Rensselaer Republican, Volume 18, Number 8, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 29 October 1885 — FIGHTING A PRESIDENT. [ARTICLE]

FIGHTING A PRESIDENT.

An Interesting Story of the Reconstruction Period Retold by Chauncey M. Depew, Gen. Grant’s Unwaverlner Opposition to the Alhged Disloyal P.ots of Andy Johnson. [New York telegram.] The Hon. Chauncey M. Depew has furnished to the press the following open letter to Col. F. D. Grant: .New York, Oct. 12, 1885. My Dear Colonel: In answer to your request for the particulars of the conversation I had with your lather, and to vhicn 1 alluded in a speech before the Chamber of Commerce, the following is my best recollection: About four years ago I sat beside Gen. Grant at dinner. There were many courses, slowly served, and the entertainment lasted several hours. We discussed many matters suggested by his trip arouad the world, and among other things he said to' me that when in China f rince Kung, who was Regent and real ruler during the minority of the Emperor, told him of their controversy with Japan. War was about- to be declared, and the Prince thought it would be a long and bloo iv one, and asked General Grant if he would act as arbitrator. The General declined for want ot time? but principally because he was,.a pri.a e person and had no power to enforce his decision. He suggested, however, the terms ot compromise. When, in Japan shortly after, the Mil.rdo s Ministers told him their side of the trouble, and revealed the fact that several of the European Governments were actively stirringup the strife on both sides, hoping to benefit by the war. The same request was made to him on the pait of the Japanese Government —to act as arbitrator—and in again declining he stated the substance ot the compromise he had advised for China. The two nations adopted substantially the terms proposed by General Grant, an I a disastrous conflict was averted. The conversation drifted into a consideration of his relations with President Andrew Johnson. The narrative of this period was one of the most graphic to which I ever listened, and it is unfortunate for history and posterity that it cannot be preserved as it was told, it had the h eal coloring of conversations with, and statements made by, the chief actol s, and of the situations of parties and persons as the events occurred, invaluable as a portraiture and estimate of the times. I said in my address that Gen. Grant performed services to his country which were unwritten quite as important as any that were recorded, and I think this narrative will bear me out. This is the substance of the story: Johnson began, the day after the assassination of Mr. Lincoln, to loudly proclaim at all times and places, with constant reiteration, the shibboleth, “Treason is odious and must be punished, and the chief rebels shall be hanged. 6 To give eftectjito this sentiment, as soon as he was inangured he insisted upon the United States Courts in Virginia finding indictments against all the leading members of the Confederacy. He also wanted the officers in the rebel army who had left the regular army to join the rebellion to be summarily dealt with by courtmartial. These movements of the President produced the greatest consternation throughout the South. The Confederate leaders appealed to Grant to protect them on the parole he had given. He saw Johnson on the subject, only to be informed that the President was by the-Consti-tution commamler-in-chief of the army, and that anything done by the commanding General on the field was done subject to his approval or rejec ion, and he rejected the terms. General Grant urged that the rebels had surrendered on these conditions, disbanded their organizations, submitted universally to the situation, and were carrying out in good faith their part of the agreement, and every consideration of both honor and expediency demanded equally good faith on the part of the Government. The other course would have led to an endless guerrilla warfare, conducted in a country admirably adapted for it by desperate and hopeless men. Johnson obstinately adhered to his view, and assumed the authority of commander, when Grant flatly told him that If there were to be any courts-martial one must be called to try General Grant first; that he would by ever! means in his power protect his parole and appeal to Congress and the country. In the halt called by this attitude of General Grant a very remarkable change occurred in the views and policy of President Johnson. General Grant discovered that the most t're juen't and -favored visitors to the White House were the men whom the President had proscribed. In the General’s opinion Johnson’s loyalty was subordinate to, if not entirely dependent upon, his entire enmity to the slaveholdmz oligarchy. He was a poor white, had been a journeyman tailor, and, notwithstanding the distinguished public positions he had held, he could not break through the class barrier, and was treated socially with contempt by this proud aristocracy. When they plunged into rebellion he saw his opportunity. He believed in the power of the Government, and thought that the time had come when he could defeat his enemies, confiscate their property, humiliate their pride, and possibly destroy them. The absorbing ambition and passion of his life had been to be received and treated as one of them by the oligarchy. Having tailed in that and suffered insult and indignity in the effort, he became one of the roost vindictive of men. He saw them foiled in their rebellion, defeated and impoverished, end now he wanted to kill them. While he was devising me ins to overcome General Grant's resistance to this last purpose, the leaders Of the old feudalism called upon him. They admitted their former treatment and justified it. They said that in all ages and countries where caste distinctions existed, conditions were always possible which promoted men who had achieved success from the lower into dihe noble order. As President of the United States, he became, regardless of birth and ancestry, not only a member of their order, but its leader. Johnson was wild with delight; ambition and pride were both satisfied. He became as anxious to sustain and perpetuate in some form a system which had given the highest social and pbbtlcil distinction to a few great families as he had been to destroy it. Grant did not have long to wait for the formulation of his plan. The President sent for him, and said that the radical theasuers of Congress were revolutionary and would destroy the country. The war was over, and the Republic wanted peace, and that was possible only by a union of all sections. The jrovisional governments provided for the seceded States were temporary expedients without constitutional authority, and the States had all the rights and should possess all the powers they had before the war. He had perfected a scheme to accomplish this result, and with Gen. Grant’s assistance its success was assured. He would by proclamation direct the rebel States to send to Washington their full quota of Senators and Representatives. He had assurances from enough members from the North who, united with them, would make a quorum of one house at lea-t, if not both. The Congress thus formed he would recognize and install at the Capitol. If; the other Northern members did not to join, they would be a powerless rump* meeting in some hull. To the General’s suggestion that thia would start the Civil War afresh, the ITesident replied: "They who do it will be the rebels, but if you sustain me, resistance will be impossible.” He appealed to Grant to stand by him in the crisis and they would be the saviors ot the Republic. After endeavoring for a long time in vain to convince the President of the folly of such a course and its certain failure, no matter who sustained it. Grant finally told him that he would drive the Conaress so constituted out of the Capitol at the point of the baynot, give possession of the buikVng to the Senators and Representatives from the loyal States, and protect them. If necessary, he would appeal to the country and to the army he had so recently mustered out of service. Mr. Johnson asked if he did not recognize the powers vested in the President by the constitution, and if he would refuse to obey, the Commander-in-Chief. General Grant said that under such circumstances he most certainly would. Shortly afterward the President sent for Gen. Grant, and said to him that the relations of otur Government with Mexico were very delicate, and he wished him to go to the City of Mexico at once on a very important mf-sion. The General knew that this was to get him out of the country, and put it ip the power of the President to call, as his successor to Washington, some officer upon whom he could rely. He replied that if the appointment was a diplomatic one he dedinedit; if it was a military one he refuted to obey, because the General,-of the army could not be ordered to a foreign ‘fcountry with which we are at peace. The interview was a stormy pne, but the subject was drooped. One day the General wae sent West on a tour of inspection. He knew that Gen. Sherman was to be his successor, and - in him he had absolute confidence. The outspoken loyalty of that great soldier prevented the project ever being renewed. . It is at this date needless to speculate upon what might have happened had Gen. Grant actively assisted or passively obeyed the President. No one dounts the courage or obstinacy of Andrew Johnson, and only a man of equal firmness and determination could have prevented a most calamitous and unfortunate strike at the most critical period of the reconstruction of the republic. Yours very truly, Chauncey m. Depew. To Col. Frederick D. Giant.