the mass of the nation, as of the 192 members composing the’ Narydue Sobranil 180 belonged to it. This, party made no Secret of its tendencies, which were toward a revival of -the treaty of Si n Stefanoand so worked, having agents in Macedonia as well as in Roumelia, wheTe their propaganda m met with unanimous sympathy among the populations. Prince Alexander's situation was extremely difficult. The constitution of Tirnova admitting the principle !of universal suffrage, the Bulgarian chamber was ruled by the Sophia committee,, composed of men whose platform was the union of the Bulgarian people under the same administration, which, they asserted, would be to the advantage of the nation, weighed down at present by expenses imposed by the organic statue, which it could not support in consequence of the paucity of its financial resources. Twice in the space of three months —twice did the Prince dissolve the chamber, which had always elected Karavelof as President, MM. Sla▼eikof and Zankof Vice Presidents, and then it was that the so-called National Liberty Party forwarded to the cabinets of all jthe powers which were signers of the Berlin treaty their program developing their Aspirations, “as set forth in our journal, Bulgarian Union.” The title of this ,'ofgan of the Liberal party was in itself significant, and the contents of its columns 'were fiot less so. One or two solutions were offered to the sovereign—either he jmust govern with the party whose platform Iwas the violation of the Berlin treaty in its !most essential parts, or he must upset the jeonstitntioßi He elected for the latter; the Bussiaja General, Erwsjth, was appointed

„ , . .. tt *„ President of the Ministerial Council, martial law Stas proclaimed throughout the principality, and the Liberal leaders, Motko Karavelof, Zankof, Slaveikof and Soukiiarof were imprisoned. In so doing Prince Alexander gave satisfaction to the Berlin and Vienna cabinets, who insisted upon the maintenance of the treaty of 1878, and at the same time and equally to the cabinet of St. Petersburg, which for different motives wished Austria and Germany to understand that it was in favor of peace, and in noway encouraged Bulgarian aspirations to entire independence. But, on the other hand, the Bulgarians were dissatisfied, and the agitation which followed this coup d’etat convinced Battenburg that, wishing to keep his throne, he must re-establish the constitution, which he did two years later. And here begins to be seen darkly, and as through a glass, “the effect of some foreign influence, as some think, although unable tfl name exactly what that influence is. More probably the Prince began to appreciate the.inconveniences resulting from foreign influence, and so frankly adopted the ideas, hopes, aed policy of the liberal party, which, since 1881, has become the only party in the country. Prince Alexander has been happily inspired. He is the tool of the Liberals, it may be, but he has regained all his popularity, and his 'deposition would be the causey of the most serious agitation throughout the whole peninsula of the Balkans. And it is precisely these velleities of independence which has rendered Russia so antagonistic to the Bulgarian union, which she advocated in 1878. Last year Aleko Pasha was not renominated as Governor of Eastern Roumelia in consequence of his unwillingness to submit Russia, dictation, and a creature of Russia, Gavril Christovich, was appointed, who concluded with the Russian Consul General Sorokiue a treaty by which he engaged himself, formally, to obey in all points any order sent from St. Petersburg. With Gavjil was also appointed, as vice Governor, a native, one Rnischof, formerly a village schoolmaster, also a marionette of the Russian Consul General, the feebleness of whose character and whose want of intelligence were proverbial, and, this leaking out, the people became indignant. Sorokine introduced a system of terrorism; civil employes and gendarmes reigned supreme. and the project of the promised union was pigeonholed.

And so matters went on from bad to worse until toward the month of February, 1885, when the Oppoltscheutz societies which had been used by Sorokine to overthrow Aleko Pasha, broke with the directing clique, and, joining with Liberals, began preparations for a national movement. Last March a secret committee headed by' Zacharii Stojanof was formed and began the publication of a newspaper, the Barba, in which the situation was exhibited. Very soon the Barba became the most extensively read journal in the province, and gained partisans ever day to the idea of immediate action, notwithstanding the assurances of the officious and official organ and of Sorokine that the moment was not propitious; that, as Russia was not yet prepared to second it, any movement in Roumelia and Macedonia must be abortive. Every argument was useless; the people knew that they emanated from the same source which a twelvemonth before had preached in favor of union,- and so in July the headquarters of the conspirators were transferred from Philippopolis to Dusseen Deri, a village situated at au hour’s distance from the capital, where thek chiefs would be in safety. The only danger apprehended was from the Vomaki, a Greek population of the Aehmet Agha, which, in exchange for the complete independence of the territory, guaranteed its strict neutrality. This treaty was signed in August, and on September 16—September 28 for us—the rising was to take place. But some one was indiscreet; several districts pronounced, and the goriefnment was obliged to act. The arrest of Stojonof and eighty others' were ordered for the 18th —new calendar—and’in prevision of this the insurrection broke oirt immediately. Major Katjscho and Capt. Sokolef countermanded the orders given by Gen. Drygalski, Majors Nikolaief and Filof relieved the guard stationed at the Governor’s koreak, a detatcirment of gen d’armie on its march to GoleruoKoreare was dispersed by the mutineers, and Gen. Drygalski himself was driven into his lodgings by a company of militia which he supposed, having so ordered it, to be encamped two miles from the capital. The rest you know. The details were communicated to me by the members of the revolutionary committee by which were prepared the expulsion of Gavril Pasha and the Bulgarian union.

Of the individuals who have most contributed to the enfranchisement of the Bulgarians, the most oppressed of all the nationalities subject to the rule of Islam, several have especially distinguished themselves, aud among these the two most remarkable are Karavelof aud Zankof, on whose shoulders has fallen tho mantle of the first apostles of Bulgarian independence. Hitovo, Toton, and Giorgie Karavelof, whose attempts at an insurrection were so mercilessly crushed by Midhat Pasha iu 18G7. Hitovo was killed, Totou disappeared in the Balkans, Giorgie Karavelof escaped into Servia, and thence directed an active propagandum among his compatriots, with whom he acquired great popularity, and among whom he organized committees of action in 1875 and 1876. Giorgie, however, died before his dreams were realized, on the very day that Sistov fell into the hands of Russia, but his place was filled so immediately by his brother, Petko, that few in#n even among the Bulgarians themselves know that the present ministerial President and the patriot of 1869 are two different individuals. Petko had lived iu Russia, and followed tho Russian army, where his intelligence, and energy were so highly appreciated that he was appointed sub-Gov - ernor to Gen. Tcherkasky in the fortress of Widden. After the peace he was elected as deputy to the chamber of Tirnova. and became distinguished for his oratorical talents, and his ultra-liberal political ideas. Karavelof, whom I knew at Bucharest in 1877, is one of the most repulsive men to look at whom I ever met. He is short, squat, disagreeable in his habits, wears long, unkempt hair, which it might be unpleasant to investigate, and is a worthy descended of those Ourgi who so disgusted the Byzantine Epicureans of the fifth century. His education is very limited; speak* French with difficulty, and his political tenets are strongly dashed with socialism, but his activity is prodigious, his patriotism sincere, and his popularity among his compatriots is strengthened by the support of the Panslavist committees of Moscow he is a powerful factor with which. Priqce Alexander is- obliged to keep on good terms.

Quite as popular, quite as iufluent as Karavelof, and of more ability, because better educated and more versed in tbe ways of diplomacy, is his political adversary, Dragan Zuiikof, Drag an, who is now 59 years of age, haq traveled. He was a schoolmate at Sistov and at Timova, and later professor of the Bulgarian language in the Turkish College at Constantinople. Galata-Serai was also a member of the Synod of the Bulgarian Church, composed of twenty-four persons, of whom twelve were chosen from the clergy and twelve from tbe most learned laymen of the com-, muuion presided over by the Exarch, when that personage resided in the city of the

Sultan, and it was during that period that he made the acquaintance of the French diplomats, to whom he was always sympathetic. When, in 1867 and 1869, the scission between the Exarchate of Bulgaria and the Greek Patriarchate took place, Zankof, distrusting Che vitality of the National Church, counseled submission to the Roman curia, and, in carder to set the example, embraced Catholicism, in which step he Certainly would have been followed by both the Exarch and'Synod but for the excessive pretentions of the Vatican, which resulted in the constitution of au independent Bulgarian church, remaining, however, attached to the Greek rite. In 1876, when I met hiipin Belgrade, he left his Constantinopolotan chair with Marco Bal&banof, visited in the name of the Bulgarian patriarch the European capitals, and published at London a circumstantial recital of the sufferings of his fellow-countrymen. In the following year Zankof accompanied the Russian army of invasion, and was named, first, Governor of Sistov, afterward of Tirnova, where he remained until the government of Prince Alexander was regularly established, when he entered the National Assembly, of which he was one of the Vice Presidents, and the real leader of the Liberal party—that is, of those who accepted the treaty of Berlin in its entirety. Although hostile to the conserva/ tives, Dragan accepted the post of ambassador to Constantinople under the cost servative ministry, and thus lost much of his popularity, the committee of the Bulgarian union, the Tzelokoupina Bulgaria, only agreeing to his appointment in the future ministry upon-the representation of a French engineer, M. 8.. who has played a very important part in this movement, by whom the leaders were convinced that a ministery of the Karavelof colon would be unacceptable to the continental powers. From,that time he and Karavelof have worked in harmony. Together they, organized the liberal opposition and paved the way for the present manifestation, which is the consecration of the liberal

platform. At present the liberal party is unique in Bulgaria. It has two camps—one a whip, the other a iory camp. The first is led by Zankof, the second by Karavelof; but their programme and tendencies are indentical. Karavelof is in power today; to-morrow it may be the turn of M. Dragan Zankof, who is better educated and shrewder than his rival. Just a few lines respecting that old Servia wjhich King Milan proposes to annex if he can. Old Servia did once belong to Servia, but' since the buttle of Kossova in 1389, when Amurath I. destroyed the Servian monarchy, it has belonged to the Arnaouts—not the Albanian Arnaouts, but the deeendants of those Serbs who alter Kossova embraced Islamism. Of all the provinces of the Turkish empire old Servia is the least known, its- ultra-fanatical,and ultra-turbulent population being hostile to all foreigners, of whom a remarkably small number have ever visited Arnaoutlik. Always on the war-path, these Arnaouts —the term in Turkish signifies valiant —move about in search of something to steal or somebody to kill, and, for choice, operate on their neighbors across the border. A part of their territory, including Nisch, Prokouplic, and Vrania, was annexed in 1879, but from what happened then we may anticipate a great deal of bloodshed how should King Milan put his ambitious designs into execution.

A Phenomenal Memory.

“You’d better put them down on a piece of paper,” said Mrs. S , when about to give her first order. 1 “Ob, no,” said Mr. S ; “my memory is good.” “Well, then,” began Mrs. S , “a spool of 60 Coates’ black thread.” “Yes,” said Mr. S“A yard of not too light and not too dark calico.” “Yes.” “A small hammer, a can of peaches of the Pasadena brand, dozen small pearl buttons, two yards of cardinal ribbon, silk on pne side and satin on the other.” “Yes,” said Mr. S , thoughtfully “A pair of Rippers for the baby, a dozen lemons, a good tooth-brush, a pineapple, two ounces of sky-blue Germantown yarn, an ounce phial of homoeopothic nux vomica pellets, a—“Wait a second," said Mr. S., counting on his fingers and looking perplexed. “And a bottle of vanilla extract, and a yard of triple box-pleated crepe lisse ruching, and three yards of smallchecked nainsook, and—” But Mr. S. had seized his hat and was running for the station. What the poor man brought home was a yard of bed-ticking, three yards of black crape, a bottle of vinegar, eight yards of nankeen, a scrub-brush, a* pound of green yarn, sixty spools of “coat thread,” a yard of very ligji£ and a yard of very black calico, and a pint bottle of homoeopath io pi 11s. “There, my dear,” he said, triumphantly, throwing down his numerous packages. “I don’t think you’ll find a thing missing. Who says a man can’t do shopping? My memory never played me false vet.” >

Pearls and Diamons.

A London expert tells me that of old t,the world received each year new diamonds of about $250,0011 in value on the average. Suddenly, from South Africa, comes a now supply, exceeding $20,000,000 worth each year for ten years. In consequence, the price of diamonds has steadily fallen from sls to $3.75. Of course, it is known that when they go over a comparatively insigaificant number of carats, diamonds take a leap, into the thousands. Brazilian diamonds are very fine stones, but no stones found there or in the South African diamond fields are as lustrous and beautiful as the gems in the gala decorations of East Indian Princes, and those which have been obtained in India during the past century by conquest and purchase. These come mainly from the mines of Golconda. The ex-Khedive of Egypt, Ismail Pasha, is said to have the finest collection of diamonds, rubies, and emeralds in the world aggregating several hundred thousand dollars in value.' Large rubies of a lurid, lustrous red, without a blemish, are scarcer than bid diamonds, and are consequently nu*-. valuable. Ex-Queen Isabella of Spain is said to have the finest pearls in the world, and the mysterious loss of many of the most valuable gems in the Spanish crown jewels set the tongues of Spanish courtiers going. King Alfonzo, Isabella’s affectionate son, probably [thinks his maimna’s continued absence a pearl beyond price.! Martyr —that which All religions have furnished in about equal proportions, so much easier is it to die for religion than to live for it

HENDRICKS IS NO MORE.

The Vice-President Dies Suddenly at His Indianapolis Home. He Was Alone in Hie Chamber When the Grim Messenger Summoned Him. I : ■ ■ • How the News Was Received Throughout the Country—The Presi* dent’s Action. The Details of a Distinguished Career —lmportant Political Questions Raised. i Death fell with appalling swiftness upon Thomas A. Hendricks, and the Vice-Presi-dency of the United States, in which vacancies have occurred with greater frequency than in the office which the place supplements, is again untenanted. The facts in cqtuiaetion. with the deceased statesman are few, for He pasShd away alone in his bedroom, where his devoted wife spent most of the day with him. He had attended a reV ceplion , party at Indianapolis the evening before, at which he wore a ljght dress suit, having discarded heavier for the

occasion. Upon returning home lie complained of being chilled. Aflet retiring he slept restlessly, and in the morning complained of pains in the abdominal region. : The family physician was called, and temporarily relieved the sufferer, who, however, was later compelled to lie down, and tossed uneasily on his couch. About 4:30 Wednesday aftemooon he complained of great pain, and at this lime was attended by his nephew and a colored servant. Suddenly the Vice President exclaimed, “I am free at last; send for Eliza”, (meaning his wife), who was in another room. The nephew retired with the message, and when Mrs. Hendricks entered the room she found her husband dead.

THE DEATH-BED SCENE. ,Particulars of the Vice President’s Sudden Collapse. Indianapolis telegrams give the following Earticulars of the death of the Vice President: ast night Mr. and Mrs. Hendricks attended a recept on at the residence of the ! Hon. John J. Cooper, Treasurer of State, returning home in their carriage about midnight. Mr. Hendricks had taken oil the heavy clothing which he usually wore and put on a dress suit of light material. Before he got home he complained of chilliness and a certain degree of exhaustion, but attributed it to malarial influences. He sat by the fire for an hour or more beforo retiring, but declined to send for . a physician, although urged to do so. He slept restlessly until about 8 o’clock this morning, when he arose, dressed himself, and ate j quite a hearty breakfast, saying that he felt I much better, and intended to attend to considerable delayed business diudog the day. He and Mrs. Hendricks walked out for nearly half an | hour, and he had apparently regained his physical vigor and cheerfulness. An hour later, however, he began to be troubled with pains in the region of his j stomach, and Mrs. Hendricks sent for the family physician, Dr. W. C. Thompson. As j the pain continued to increase, he was given an emetic, and afterward an injection, and finally relief came. He arose from his bed, in j which he had lain only a few minutes, and read the morning papers, talking cheerfully with his wife and an old houso servant. Just before noon he had a relapse, however, and the physician was again summoned, and administered the usual remedies,, besides bleeding tho patient. Mr. Hendricks again expressed himself as being greatly relieved. He remainfcTin his room all afternoon, occasionally rising from the bed, to which ho was compelled to return by tho recurrence of the abdominal painsi To callers who came, and they were numerous, he sent word that he was indisposed, but would 1 be glad to see theja to-morrow. About ) 4:30 o’clock Mrs. Hendricks, who had 1 been at his bedside all day, went to the parlor to see a caller, who had come to consult with her regarding the affairs of a reformatory of which she was one of the managers, and she remained with him about twenty minutes. Tom, a colored servant, and Harry THorgan, Mr. Hendricks’ nephew and page in Washington, remained with him. The servant went out, and Mr. Morgan staid. Mr. Hendricks tossed uneasily in his bed and complained of great pain, but suddenly it seemed to cease, and he said to his nephow: “I am free at last; send for Eliza,” meaning his wife, and these were his last words, for the young man, not realizing the urgency of the message, did not deliver it at once. Just before 5 o’clock Mrs. Hendricks came into j the room and found that her husband was dead, i The end of a long and eventful life had come peacefully and quietly. He lay on the bed, out- j side the covering, only partially disrobed, with i bis eyes half closed, as if he were in q,, gentle slumber. On his face there were no traces of pain or suffering, but a pallor had come over it which indicated only too plainly that he had passed away. It needed no close examination to tOU that he was dead, and Mrs. Hendricks screamed and ran down-stairs. A servant was dispatched to the residence of Dr. Thompson, adjoining, and he came immediately, but by the time ho had reached the bedside the limbs of the dead Vice President were becoming cold and rigid, and to Mrs. Hendricks’ pathetic appeal, “Oh! Doctor, can’t you do something?” he was obliged to answer, “It is too late." Mrs. Hendricks became almost distracted with grief, and it was an hour or more before she was sufficiently composed to give any information about her husbdfid's last moments. Tho family servants, two bf whom had lived with them for years, ran about tho house crying and moaning, and there was the utmost confusion for a time. Dr. Thompson says that in his opinion Mr. Hendricks died of paralysis of the brain. For several years he had not been a robust man, and was subject to frequent “bad spells,? as he caUed them, during which sometimes he would be prostrated for days at a time. About two years ago he was confined to his room for several weeks by a gangrenous affection of the foot which it was feared would result in blood-poison-ing. The news of Mr. Hendricks’ death spread rapidly throughout the city, and there was a general expression of sorrow over it. Those who were his politicaUy enemies here were his personal friends, and to everybody who called on him or met him he always had a dleasant word. There were crowds around the bulletin boards down town all the evening, while in the vicinity of his residence there was another crowd, all anxious to learn the particulars of his sudden demise. The evening could not cet out extras fast enough to supply the demand. He had been dead but a few minutes when forces of men began draping the State, County and City Buildings in black, and throughout the night similar emblems were

on nearfjr all the prominent business sea and residences, so that by morning the dty will have put on a funeral garb of mournMr. and Mrs. Hendricks had lived in Indianapolis for nearly thirty years. Mrs. Hendricks, who is a brilliant and accomplished woman,was of great aid to him ip his political career. Slice her husband’s serious attack two years ago, both of them have been apprehensive of a sudden end of his life, and the attachment between them has grown very strong—almost sentimentally so. So intense bad this become, in fact, that he would not consent for his wife to be away from him for any length of “time. Only last week while in Chicago he accompanied Mrs. Hendricks even on her shopping' expeditions. They had frequently talked over his condition and the probabilities of his early death, and it is evident that for several months past there has been a growing fear of this kind on his mind. Mr. Hendricks has no near relatives except a brother, who lives in Shelbyville, Ind., and a sister, the wife of Dr. Winslow S. Pierce, oiNew York. He owns considerable property in Indianapolis, but his entire fortune is estimated to be no more than 8100,000. It la known that it was his intention to abandon politics at the end of his term as Vice President. Only a few days before his death, in a confidential talk with a friend, he said: “The newspapers say I am a candidate for President in 1888, but it is not true. I shall not be a candidate under any circumstances. I was not a candidato for the position I now hold, but it was forced upon me, and now my political ambition is fully satisfied. I want to retire and pest for the remainder of my life.“i The funeral will bo held at St. 'Paul’s Cathedral, Indianapolis, Tuesday noon, and the remains will be laid in Crown Hill Cemetery. The body has been embalmed. Mrs. Hendricks declines to permit an autopsy, feeling certain that it was paralysis of the heart. Telegrams of condolence have been received from Samuel J. Tilden, David Davis, Senators Dawes and Edmunds, the Japanese Minister, Mrs. Gen. McClellan, and many others. About twonty Senators assembled in the Judiciary Committee-room at Washington, and selected the following committee to attend the funeral: Edmunds, Sherman, Harris, Allison, Voorliees, Pugh, Cullom, Gibson, Conger, Blair, Dawes, Camden, and Vest There was also a meeting of about twentyfive members of the House in the Speaker’s room, at which the Clerk of the House was authorized to request the attendance at the funeral of the following, as representatives of the House: Carlisle, Randall, Hlscock, Dong, Phelps, Hepburn, Browne, BynUm, Morrison, Holman, Herbert, Blunt, Barbour, Hewitt, and Geddes.

THE NEWS AT WASHINGTON. Meeting of the Cabinet—The President Issues a Proclamation. No event since the election of Cleveland has created such a sensation in Washington as the death of Hendricks. The President was just sitting down to dinner when a telegram was handed him conveying the startling intelligence. The President was greatly shocked at the news, and at once sent the following to Mrs. Hendricks : “The sudden and lamentable death of your husband excites my profound sympathy for you, in this hour of your great bereavement, and I sincerely mourn the loss of one so lately associated with me in"the execution"of the people's highest laws, while the nation mourns the loss of an honored citizens and a faithful public servant.” At a Cabinet meeting it was decided that the President and the members of the Cabinet should attend the funeral of the Vice President. When the Cabinet adjourned, the Presi-dent-issued the following: “To the People of the Uni- 'd States: “Thomas A. Hendrickß, Vice President of the United States, died at 5 o’clock p. m., at Indianapolis, Ind., and it becomes my mournful duty to announce the distressing fact to his fel-low-countrymen, In respect to the memory and the eminent and varied services of this high official and patriotic public servant, whose long career was so full of usefulness and honor t-o his State and to the United States, it is ordered'that the national flag be displayed at half-mast upon all the public buildings of the United States; that the executive mansion and the several executive departments in the city of Washington be closed on the day of the funeral and bo draped in mourning for the period of thirty days; that the usual and appropriate military and naval honors be rendered, and that on all the legations and consulates of the United States in foreign countries tho national flag shall be displayed at half-mast on tho reception of this order, and the usual emblems of mourning be adopted for thirty days. “Gboveb Cleveland.”

KIND WORDS FOR THE DEAD. Expressions of Sorrow—Tributes from Reading Men. The announcement of the sudden death of Vice-President Hendricks was received everywhere with ' general expressions of regret by Democrats and Republicans alike. At his old home, Shelbyville, Ind., there was a feeling of profound grief. All the bells in the city were tolled. A feeling of sadness pervaded every heart, and many of Mr; Hendricks' old friends wept bitterly when they heard the news. In many cities and towns public meetings were called to give expression of sorrow over the sad event. At Columbus, Ohio, Gov. Hoadly ordered the flags on tho Capitol placed at half-mast, issued a proclamation, and sent a personal telegram of condolence to tho bereaved widow. At Cincinnati all the firebells were tolled. At Zanesville, Ohio, where Mr. Hendricks first saw the light of day, there was a deep feeling of sadness, and arrangements were made for a memorial pieeting. Public men, without regard to party affiliations, everywhere expressed regret at the death of Mr. Hendricks, and were outspoken in praise of the high personal traits of the deceased. Hon. John Sherman auia: Mr. Hendricks was a man of upright character in private and public life, and stood high in the estimation of his friends. He was a statesman of marked ability. Jay Gould.—Re was a great man and an able lawyer. Hon. David Davis. —And so poor' Hendricks is dead 1 He was on able and conscientious man. Ex-Minister John IF. Foster. —He was eminent at the bar, and no man can be that without a broad and comprehensive intellect. In all his personal and social relations he was a man of the higest integrity. His private character was spotless, and the people of Indiana had great confidence in his honesty of purpose and his regard for the public good. Whenever he was a candidate for office he got votes from Republicans, because, in spite of political differences, they liked him and respected him as a man, and they believed that he w r ould do what he believed to be right, and that he was beyond the reach of sordid temptations. Senator Ben Harrison. —He has suefceeded in acquiring and retaining the confidence of his party friends in a very high degree. His personal character I always regarded as exalted and blameless. His death was a very severe shock to me indeed. Hon. John G. New.— My acquaintance with Mr. Hendricks began in 1841, and since that time our relations have been of the most friendly character. In politics we never that in no wise interfered with our personal relations or my kind feeling for -him. His private character was without reproach, and his official career, saving as a partisan, is blameless. Ho was one of the most eminent citizens of tho State, and a man of whom Indiana has reason to be proud. Senator Daniel IF. Toorliees. —I have known Mr. Hendricks intimately for thirty year?. I never knew anything of bird that it would not be becoming to say of a dead man. He was a man of very great ability, of high character, and a man of great influence. He was a man whom the people trusted. They always knew that ho was in sympathy with them, and they were always for him. He was a man of unbounded moral and physical courage. He sought no controversy, but when pressed—when circumstances compelled him to—he was one of tho best fighters I ever saw. He was eminent ns a lawyer, and as a political speaker he swayed men as few others have been able to do. He was a great strength to his party in his State and in the country. Senator Edmunds. —I have always had a personal regard for him. I regret exceedingly his death. ,

THE PRESS ON MR. HENDRICKS.

How tho News of the Vice Heath - Was Received. , Chicago Inter Ocean.—No public man was more completely identified in every fiber of his nature with the; party to which he belonged than Thomas A. Hendricks. Hjs private life was honorable and conscientionS, and it is only fair to assume that this mergence of himself in his party was due to the conviction that his Sarty waß right in all its fundamental purposes, ' not absolutely perfect in detail of action. New York World. —The death of Vice-Presi-dent Hendricks falls upon the country so unexpectedly and with such awful suddenness that It will be a shock as well ns a cause of deep grief to the people. It leaves a blank in tho structure of the government, as well as la the social circle and by the domestic hearth. Chicago Times— For many years, more than a generation, Mr. Hendricks has been bright and prominent in the political constellations of the American sky. Few there have been of the stellar host whose light baa been more steady, enduring, than that radiated from the heights on which he stood. * * * He was ans influential factor, Jha» which there was nofan more potent, in his own State. At his death he had no pedr among hfs own particular people. was great from a national stand-

kK ftps: 4 \ He possibly lacked somewhat of the nerve necessary to manage a great army, while as a corps commander he was unequaled. New York Tribune. —Of conciliatory ways and winning manners, Mr. Hendricks was probably the most popular man in his party, and came the nearest to representing its true views and honest wishes. The fact alone had much to do with the repeated defeat of his efforts to secure a presidential nomination, as the time had not arrived when the Democratic leaders saw the way opqn to success with a candidate who presented no aims other than those popular with the masses of the party. ' New York Sun. —There was no eccentricity and no compromise in hjs 'political ideas. The doctrines of Jefferson and Jackson were his doctrines, and he held fast to the traditional statesmanship of his party. Habelonged to the people, and knew sotbing eif that pharisaio and federalist pretension which holds them in distrust and contempt. His political speeches were filled with this spirit, and, like his forensic arguments, commanded respect by their breadth,. elevation, vigor of reasoning, and eatholic comprehensiveness. Neiv York Times.—Mr. Hendricks was a type of the sincere and earnest partisan Democrat, of upright personal character, pud considerable abilities, whose sympathies were too narrow, and his views too restricted to permit him the place in political history to which he aspired. Chicago Tribune —Mr. Hendricks was esteemed by all who knew him personally as a man of upright character and a genial nature, being possessed of many social graces and remarkable fpr his attractive qualities of mind and heart. By the mere force of his personal character and his success in making friends he had obtained a prominence in the politics of his own State which probably no man, with the single exception of Oliver Morton, ever possessed before or since. - j

810 GKAPHIC AX. Brief Sketch of Gov. Hendricks’ Long and Busy Life. Thomas Andrews Hendricks -was horn near Zanesville, Ohio, Sept. 7,1819. On the maternal sido he was of Scotch descent. His mother, Jane Thompson, was a grand-daughter of John Thompson, who emigrated from Scotland to Pennsylvania before the revolution, and, by his representations of the advantages of the country, induced a large following of Scotchmen, by whom . Cumberland was chiefly settled. Thomas’ grandfather was one of tho pioneer settlers of Westmoreland County, Pa., and held various township and county offices, and was a member of the State Legislature. John Hendricks, the father of—Thomas, was born in Ligonier Valley, and not long after his marriage moved to Zanesville, Ohio, and on a farm near that place Thomas was bom. Whop he was six months old his parents removed to Madison, Ind„ then the residence of his uncle, William Hendrickß, who was successively a member of Congress, Governor of the State, and United States Senator. In 1832 he removed again, and located a homestead in the then sparsely settled county of Shelby, and the county town, Shelbyville, is on part of the old Hendricks form. In this home Thomas A. Hendricks passed his boyhood till 1837, when he entered Hanover College, at Hanover, Ind., from which he was graduated in 1841. His brother, Abram Hendricks, Wont through'the course at the University of Ohio and at Hanover, and became a Presbyterian clergyman. Thomas went to ChambersbUrg, Pa., studied law in the office of his uncle, Judge Thomson, was admitted to the bar in 1843, and returned to Shelbyville to practice. His success in his profession was phenomenal. In 1845 he married Eliza C, Morgan, and their only child, a son, died in infancy. In the same ypar, at the age of twenty-six he was sent to the State Legislature, where he served one term, but he would not accept a re-election. ,in 1851 he was elected without opposition a mem- . her of the convention that was called to revise and amend the State constitution of Indiana, and was prominent and efficient in that work. In 1851 and again in 1853 he was a member of Congress from the Fifth District of Indiana. At the close of his second term he intended tbretum to his law practice, but President Pierce appointed him Commissioner of the General Land Office, and he served in that capacity for four years, administering the affairs of the office with great ability. In 1800 he was nominated as Democratic candidate for the Governorship of Indiana, but was defeated by the Itepubhcan candidate, Henry 8. Lane, who became Governor by 9,757 majority. In the same year Mr. Hendricks removed from ' Shelbyville to Indianapolis, where, in 1862, he formed a law partnership with Oscar B. Hord, extended in 1806 to Mr. Hendricks’ cousin, Col. A. W. Hendricks, under the firm title of Hendricks, Hord & Hendricks. From 1863 to March, 186!), Mr. Hendricks was a member of the United States Senate from Indiana. He served efficiently on the Comnjitten on Claims, the Judiciary, Public Lands, and Naval Affairs. In tho Democratic National Convention of .1868, in New York, on the twenty-first ballot he received 132 votes ns candidate for tho Presidency, standing next to Gen. Hancock, who received 135 v>; but on tho Anal ballot Horatio Seymour was nominated. In the autumn of that year he was again a candidate for the Governorship of Indiana, but was defeated by 341 m ajority by tho Republican candidate, Conrad B aker, who afterward became a law partner of Mr. Hendricks. At the close of his Senatorial term he returned to Indianapolis, and resumed tho practice of his profession. In 1872 he was elected Governor of Indiana, defeating the Republican candidate, Thomas M. Brown, by a majority of 1,148. In July, 1874, he was made permanent Chairman of the State Democratic Convention at Indianapolis. In tho National Democratic Convention at St. Louis in Juno, 1876. he received 133)4 votes for the Presidential nomination, and when Samuel J. Tilden.was nominated he received 730 out of 738 votes as candidate fpr the Y-icp-Presidency._—---5 In 1877, and again in 1883, accompanied by Mrs. Hendricks, he made a brief tour of Europe, , as a relaxation from his arduous professional I pursuits. He was a member of the National S Democratic Convention at Chicago in July, 1884 j f and in behalf of the Indiana delegation nomi- 7 nated Joseph E. McDonald for the Presidency. After the nomination of Grover, Cleveland, William A. Wallace, of Pennsylvania, nominated Thomas A. Hondricks for the Vice Presidency, and the entire 816 votes cast for him made him the unanimous nomineo of the convention. Mr. Hondricks was five feet nine inches in height, weighed 185 pounds, and from his irreproachable habits through life possessed a strong and vigorous constitution. He was a consistent member of tho Protestant Episcopal Church, and his private life was without a stain.

THE SUCCESSION.

Probable Political Effect of Mr. Hendricks* Death. Washington special.» There Is no constitutional or statutory provision for the succession to tho Presidency should the disability of President Cleveland occur. There is no President protem. of the Senate,and there is no Speaker of the Hotiso of Representatives, and neither branch of Congross is in session. Several efforts have been made of late yeatS tp make some for such an exigency as now exists-, and always without success, because tho exigency seemed remote, and therefore Senators and Congressmen whuld give no attention to the matter, or the situation was such that any provisiondhat could be made would give an advantage to one political party that the other would not consent to. The House is not a continuing body, so that for nino months in every alternate year there is no Speaker. But the Senate is a continuing body, and it might always have a substitute presiding officer on hand. In former years a good deal of care was taken to have a President pro tern, in existence, but this provision for the future is wholly in the hands of the Vice President, and the last two Vice Presidents have neglected or refused to allow the Senate tho opportunity of electing a substitute. It was fonuerly regarded as obligatory on a new Vice President to absent himself from the Senate one day, so that the Senate could have a chance to elect, but it was veTy generally remarked on that ita the special session of the Senate in the spring of 1881 Vice President Arthur Occupied his seat every day and gave the Senate no chance to elect. At the special session of the Senate last spring the same thing occurred. The Vice President occupied tho chair every day, and when tho Senate adjourned there was no President .pro tern. The propriety of . allowing the Senate to elect a President pro tern, was suggested to Mr. Hendricks, but fae referred to the precedent established by Mr. Arthur, and followed it. • When the Senate meets, it will be called to order by Gen. McCook, tho Secretary, and the first question will be whether a ’President pro tern, shall be elected first, or whether the senior Senator present shall administer the oath of office to the two Senators-elect, Gen. Logan, of Illinois, and Mr. Mitchell, of. Oregon. It is entirely immaterial which is done first, for the Republicans will have forty Senators and the Democrats only thirtyfonr. At the special session of the Senate after the death of President Garfield the Democrats j, insisted on first electing the presiding officer, end they carried their point and elected Mr. Bayard, who immediately administered the oath of office to the Senators-elect. Thereupon tho Republicans acquired a majority, and the 4 next day elected Senator David Davis President pro tern. The presiding officer so chosen will have the right of succession to the Presidency in case of Mr. .Cleveland’s death until & special election can he had. Whf will he elected President pro tem. is already a subject of gossip. Mr. Edmunds will expect it because he has had the office last, and to elect some one else would he considered as a slight to him.