Rensselaer Republican, Volume 18, Number 6, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 15 October 1885 — Page 7

JOHN SHERMAN’S VIEWS.

The Ohio Senator Talks Plainly on the Suppression of Suffrage in the South. . _ Jl; ' ’ The Democratic Question of “What Are • You Going to Do About It?” Answered. > [Speech of Hon. John Sherman, Cincinnati] My friends, there are other questions of national importance—questions compared to which these that I have been discussing are unimportant, because that which relates to money and property and taxes is not to be compared to these great fundamental principles of liberty and equal rights upon which our government is founded. I stated in the beginning of this campaign, as a matter of sober fact, that in all the Southern States, especially in the cotton States,' the Democratic party of those jStates have subverted the rights of seven millions of colored people, entitled by the Constitution and laws to equal civil and political rights. General Chalmers says I did not make it broad enough; that I did not declare that they had disfranchised all Republicans, whether white or black, and that men who had served in the Confederate army were, by the violent methods which I will mention, deprived of the elective franchise. I stated that principle fairly and squarely, and fairly declared if there was any dispute about it I would prove it by document and testimony as strong as holy writ; I would pile these proofs mountain high, so that every doubting Thomas in the land might know that what I said was true. What was the reply given to this by our Democratic friends? What did Judge Hoadly say when he was called upon to face this great indictment of the Democratic party ? He said Sherman was waving the “bloody shirt!” The only “bloody shirt” I waved was the declaration I now repeat —that the Democratic party of the South has disfranchised by fraud and violence the whole population of the Southern States in effect; and besides that has established a system of ostracism and terror by which those colored and white Republican voters dare not hold thfeir heads up amongst them. Where was the “bloody shirt” in that? I don’t see it. But Gov. Hoadly went on, and he “■waved the bloody shirt.” He commenced by saying that I had called attention—which I had not—to the bloody graves scattered all over the South, and the rebel prison-pens, which he graphically described, and all that sort of thing. He said I tried to call attention to these things only to avoid a discussion of the temperance question. When I meet in argument, if my opponent don’t meet me fairly and squarely, I pull him up to the bull ring and hold him to the issue if I can. I say now that no Democrat in Hamilton County dare take issue on this question. These people have been deprived of their rights. And that is not all. They have not' only been deprived of their rights, but these men, Democrats of the South, are now exercising political power based upon the six million of colored people scattered over the South. There are thirty-eight members of Congress and thirty-eight electoral votes assigned under the Constitution to these six million of colored people in the South; but they manage matters there so that these colored people have no right to vote. They’re deprived of their votes, and then these Southern Democrats vote all this vast political power themselves; and by that means alone Grover Cleveland is now President of the United States; and but for this erroneous crime James G. Blaine would now be our President, and John A. Logan would be our Vice President What answer do they make to this indictment? “The bloody shirt!” And I don’t know but the time is coming, my friends, in this country, when the patriotic people of the Northern States must wave the “bloody shirt. ” I say to you, although my years are gassing away, and I look upon the faces of thousands of bright young men, I say to you that the Republican party of the United States will never submit to the ostracism that is now practiced upon these six millions of people. And when they ask me “What will you do about it ?” as Boss Tweed asked of the local authorities of New York, I say we will find a remedy; and the time is not far distant when that will bei/ound. When we see Jefferson Davis, the arch-rebel of the country, extolled in the Senate as a patriot—and I was frowned upon with great severity when I denounced him as a conspirator and traitor—when we see the flag of our country, under which the boys in blue marched to many victories, lowered in sorrow at the death of Jake Thompson; when we see Fitzhugh Lee riding at the head of his Democratic cavalcade with the old flag of Gen. Pickett at Gettysburg, and with the saddle and bridle of Gen. Lee, marchingjjgjth this rebel cavalcade through Virginia in order to arouse the rebel passions of that population; when we see men almost without number who have been rebels representing this great Government of ours, in various lands, in Cabinet positions, and holding high carniyal in important offices, and Union soldiers and widows turned out to allow these Democratic partisans to come in, you, my countrymen, the measure of my forbearance has almost ceased to be a virtue. But they say, “What are you going to do about it ?” And the only answer that Goy. Hoadly could give was that of “What are you going to do about it? You have had power in this Government; you did not find a remedy, and therefore no such wrong exists.” W’ell, we did have the power, after the war was over, in a kind of a way. When the war was over, did we show any feeling of hostility or want of charity? No! No nation was more liberal to extend emancipation and to make easy their coming back to their relations in the General Government We do fiot want to oppress them now. No blood was shed. No property was confiscated. In all human history there is not another such example of kindness and forbearance to the party that had been overcome in war. But no sooner had Gen. Lee taken the parole and surren-

dered to Grant at Appomattox than they went home, and at once tried to reduce their colored people to quasi slavery. When that was resisted to some extent and the measures of reconstruction were passed that secured civil and political rights to all people, then they resorted to other outrages, such as the Ku-klux. They met in secret places and armed and disguised themselves—some of them rebel soldiers—to frighten the Republicans, and in cases committed murder. This was kept up for some time. General Graht tried to suppress it. Congress sent committees of investigation. We saw no remedy. None seemed to be at hand except again to call out the boys in blue. That was the only remedy,| and we didn’t propose to do that. We waited for the coming of the time when the clearly acknowledged rights of the people would be yielded without further bickering. But we waited in vain, until finally the Democrats got possession of the House; and these Democrats associated with and combined with the Southern rebels to keep up this ostracism. Governor Hoadly asks, “What will you do about it ?” I will tell you what we will do about it. There is in every one of these Southern States a Republican party now springing up, composed of rebel soldiers, white men and black men, and they are now fighting the battles that ought to have been fought long ago. Governor Wise —Governor, as I hope he will be, unless they kill him before that time—is now fighting the battles of the Republican party in Virginia, with our principles engraved on his banner. Liberty and equal rights to all, protection to American industries, the development of our industries, and diversity to our employment. This is our creed and motto. He is fighting that battle. Shall we desert him? [Cries of “Never!”] Shall we Republicans of Ohio, by the election this fall, say, “We don’t care a cuss for you!” Shall we join the Democrats? [Cries of “No!”] There is one remedy. The time is not far distant when in every one of these Southern Spates there will be a party that will redress this wrong. In Tennessee, at the last election, Judge Reid was almost elected. North Carolina will soon be carried by the Republicans if they be given anything like fair play. In Virginia, Louisiana, Mississippi, Arkansas, Alabama, Georgia, Florida, and South Carolina, and in every Southern State, there is a Republican majority under a fair election. The Republican party is a brave party —always brave. It has never undertaken to do anything yet that it has not accomplished, and it will accomplish this in due time if you will only stand by it. There are two other things yet I want to talk about before closing, as I have spoken now longer than I intended. They turned us out of office. Well, sir, whenever the voice of the people says to the Repubbcan party, “Surrender your functions and turn them over to the Democratic or any other party,” we obey, because it is the voice of the people. But why were we turned out? what was the argument that led to the Republican party being turned out of office ? They wanted A change! What kind of a change have we got? Are the times any easier? Mr.. Hendricks, when he was going around last summer, said: “If you turn these Republicans out and scatter the money now in the Treasury you could buy two barrels of flour for every family.” Have you got your barrels ? They said they wanted to count the money; and they have counted it, and found every dollar there, even to the last cent. They wanted to examine the books. They said an examination of the books would put a lot of officers on the road to the penitentiary. They have examined the books, and not one single defaulter or criminal has been found in the Republican ranks. They said: “Turn the rascals out!” and they’re turning the rascals in, Cleveland now has more trouble to get rid of the penitentiary birds that have come in under a Democratic administration than with all the Republican rascals that were ever found there. They were going to distribute that $400,000,000. But they haven’t distributed a .cent, and day after day, for nearly six months, they have hoarded more money in the Treasury than was ever hoarded before. They said they would reduce the public debt, and they haven’t paid a single dollar. They have not done a single thing for good. What measure has been adopted or has been proposed by the Democratic party that would tend to relieve the people. They broke down John Roach—that gallant and nbble Irishman, who built up our navy—they broke him down by a system of chicanery, of legal chicanery that surpasses even belief. They have taken away the carrying of the mails from American ships and turned them over to English ships. They have done nothing whatever to relieve or lighten the' burdens of the people or ito make times easier. I trust .times will be easier in the due course of events, but it will not be so through any act or agency of the Democratic party. Let me ask any Democrat—and I hope there are a few here—what object has been accomplished by bringing the Democratic party into power? You have tried it in the city, you have tried it in the State, and now you are commencing to try it in the nation. But I think you will find the experience the same all the way through, so that when the sweepstakes come three years hence you will all be willmgtq turn back the Republican party into ire place of power and dignity. There was never in the history of mankind a party that did more good for their people than the Republican") party of the United States. It preserved our country against Democratic rebellion; but,whatever else may be said, I do not wish to say one unkind word of the thousands of brave Democrats who fought in the South under our flag. Stili, the controlling element of the Democratic party is the solid South, which is now governing the Democrats in the North, who waged the war of the rebellion, which the Republican party put down by force of arms and the valor and heroism of the Union soldiers. And now to continue the record: We gave you the highest credit that was attained in any government of the world; our bonds are worth more in the

market than those of Great Britain, or France, or Germany, or any other country in the world. We gave you a sound national currency that was according to the desire of patriots, but until the Republican party came into power it never was realized. We secured to the landless the homestead law, for while the Democratic Presidents prevailed no homestead law could pass, and the last Democratic President—himself a bachelor like Grover Cleveland—vetoed the homestead law. It was not ufitil Abraham Lincoln was elected that we got the benefit of a homestead law. Another thing we did: We brought about a resumption of specie payments, and made our notes as good as gold coin. My friends, the Cincinnati Enquirer said it could not be done; that while I was trying to carry it out that way, every corner grocery that failed was “Shermanized.” My friends, let us stand by the old Republican party; let us stand by it in the city, let us stand by it in the State, let us stand by it in the nation. We have Amor Smith for your city; give us Foraker in the State, and in due time you will have a Republican President.

A Few Questions for Soldiers.

1. Does the Democratic party like you better than the Republican party does? If so, why. 2. From ’6l to ’65 and from ’65 to the end of time, did the Democratic party approve of your acts while suppressing a Democratic rebellion ? If so, why ? 3. Who now control the Democratic party? What States put it in power again? Was it the old loyal States of the North or the solid South ? If the solid South, do you feel that your country is in better hands now than it was under Lincoln, Grant, or Garfield ? 4. Will the Democratic party take better care of your widow or your children than the Republican? If so, tell why. 5. Will the Democratic party give us more liberal pensions ? If so, why ? 6. Will the Democratic party be more apt to save, cherish, and defend what it attempted to destroy when you threw your life between it and destruction? If so, why? Tell me, why? You know better, my good comrades, than to trust a party that has never loved you or your glorious cause. Whatever the Democratic party has done for you has been forced upon it. All that the Republican party has done for you was bom of profound gratitude and deep appreciation of your noble services. I appeal to all good citizens to stand by the Republican party. Its flag is the flag of the Union. Under that flag the gray-haired patriarch should stand. Under it should fight the citizen who revels in the wealth of matured physical and intellectual powers. The young man, just entering the wonderful field where the citizen becomes the crowned sovereign, should make no mistake. Let him not enter a party that is weighted down by the darkest political crimes of the century. Let each and all stand by the party, holding as its political faith the Constitution of the United States; the party of freedom; the party of the poor man; the party of the laboring man: the party of an untrammeled and a truthful ballot-box; the party that caught the inspiration of “Yankee Doodle,” preserved the perfect melody of the “Red, White and Blue,” and made a nation ring with “The Union Forever, Hurrah, Boys, Hurrah.” For that party’s support—the Republican party—before my Maker and the shrine of com science I appeal to all.— Comrade D. 8., Henderson, at lowa City, lowa.

A Partner of Tweed.

The evidence which appears in the New York Times and Tribune that Gov. Hill was at one time a partner with Tweed in the ownership of a newspaper seems to he conclusive. Documents are given which show that in 1870, while Mr. Hill was a large shareholderin and the President of the Elmira Gazette Company, Tweed was induced by a common friend of himself and Hill to buy 200 shares of the paper’s stock for $10,000; that he paid in the money and held the stock for about a year, selling it back at the end of that time, at a greatly reduced price, to Hill, that the friend, Col. Patrick, Who arranged the sale to Tweed, was a thoroughly disreptuable politician, who was in the Assembly from Elmira in 1869 and 1870, when he%as a complete tool of Tweed; that when Tweed had become a partner with Hill 4be latter appeared in Albany as the successor of Patrick in the Assembly, and that throughout the memorable session of 1871, when some of the most infamous of Tweed’s jobs were put through the Legislature, Hill was the willing servant of his partner.

The New York Ticket.

The Buffalo Express thus speaks of the Republican State ticket: Davenport, Carr, Wadsworth—if any State ticket was ever framed with three such acceptable candidates on it we don’t happen to recollect it. If any three names could have been brought together giving a fuller representation of the whole party, or a fairer promise of union and harmony, we are not able to think of them. If we can't win with them it is because victory would have been impossible for the Republican ticket this year under any circumstances. We have-not space for speaking at length upon the merits of the other candidates. Nor is it necessary. If the other names were those of weak and insignificant men, the three already mentioned would still have weight enough to make a strong ticket. But they are not. In all its parts and as a whole the Republican State ticket is a strong one, worthy of the party’s cordial and unanimous support, and, we hope 1 and judge, sure to get it That is the only thing needed for its election by an old-fashioned harmonious Republican majority. \ „ --’J,- 1 ’ I _■ ■ If you become discouraged you are apt to make a fool of yourself, which, as a fool is nothing more nor less than stupidity gone to seed, is not to your credit.

OLD-TIME LEGISLATORS.

Veterans of 1850-’sl Reunite at the State Capital, And Indulge in Reminiscences of By-gone Days. w * * ~r ;li-iTtiiii -- Historical, Biographical, and Anecdotal [From the Indianapolis Sentinel.] Survivors of the Convention of-1850. There was but a small leathering of visitors at the opening session of the reunion of the members of the Constitutional Convention of 1850 at English's Opera House, the meeting being simply for the purpose of organization. The spectators occupied the main auditorium, the stage being reserved for the members and the press. Hon. Wm. McKee Dunn, delegate to the Constitutional Convention from Jefferson County, called the meeting to order. Hon. Geo. W. Carr, who was a delegate from tiie County of Lawrence to the State Constitutional Convention of 1850, and who was elected President of the convention by a vote almost unanimous, was called upon to preside over this meeting of the survivors of the convention. Hon. William H. English, who was the principal Secretary of the Constitutional Convention, was unanimously elected Secretary of the meeting. The following members responded to their names: Oliver P. Badger, delegate from Putnam County. Cromwell W, Barbour, delegate from Vigo County. Othnell Beeson, delegate from Wayne County. Horace P. Bidden, delegate from Cass County. Alexander B. Conduit, delegate from Morgan County. William McKee Dunn, delegate from Jefferson County. James B. Foley, delegate from Decatur County. John A. Graham, delegate from Miami County, Jefferson Helm, delegate from Bush County. Thomas A. Hendricks, delegate from Shelby County. William S. Holman, delegate from Dearborn County, Phineas M. Kent, delegate from Floyd County. ,z'~ Beattie McClelland, delegate from Randolph County. Samuel Pepper, delegate from Crawford County. James Keeney, delegate from Johnson County. S. B. Taylor, delegate from Laporte County. Henry G. Todd, delegate from Hendricks County. George W. Carr, delegate from Lawrence County. As the roll was called the Secretary ani nounced the names of those who were certainly known to be dead, and it was found that the I total survivors aggregated but thirty-three out 1 of a convention composed of about 150 members. Uuon conclusion of the roll-coll, Hon. Oliver P. Badger, delegate from Putnam County in the Constitutional Convention, invoked the divine blessing, the members rising to their feet. The Secretary announced that he had letters from two of the members of the convention, and on motion they were read. The letters were from Christopher C. Graham and Gen. R. H. Milroy. A paper on “The Unwritten History of the Constitutional Convention,” written by Hon. John L Morrison, a short time before his death, was read by Mr. English, to whom it was presented by a daughter of the writer. The evening session of the reunion was more largely attended by spectators than was that of the afternoon, and the programme proved an interesting one, addresses being made by Vice President Hendneks on “The Constitution and Its Amendments;’’ Hon. William H.English on “The Personnel of the Convention;” Hon. William McKee Dunn, upon the prominent features of the work of the convention; Hon Oliver P. Badger of Putnam County, in an address which was in the beginning sentimental, in the middle biographical, and at the close humorous; and by CoL Taylor of Chicago, who was a member of the convention from Laporte County, and is still vigorous at the age of 84 years. Survivors of the Legislature of 1851. Fifty members of the Legislature of 1851 are still living, and of these thirty-eight were in attendance at the reunion at English's Opera House. There was a fair audience of ladies and gentlAnen, the proceedings being principally of an informal nature, most of the time of the session being spent in renewing acquaintanceships and indulging in reminiscences of “ye olden time.” The meeting was called to order by Judge Niblack, and Hon. William H. English, Speaker of the first House under the new constitution, was called to preside, and Dr. Andrew J. Hay was chosen Secretary. i The roll-call showed the following members I present: Senate—William E. Niblack, Knox, Daviess and Martin; Joseph H. Defrees. Elkhart; R. D. | Logan, Rush; J. A. Cavens, Washington. Be- , lieved to be living, bnt not present—George Berry, Franklin; John Hunt, Hancock and Madison (now living in Arkansas); Ben Newland, Lawrence; John Witherow, Hendricks (now in California); Frank Emerson, Jackson and Scott; O. P. Davis, Park and Vermillion; Job Hatfield, Perry; James M. Seeth, Shelby. Total—l 2. House—Wm. H. English, Scott; Isaac D. G. Nelson, Allen; Andrew J. Hay, Clark; William S. Holman, Dearborn; Michael Thompson, Delaware: Phineas M. Kent, Floyd; Samuel Davis, Franklin; Andrew Humphreys,Greene: John Lyle King, Jefferson; Martin D. Crim, Martin; Riehard F. Donaldson, Miami; Mahlon D. Manson, Montgomery: George W. McConnell, Steuben and DeKalb: Robert N. Hudson, Vigo; Calvin Cowgill, Wabash: Joseph M. Bulla, Wayne. Total—l 6. Believed to be living, but not present—John Crawford, Adams; William B. Beach (now living at Providence, R. 11, Boone; John Scudder, Daviess; Henry W. Barker, Dubois: Jacob Dice, Fountain; Zimri Reynolds, Grant; Samuel T. Wells, Jackson; Robert Huey, Jay; Francis F. Mayfield, Jefferson; Edward P. Hicks, Jennings; Francis Henry, Lagrange; John Laverty (now thought to be living in Nebraska), Morgan; Daniel C. Stover, Montgomery: David 8. Huftstetter, Orange; Mil ton Walker, Perry; D. C. Donahue, Putnam; Hiram H. Hart, Ripley; Thomas M. Smith, Spencer: Theophilus Chowning, Sullivan; Gilbert C. Mudgett, Steuben and DeKalb: Godlove O. Behm, Tippecanoe. Total members of House believed to be living. 37. Hon. W. H. English, on taking the chair at the evening session, said: Gentlemen Of the reunion: I thank yon sincerely for assigning me the duty of presiding over this meeting, and I recognize that. the selection is made, mainly, because I am the surviving presiding officer of the first Legislature held under the present Constitution. I perform the duty with mingled feelings of pleasure and of pain, which I find it diincult to .express—pleasure in meeting again comrades of a third of a century ago, and pain at the realization of the fact that so many have passed away, and that the others must speedily follow. 1 have never so fully realized the shortness of life and the transitory nature of all worldly honors and responsibilities, as I have since the call for this reunion has developed that so many of my old comrades are dead. “When 1 remember all The friends so link’d together I've seen around me fall. Like leaves in wintry weather, I feel like one Who treads alone Some banquet hall deserted. Whose lights are fled. Whose garlands dead. And all but he, departed.” Of the little body of great men who formed the first Constitution of Indiana, Jn 1816, all have long since passed away, as have also, I believe. all the members of the first thirteen General Assemblies of the Stat I may be mistaken in this, bnt if there be a surviving member of any Legislature of this State, held prior to 1831, I do not know it, and I have made diligent inquiry to ascertain. The General Assembly which met in 1835 was the 20th that had been held up to that date, and the total of members elected would aggregate thousands, and yet to day yon could probably count all who survive on the fingers of one hapd. Even including all the Legislatures up to 1840. there are probably npt over a dozen surviving of the thousands composing the twentyfive Legislatures which had then been held. Coming five years inrther on, to 1845, would probably not increase the number to over twenty-five. , , < You would doubtless like to know who these venerable and patriotic survivors are. To state something of the personnel of the first General Assembly held under the present Constitution, and to give some account as to. who are the survivors of the preceding Legislatures, will be the object of this address.. I have already said that I have not heard of any one being alive who was a member of any Legislature of this State held prior to 1831. There may be. of course, and one of my objects in making this address is to call out the facts as they exist. ‘ .1831-2. I may be mistaken, but I think that Hon. Alexander y. (Stevenson, who represented Putnam County in the House of Representatives in 1831-2, is the only surviving member of that Legislature. and of all the Legislatures back to the organization of the State. 1832-3. I next come to the General Assembly of 1832-3.

I have not been able to find that any member of that Legislature survives except John 0. Parker, then one of the Representatives from the County of Clarke. 1838-4. My father was a member of the Legislature of 1832-3 and also of 1833-4. and I have often heard him talk about the session being held in the old Court House of Marion County, and also about who were then members, bnt I have been unable to find that any of the Legislature of 1833-4 are now alive. Daniel M. Bradbury was a member of that Legislature from W»vm •County, and was taking much interest in this reunion, but unfortunately he died since the call was issued, as did also Senator George B. Walker, of Cass County, and Representative Thomas 8. Stanfield, of St Joseph County, showing how rapidly these pioneers in the legislation of the State are passing away. 1334-5. , I now come to the Legislature of 1834-5. I have knowledge of but one member of that body being alive, and that is my distinguished friend, Col. Richard W. Thompson, whom I am sure you all delight to honor. Incidentally I will state a fact in connection with this Legislature which may be of interest, as it illustrates the wonderful progress the country has made since that time. It is that the record shows that Henry Brady, who recently died near this citv, was then (1835) the sole representative of Marion and Hamilton counties and all the country north of the great Miami Reservation. 1835I find that my friend Thompson was returned to the next Legislature, which met in December, 1835, and with him came another of my old friends—David Macy—then a Representative from Henry County, and now a highly esteemed citizen of Indianapolis, and, aS far as I know, is another old friend, Christopher C. Graham, now a resident of Red Wing, Minn. 1836-

It is a little singular that the same three gentlemen, Thompson, Macy, and Graham, are survivors of the next Legislature—H36-7—to which may be added Joshua B. Huckaby, a Representative from Perry County, and Dr. Graham N. Fitch, who subsequently served with distinction in the Senate of the United States. 1837-8. Macv and Graham again turned up as the sole survivors, as far as I know, of the Legislature of 1837-8. My friend Thompson seems not to have been a member. Whether a political cyclone struck him abont that time, or he went up higher, or got tired of the business, he can tell yon mor? entertainingly than any man alive. As totfie General Assembly of 1838-9, George W. Carr and C. C. Graham are, as far as I know, the only survivors: so that it would seem that of the twenty-three Legislatures held up to that time, there are probably less than a dozen now living. I know of but eight at this time, but there may be more, and probably are. These Legislatures were all held before my day, but I now come to Legislatures of which I have some personal knowledge 1839The first Legislature I ever saw was the Indiana Legislature of 1839-’4O It was a great event to me, at that time of my humble life, and has made a marked impression on my memory. I rode three days on horseback from Scott County to Indianapolis, in winter weather and over the worst possible roads, to see it and to attend a Democratic State Convention, although I was not then of age by several rears. Incidentally, I may say that the convention nominated General Tighlman A. Howard for Governor. He was badly beaten, although a very superior man; so I tasted the bitter of the political defeat of my party early, and had so much of it in the last twenty-five years that I have learned to take such things qnite philosophically. Indianapolis had then a population of only a few thousands, bnt was putting on city airs even at that early date. I remember there was a riot one night soon after my arrival, growing ont of the marriage of a negro man and white woman, and it made a terrible sensation. My father, who was a member of the Indiana Legislature at one time or another for nearly twenty years, was a member of that Legislature, and I remember that I boarded with him, during my stay of several weeks, at a house kept by Bazil Brown on the east side of Indiana avenue, near Tennessee street. The house is still standing, bnt I think every one of the persons stopping there, and there were many, have long since passed away, and I know of but four members of that Legislature now alive. They are Judge Fabius M. Finch, Alexander C. Stevenson, James 8. Shively, and Amzl L. Wheeler. 1840As to the Legislature of 1840-41, the only members of it that I know to be alive are A. C. Stevenson, Geo. W. Carr. James Ritchey, C. C. Graham, and Aaron Rawlings. 1841At the next Legislature, 1841-42, my venerable friend Josepn F. Brown, who I am glad to see here to-night, was principal Clerk of the House, and he informs me that ne knows of bnt seven members of that Legislature now living, viz.: Geo. W. Carr, James Ritchey, A. C. Stevenson, Christopher C. Graham. Aaron Rawlings, James S. Shively, and John Pitcher. 1842I was present at the organization of the Legislature of 1842-43, and had acquaintance with many of the members, as I was then.for the first time, a candidate for a legislative office and trying to learn the art of “electioneering with the members.” Of those surviving of that delegation I can name only: Aquilla Jones, now Postmaster of Indianapolis: Amzl L. Wheeler, George W. Carr, Joshua B. Huckaby, James Ritchey and Franklin Hardin. 1843-4. I had a very intimate acquaintance with the members of the Legislature of 1843-4 by reason of being the principal Clerk of the House of Representatives. Judge William T. Otto, long the Reporter of the Supreme Court of the United States, was the Secretary of that' Senate, and is still living, but Jesse D. Bright the President of the Senate, and Andrew L. Robinson, the Speaker of the House, and nearly all of the 150 men who were my associates in that Legislature, busy with the affairs of state, and full of the hopes and ambitions and cares of life, have gone to their eternal rest. I called the roll of the 100 members of that House a great many times In that day, but alas, were I to call it now I know but five members left to answer, and but fonr Senators. George W. Carr, George Berry, James Ritchey, and John Pitcher are the Senators, and the Representatives’ are Augustus C. Handy, W. W. Connor, David Macy, and my old and highly valued friend, David McClure, who was from my own county. We rode three days on horseback over the worst roads ever seen by mortal man to reach the capital He came a greatef distance in about three hours to attend this meeting. '* 1844-5. I now come to the Legislature of 1844-5. When that Legislature met, the, duty devolved on me, as Chief Clerk, of calling the House to order- -It I should call the same old roll tonight,! think less than a dozen would be found alive to answer. I will call such as I know to be living: A. C. Stevenson, Speaker; Alexander B. Conduit, Franklin Hardin, David McClure, James 8. Shiveley, J. B. Huckaby, William W. Conner, Robert Hney, Augustus C. Handy; and of the Senate, George Berry and James Ritchey. There may be others, bnt these are all I know to be alive. I went to Washington City before the close of that session, where I remained severatfears, and, consequently, had no connection with the Indiana Legislature until I was elected to the first one held under the new Constitution. I pass over the Legislatures which met during my absence in Washington because of my lack of information about them and because others are here better prepared to speak of them—such men as Willi’am E. Niblack. Delano E.. Williamson, Andrew Humphreys, M. L. Bnndy. Jos. H. Defrees, I. B. Julian, John W. Dodd, J. A. Cravens, Jonathan 8. Harvey. Joseph M. Bulla, Michael Thompson. C. F. Donaldson, A. B. Conduit, George W. Carr, and other gentlemen who I see present,but have not time to name, were members of those Legislatures, and they were all important and able Legislatures. 1851-2. In what I have further to say on this occasion I shall sneak only of the first Legislature held under the present constitution It was the understanding in advance that it was going to be a Legislature of unusual importance. The new Constitution had just been adopted by an immense majority of the electors. Its adoption made a careful revision of the laws necessary in order that they should conform to its provisions. The work devolved on the Legislature was. in fact, a continuation of the work begun and outlined by the convention. The new Constitution required that the forma and practice in the courts, which had before that time been very intricate and voluminous, should be revised and simplified, the pleading made more uniform, the then prevailing distinction between law and equity abolished, and that the general statute law of the btate should be reduced to a plain and systematic code. “The whole temple of State government, from spire to foundation stone, had to be taken down, remodeled, and rebuilt so as to conform to the new Constitution and the progress and improvements of the age.” Te do all this properly, and much more that was devolved on the first Legislature, required time, and consequently that Legislature was not restricted by the Constitution as to length of session. It was necessarily logger in session than any Legislature ever held in the State, having Met on the Ist of December, 1851, and adjourned on the 15th of June. 1852. The public wisely recognized the need of doing the work well of these great reforms, and, looking to that end, elected a strong Legislature. Many of the members had served In the convention which framed the Constitution and in previous Legislatures, and, as a whole, it was a splendid body of representative men.

A glance over the Hat will show many names of high standing and recognized ability, metot of whom were called to high and honorable positions. Great as was the number of members of the Constitutional Convention caUedlo represent the people in the Congress of the United States, more were called from the Legislature, viz: James H. Lane, John G. Davis, Norman Eddy, George G. Dunn, David P. Holloway James D. Williams, all dead; and William E. Nfbtack, James A. Cravens, Joseph H. Defrees, Mahlon D. Manson, Andrew Humphreys, Calvin Cowgill William 8. Holman and William H. English, all of whom are present. This Legislature is also ahead as to the number of Its members transferred to the Supreme Bench, the convention having furnished three ahd the Legislature five, as follows: W. E. Niblack, who will next address you, and Samuel H. Buskirk, James H. Hannah, William F. Stewart, and Samuel B. Gookins, who are dead. This Legislature also furnished a Governor of the State. James D. Williams; a Lieutenant Governor, Mahlon D. Manson; a Clerk of the Supreme Court, William B. Beach; two Secretaries of State, Norman Eddy and James 8. Athon: two Generals in the Union army. Slack and Manson, and numerous other public officers. ■ . At the close of Mr. English’s remarks Judge Niblack was introduced, and addressed the meeting at length. He was followed by Hon. W. S. Holman, Hon. Robert N. Hudson of Vigo County, Hon. John Lyle King of Chicago, and CoL R. W. Thompson. The hour for adjournment having arrived, Mr. English rose and said: “In the act of adjourning the House of Representatives of the first Legislature held under the present constitution, my last and parting words to the memb rs from the Speaker's chair were these: “ ‘Let us separate as a band of brothers, each one prepared to say of the other through the rest of life, “he is my friend; we served together in the first Legislature under the new constitution.” "These words are as appropriate to-night as they were a third of a centurv ago, and so now, with the consciousness that we shall not aIT ever meet again on this earth, I repeat, not only to the members present of the Legislature of 1851-2, bnt to all the members of this reunion: " ’ Let us separate as a band of brothers, each one prepared to say to the other through the rest of life, he is my friend—we served together in the councils of the State many long years ago. and renewed onr friendship in the great legislative reunion of 1885.’ I now perform the last melancholy duty of declaring this meeting adjourned."

The Queen of the Antilles.

[New York telegram.] A meeting of Cubans was held in the University Club theater to-night to discuss the project of annexing the Island of Cuba to the United States. Mr. Bubiera, who is foremost in the movement, said the Spanish property-owners on the island know that Cuba can not remain long under the control of Spain, and they know, or think at all events, that if Cuba were annexed to the United States their property would double in value. So they have on foot a movement to bring about that end. Last July, Mr. Bubiera says, a secret meeting was held of Spanish representatives from each of the forty-four districts in Cuba. These gentlemen assembled quietly at Saratoga, and there met those prominent American bankers from New York who are interested in the enterprise, and discussed the best means of bringing the matter favorably before Congress. The result was that a committee was sent to Newport to meet and confer with ex-President Arthur with the view to securing his services as legal adviser in the enterprise. The native Cubans are not in sympathy with the plan. They say that first of all must come Independence from Spain, and then if the matter is put before the Cuban people for a vote and the decision is favorable there will be ample time to consider a basis of annexation to the American Union. Mr. Bubiera read extracts from a Cuban letter written to a Madrid paper in which the writer said that the people of Spain would be much surprised were they to hear the names of the wealthy and distinguished Spanish residents of Cuba who were interesting themselves actively in this plan of annexation to the United States. Their idea was to approach the American Congress with such terms as would tempt this Government to enter into negotiations for the purchase outright of the island.

Duty of an Alien.

[Hartford (Conn.) special.J A case involving an interesting question was decided yesterday in the Waterbury City Court Several days ago a Waterbury policeman met with considerable resistance in taking a prisoner to the police station. He called upon a bystander, John Bagley, an Englishman, for assistance. Bagley refused on the ground that as an alien he was free from obligation to assist in preserving the public peace, as he was free from being compelled to serve in the United States army during the war. He was subsequently arrested for refusing to help the officer, and made the same plea to the court The penalty was from $5 to S3O, and the court, while declining to consider ms peculiar claim, imposed only the minimum penalty.

A Sioux Custom.

Miss Alice Fletcher, the student of Indian household customs, says that among the Sioux, when one famfly borrows a kettle from another it is expected that when the kettle is returned a small portion of the food that has been cooked in it will be left in the bottom. The language has a particular word to designate this remnant “Should this custom be disregarded by any one, that person would never be able to borrow again, as the owner must always know what was cooked in her kettle” A white woman, on one occasion, returned • scoured kettle, intending to teach a lesson in cleanliness; but her act became the talk of the camp as a fresh example of the meanness of whites.

What He Was Worth.

“What were you and that John Mur- } phy talking about so long last night?” j asked Mrs. Chinkle of her daughter. “Oh, he was telling me about himself and his people, his hopes, and aspirations. ” “Um—um,” murmured the old lady, “he told you all that, did he?” “Yes, mamma; and he told me what he was worth, too. ” " The old lady became interested. “Ah,” she said, “he told you that, did he?” “Yes, mamma.” “And how much did he say he was worth?” 1 “Nothing, mamma.” . “I thought so, or it wouldn’t have taken him so long to tell it” > “Oh, mamma'” pleaded the girl. . “Don’t‘oh, mamma’me!” interrupted the mother, “I know all about that sort of stock, and you can send him word that if he comes here again he’d better wear a life preserver.”—Merchant Traveler.

Hard Luck.

“How are you coming on in business?" asked a gentleman of a Dallas merchant.. “I am having a hard time of it. Luck is asaiust me.” “How 8Q?” “Didn’t you hear how burglars broke open the store and robbed my rival over the way? Just think of what a lot of free advertising he gets. I don't want to fail and get rich, but Fm being driven to it. "—Texas Sijtinga. The amount annually paid to the teachars of the United States is $80,000,000. an average of about S4OO apiece.