Rensselaer Republican, Volume 17, Number 8, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 30 October 1884 — Page 3

DEMOCRACY UNMASKED.

The Soiled Career of the Bourbon Party and Its Impure Motives. I An Eloquent Speech by Oliver T. Morton, at Indian* spoils, Ind. To the novitiate the broad lines which separate the great political parties are but faintly legible. A comparison of the platforms reveals but little difference between them. The platitudinous verbiage of She Democratic instrument shows nothing of the soiled career of that partv and its impure motives. But an experienced observer will discover behind the mask of virtue which it assumes its wolfish tongue. Democracy flees from its past like a fugitive from justice, like a criminal from the specter of his victim. But they cannot divorce their past from the present. As Freeman says, history is the politics of the past, and politics is the history of the present. No present event stands Isolated, but is connected with the pasfeby the indissoluble links of cause and effect. The doctrlhe of the heredity of crime is the only rational Explanation of the continuous misdeeds of the . Democratic party. Its antecedents are notoriously bSd. It changes its professions every lour years as regularly as those years roll by. It juggles with political principles like a mountebank, and treats an Intelligent public as though they were a set of bumpkins, devoid of memory, sense and judgment. Suppose you intend to employ a man to fill a position of trust in your business. You would not pay the slightest attention to his pretensions; you would demand recommendations attesting his punctuality, honesty, efficiency. The Democratic party presents to the country this year a hand-bill of moral platitudes, termed a platform, which vaguely promises some things that are good and others that are not so. But how can we believe one word which that party of faithless pledges and broken promises says, when we recollect that the Democratic party of the North, in 1860, favored secession? In 1862 it opposed secession and favored reconciliation on the basis of slavery. In 1864 it declared the war a failure; in 1866 it declared the war a success. In 1868 it opposed the constitutional amendments; in 1872 it approved the constitutional amendments. In the same year it demanded the immediate resumption of specie payments; in 1876 it demanded an immediate repeal of the resumption act. In 1880 it demanded a tariff for revenue only; in 1884 it tried to get on the fence, slipped, and fell on the thorns of free trade, where it ignominiously lies. What that rugged oid philosopher. Dr. Johnson, once said to the young man applies to the Democratic party: “Young man, you must have taken great pains with your education. You could not possibly by nature be as stupid as you axe." In view of tins trifling with national questions of grave import, It may well be inquired what States the Democrats will carry in the coming election. To answer this question I must open the darkest chapter in the annals of American history—the record of the Democratic party in the South since the war—a record that defiles the page and shames the historian. They will carry the State of Mississippi, where, untjl 1875, the Republicans had a majority of 30,000,' but which was overturned in that year by a revolution so cruel and so bloody as to blanch the face of outraged humanity. Public massacres, midnight hangings, ostracism—those threats of violence that spread a nameless terror through the community, that ferocity which stamps barbarism on the savage —all tended to show to an astonished world what the Democratic party meant by a white man's government. In Yazoo County, where the Republicans had a majority of l.oi't) and more, seven Republican votes were cast, and there were many others in the same ratio. They will cany the State of Louisiana, where, between the years 1866 and 1874, more than 4,999 Republicans were killed and wounded simply for exercising their constitutional prerogative of casting a vote. Negroes were pursued like lepers, and justice was so prostituted that slavery in comparison seemed a protection and a blessing. They will carry the States blistered by the ma-sacrcsat Hamburg, Danville, Clinton, Coushatta, Colfax, Vicksburg, Red River, and Mechanics’ Institute. The Republican vote in Arkansas, Louisiana, Mississippi, Alabama, North and South Carolina has been literally burned out—vanished as smoke in the heavens—leaving only the cinders behind to tell the ghastly tale. Hundreds of thousands of votes have been annihilated. They will carry every district in the South where there is an illicit distillery; every district where a Government revenue officer has been killed; every district whefe there is no schoolhouse; every district whore the ballot-boxes have been stuffed; every district where men, Illegally armed, have surrounded the polls; every district where Kuklux and White-Leaguers existed; every district where the Union soldier sleeps under the sod of the battle-field; every district where man has been held as a slave; every district where the blood of the negro has stained the soil; every district where the tyranny of one party remains; In line, they will carry every district that is controlled by the despotlam of ignorance and that, is enshrouded .in the black mantle of crime. I do not say that every Democrat in the South, or a majority of them, were Ku-kluxand WhiteLeaguers, and favored the measures of these organizations, but I do say that every Ku-klux and White-Leaguer was a Democrat. The Democratic party, that putrefied reminiscence of treason, crime, and blunder, is engaged in telling the country to-day that the mission of the Republican party is accomplished. The mission of the R ‘publican partywill never be accomplished until the Democratic party is dead. They ask that we shall no longer talk of Southern outrages. Now that the bloody work is over, and they are masters of the situation, their sensitiveness may be accounted for. They have gained control of every electoial vote south of Mason and Dickson's line. The South presents an impregnable and sullen front todays as it did twenty-four years ago, and is a menace to the peace and prosperity of this country. If the Democrats in the North desire a change so ardently, let them adjure their Southern brethren to permit a fair count, and some of the Southern States will cast a legal Republican majority. The Democratic party not only threatens, but absolutely pledges itself to cut off the pensions of Union soldiers. It said, in a plank unquestionably dictated by the Southern members of the convention: “We denounce the Republican party for having failed to relieve the people from crushing war taxes.” And again: “The system of direct taxation known ao the .nternal revenue is a war tax, and so long as the law continues the money derived therefrom should be sacredly devoted to the relief of the people from the remaining burdens of the war, and be made a fund to defray- the expense of tire care and comtort of worthy soldiers disabled in the line of duty in the wars of the republic, and for the payment of such pensions as Congress may, from time to time, grant to such soldiers, a like fund for the sailors having been already provided, and any- surplus should be paid into the Treasury.” They favor paying pensions out of the proceeds of a tax whoso existence they denounce The spirit of prophecy moves me, and I predict —in view of these words and the light of the past—that a Democratic government will cease to pay pensions to U nion soldiers unless the South is similarly provided for. The first step will be to pension Southern widows and orphans, who, they will sentiments ly urge, are innocent victims of the late strife. That will probably prevail, and more will follow. This threat and the talk of "crushing war taxes" come in bad grace irotn the South. In 1878 the Republican States paid fifteen-sixteenths of the whole customs revenue of the nation. Between the years 1 866 and 1878 $2,055,397,846.18 were collected as internal-revenue taxes. Of this sum the eleven Coni ederate States paid $201,906,096.15 —a less amount than that collected in the State of Ohio. The charges of misgovei mnent preferred against the Republican party by the Democrats may bg shortly dismissed. They say the Republican party does not protect its citizens abroad, and quote McSweeney. McSweeney. lived in Ireland five years, took his oath of office as Poor-Law Guardian, thereby severing his allegiance to the Unite ! States. He was released rbm prison through the demand of Secretary Blaine, although that gentleman's right to make the remonstrance was not at all clear. McSweeney is now running as a candidate for the English Parliament. The Republican party protected its citizens abroad when it battered down the forts of Corea: when it drove the French out of Mexico; when it forced $15,00J,000 out of England as a settlement of the Alabama claims, and finally when it made it possible for a German to return to his own country without being impressed into the army of the empire, and to have his naturalization papers respected. They say that the Republican party is reducing the public debt too rapidly. In the imbecile administration of Buchanan, during a time es profound peace, the Democratic party ran this country into debt $70,000,000. Since 186 •, notwithstanding the most destructive war of the century, the Republican party has paid off $1,;»0,000,060 of our national debt, an unparalleled achievement. But that part y which voted against the fourteenth amendment, and which has repudiated the whole or a portion of the debt of every State in the South, says that we should only pay the interest on our national debt, and let the pri" _-i] al iructify in the pockets of the people. In reph’ we urge that nine-tenths, of the United Stetes bondholders are Americans, and that if you liquidate the national debt you pay the money light back into the po.-ke** ot the

people. Where it does fructify m business enterprise, in the ventures of capitalists ana the support of labor, aind in addition you have swept away the interest, a sound economical operation. They protest against the surplus, apparently ignorant of the fact that it belongs to the people, and not the Government. To vouch it is robbery. Redeem the Treasury notes, gold and sliver certificates, bank notes and called bonds, fail to provide for current expenses and the sur,vlus disappears. A certain portion goes to the payment of our national debt every month, since we are bound to do nationally that which we do individually, pay our honest dues. Demagogism, thv name is Democracy. Thev sav the Republican party has mismanaged the finances. When it came into, power, in 1861, most of the specie had been driven out of the country. To meet the obligation of the great war, a -paper currency was issued, to the redemption of which the Republican party pledged its honor. A toill in Congress renewing that pledge was opposed by the Democratic party. But on the ,Ist day of January, 1879, specie payments were,resumed and the Republican party bad kept its premise, all of which the Democratic party had declared to be impossible and had endeavored to make so. They cannot say the Republican party has injured our credit abroad. When the Democratic party retired in disgrace fiom the management of this country our 6-per-cent. bonds were being hawked about Europe at 17 pe,r cent, discount, and yet we were a nstion of 30,00.0,000 of people and of illimitable resources. Under the rule of the Repuolican party our 3 and 4 per cent, bonds command from 12 to 20 per cent, premium, and our public credit is the highest of the world. They say that the country has not prospered under the rule of the Republican party. Mr. Blaine tells us in his admirable letter of acceptance that the true value of property in this country in 1860, the result of the toil of two centuries, was $14,000,000,000. Within the past twenty-four years the amount has more thafi trebled, and is now $44,000,000,000. The sands of my time are running low and I have been able only to hint at the great deeds of the greatest party in history. We.are here to-night as Republicans. Wc are here to say why we are what we are. We are Republicans because that party wounded unto death the diseased and infamous doctrine of State sovereignity: because that party made the flag of rebellio.n the shroud of treason; because that party struck the manacles from 4,000,0'10 slaves; because that party said the ballot and the life of the voter were sacred: because that party vindicated the national financial honor; because that party touched the dead body of our national credit and it sprang to its feet; because that party has added five. States to this Union; because that party has given homesteads to the poor; because that party has been a shield to the laborer; because that party fosters the education of the masses: because that party touched with its wand the untilled prairies and they waved with golden grain; because that party is the torch-bearer of Western civilization, and lights the way of progress. We are Republicans because that party sprang out ot the black night of the war-times, like a fair god, dad in the panoply of war, the hope of liberty to unborn millions, the prayer of the slave, and stands to-day, as it stood- twenty-four years ago, the best repr, sentative of the intelligence, the honor, and the patriotism of this nation.

A RINGING APPEAL.

Republicans Urged to Keep the Demoralized Bourbons on the Run. The National Committee Issues • ■ . ;\a Stirring Address to the People. Natiowat CommittTC the glorious victories already won, a sure omen of the greater victory that is close at hand. Vermont is still the star that never sets. Maine, captured in 188 ', rebukes slander by a plurality of 20,900; a gain of 13 per cent, of its entire vote. West Virginia, in place of 11.000 plurality for Hancock, now falls below 3,000, a Republican gain of 7 percent., which kindles hope that the 153 votes of a Solid South may be broken in No—vember. But the result in Ohio is a revolution and a prophecy. Only a year ago Democratic by 12,600, and two years ago by 19,600 plurality, Ohio now gives 12,000 plurality_for the low st Republican State candidate, and on national issues 18,000 for the Republican Congressmen. Holding the State and local offle.s, and the whole machinery ot elections, the Democrats scattered corruption money with a lavish hand, colonized voters, imported professional repeaters,'and, in spite of the most strenuous efforts to enforce the law against them, cast many thousand fraudulent votes. Because of this power they had chosen to stake all upon that State, declared that it would foreshadow theiresultin November, and were strangely certain of success. They tilled the air with slanders. Local issues led many voters to disregard national questions. Against such odds the magnificent victory is a prophecy of 40,000 plurality for Blaine and Logan in November. With the ratio of gain in other States, it foreshadows an increase of 700,900 in the Republican national vote, and the' largest popular majority ever given any candidate. These victories show the determination of the people that, as Lincoln, Grant and Garfield were slandered in vain, so the foremost statesman of to-day shall not be driven from the people's work by the tongue of malice. They show that the Republican party, which was the first to resist and uproot the dogma of “perpetual allegiance” to a foreign power, is chosen by the nation to defend all lights of American citizens abroad. They show that so long as the Democratic p rty rests all hope of success upon a denial of free suffrage in the Southern States it will ask in vain the confidence of any State where a free vote is recorded by an honest count. They show that the people will not abandon the protection of American industry, under which the country has gained twice as much in twenty years as<t had cained in all its previous history —the protection of American labor, which has lifted wages 62 per cent, higher here than in England. The people see what stagnation a Democratic “first firm step toward free trade” has caused within the last year. Nine months ago, Hushed with victory and boasting of certain success, the Democratic party mad, no tjeceet of its blind adherence to British theories of free • trade. Now, neither a deceitful platform nor a dumb candidate avails to check ths stampede from that party, for its voters know that protection has made the rewards of labor greater here than in any other land on earth. The National Committee appeals to the people to make the victory decisive. It is no time for overconfidence or for neglect of any proper effort. Bare success is not enough. It is time to put an end to the agitation by which the Democratic party prostrates business every four ' years; to out an end to the hope that the nation can be ruled by shot-guns in sixteen States and frauds in two; to put an end to tlie vilification of the foremost champions of American ideas by men who do not dare to meet vital issues of national policy: to make the principles proclaimed by our matchless leader—" Peace with the world, commercial expansion in every practical direction, encouragement of every form of American Industry, protection to every citizen, native, or naturalized, at home or abroad"—not ' only triumphant, but so overwhelmingly tri- I umphant that ths splendid prosperity which I they promote shall nut again be interrupted by j the struggles i f obsolete theories and foreign i interests for the mastery of this continent. The I grandest part of the grandest history ever made I by any nation is the work of the Republican party. It rests with you. Republicans of the I nation, to carry forward the work which you and your fathers have begun, and to which so many brave and faithful men have given precious lives, that the government of the people, by the people, and for the people, shall be maintained in the land. B. F. Jones, Chairman. Samvel Fessenden, Secretary. Grover Cleveland’s letter, addressed to the Hon. Allen G. Thursman, declining to be present at the meeting in Columbus, is a rare bit of assumption. "Let ME remind the people.” "Let me impress upon - the people,” etc. "Let me show them a way,” etc. And this from a man who four years ago was not known as a Democrat outside of his own ward in Buffalo. As a JJenlocrat he has never written a line worth remembering, never advanced an original idea which was above commonplace, and, so far as known, is incapable of writing a letter which has even the merit of putting a point with any directness. It would be something worth knowing to ascertain what the Hon. Allen G. Thurman said when he read this missive.— Boston Jdurnal. We have seen what Cleveland did for the corporations in the position of Governor of New York. Does any one for a tnoment suppose he -would be less willing to serve the corporations if he were elected Presideut? The Presidency would afford him a broader field in which to display sycophancy to corporate wealth. That he- would avail himself of the oppoituuity that such a field would offer him is as certain as any future event can be. Let ns hope, however, that he will never have the oppoX—«ity of so doing.— Irish World. \ ,

THE VOICE OF TRADE.

Thirty Thousand New York Business Men Indorse the Republican Candidates. A J Procession Never Before Equaled in the History of the City. Able Addresses ou Live Issues by Secretary Gresham, George S. Boutwell, and Other Eminent Men. (New York telegram ] It has never been the good fortune of any Presidential aspirant to receive such a hearty and enthusiastic indorsement of his candidacy by the business men of this city as was given Janies G. Blaine to-day. The meeting which was held in Wall street this afternoon under the auspices of the various exchange clubs was an. immense success and was ample evidence that the representative business men and merchants of the metropolis are enthusiastically in favor of the election of Mr. Blaine to the Chief Magistracy of the country. Those people who were surprised at the size of the gathering in Wall street on, the occasion of the Democratic demonstration a few days ago, were utterly bewildered this afternoon when confronted by a solid mass of people thronging WaU street from Broadway ...to Williams street and on Broad street from the Sub-Treasury steps to the Custom House. No comparison between the two meetings could be made, for, while there were admittedly not over 5,000 people at the Democratic demonstration, fully 12,000 thronged the -streets: name. I this afternoon. *==== It was the original intention to have all the speakers address tfie meeting from the SubTreasury steps, from the corner of Wall and Nassau streets, but early this morning it was evident that the crowd was too large, and it was decided to have three speaking stands, one from the Sub-Treasury steps, another from the Custom House steps, and another from a platform erected at the corner of William and Wall streets. The list of speakers included Secretary Gresham, Senators Hale of Maine and Hawley of Connecticut, Stewart L. Woodford, George S. Boutwell, Chairman S. Rogers, Alexander Sullivan, and State Senator Dennis P. McCarthy. The list of Vice Presidents included the names of 150 leading merchants and bankers of this city, while the Secretaries were about the same number of representatives of similar interests. AH day long in commercial circles the usual talk ot business interests gave way to discussion about the afternoon’s demonstration. In innumerable trading houses along the line of march flags and bunting were profusely displayed, and immense portraits of Blaine and Logan were hung from the window’s. According to" the programme the first organization to prepare tor the demonstration was the Dry Goods Association, which assembled on Worth street, between Church and Broadway, at 2 o’clock, and then headed by the Seventh Regiment Band marched 2,500 strong dowm Broadway. At Reade street the West Side Merchants’ Association fell in line with 300 men, and at Chambers street 300 hardware merchants joined. Two'other organizations were added to the line before Bowling Green was reached —the jewelers, 700 strong, and the Stock Exchange Blaine and Logun Legion. The latter body took the head of the procession with its 1,000 men, and elicited rounds of applause from the populace-darkened sidewalks. In fact from Worth street down the crowds were dense, and increased in size until at the-Produce Exchange Building nothing but a mass of black could be seen where t lie s treets- usually are.I At the Produce Exchange Building the organI ization from that exchange took its place in I the parade. Grand Marshal Sabin leading 1,200 i men. The delegations from the Petroleum ExI change 500 strong, the Lower Wall Street-Mor-. ■ chants’Club 250 strong, and the Cotton and • Metal Exchanges, counting 200 men, also fell ■ into the procession on Beaver street. i The route was down Broadway to Beaver, i through Deaver to Broad, and up Broad to the i Sub-Treasury. As the procession was seen ad- : vancing up Broad street by the assembled ' multitude they broke into tumultuous applause. The men in line answered by shouting: I ”0 -o—o -h—i—o.” ! "J—J—J—G—B—l—a—i—n—e.” ! At 3:30, the time for the meeting, the neats I around the three speaking stands were simply , one mass of people, and the windows in the : palatial banking houses were radiant with the I wives and daughters of their owners. Standing on the steps of the Sub-Treasury one could easily imagine- that all New York was out en masse to i a tit v the action of the_bfißiness community in indorsing Mr. Blaine’s candidacy, for the people were* packed together like sardines, i and their enthusiasm s emed to know no I bounds as the various clubs marched by with banners flying and cries of "Blaine, Blaine, James G. Blaine,” filling the air. They all marched by the stands before the speaking began and then scattered to take their -places anioim tite intmetrsw throng and listen to the speakers. Secretary Gresham was the orator of the occasion. He spoke from the SubTreasury steps, as follows: Mr. Gresham confined himself entirely to a discussion of the finances of the country’ and a refutation of the assertion of Mr. Hendricks, that the balance Ot money in the Treasury should be paid out immediately for the public debt. “Honest, industrious, debt-paying persons,” he said, “do not favor a currency of fluctuating and uncertain value. They wish that the United States notes and the national bank notes should be kept up to a coin standard. It is w,otthv of comment that many who are now clamorous against keeping this reserve for the redemption of the United States notes earnestly opposed the issuing of them as unauthorized by the Constitution, and that, too, when the life of the nation was in imminent peril. Bearing in mind the various claims upon the funds in the Treasury, what becomes of the charge made by the Democratic candidate tpr Vice President and others of imposing taxation and the unnecessary holding of $450,000,009 or $500,000,000? The real reserve is less than one-third of the apparent balance on hand. I have,too much respect tor the intelligence of Gov, Hendricks to believe he does not know that this apparent balance is not available for paying off the Government debt or for general purposes. The leaders of the Democratic party, with some exceptions, protested against the issue of United States notes; and when in the opinion of Congress the necessities of the war required them to be issued and clothed with the legal-tender quality the utter collapse of the public credit was predicted. Instead of these predictions being verified, the greenbacks, through the wise and conservative management of Republican administrations, are at a par with gold. Those who are familiar wit h the action of the Democratic leaders during and after the war on questions affecting the public credit are not surprised to see them now at work by speech and vote to get nd of the reserve without which wo might be obliged to suspend payments The achievements of Republican administrations in the management of our finances and the reduction ot the public debt are perhaps without parallel in the history of the w orld. No one at home or abroad doubts that our war debts will be fuUy and honestly paitl if the Republican party is continued in power. I Cheers. J The issue credit has been so firmly established and the debts so largely reducted that we can now safely reduce taxation within the demands of the law creating the sinking fund.” Senator Hale, Stewart L. Woodford, and Sherman S. Rogers, of Buffalo, addressed that portion of the multitude gathered around the Court House steps, wnile the other speakers were divided between the platforms at Wall and William streets.

OHIO.

Address of the Republican State Committee. To the Republicans of Ohio: Ou behalf of the Republican State Executive Committee we congratulate you on the magnificent victory which you won last Tuesday. Our enemies were made confident by the victories which they had won in 188-2 and 1883. They were strong in having lull possession of every branch of the State Government, and of the police departments of nearly all our large cities. The Democracy of the nation poured their then and money into our State ip the hope of settling the Presidential election by capturing Ohio. All these means were used against you with great skill and reckless disregard of fairness. Against all these great odds you have made a brave contest and fairly won it, having made a gain over last year of more than 24,<<X) on the head of your State ticket, against whom all sorts of schemes were devised, for the purjxise of cutting down his votes. In the result upon the other State officers and Congressmen your victory appears In treater magnitude, as upon these the gains were 30,000 and 31,009. The State had been gerrymandered by the Democratic Legislature, so that it was thought impossible for the Republicans of Ohio to secure more than six members in the next National House of Representatives. With this unfairness to contend against you have won ten. While we congratulate you upon this victory, we also ask yon to enter upon the contest which will close the 4th of November with renewed vigor and enthusiasm. The enemy has renewed the struggle, and by the unscrupulous use of the State, county, aud municipal governments, where they control them, will attempt to rob i w» o* Sruits of our victory. Let evecr Bepub-

lican put his shoulder to the wheel ot our chariot, and bnry the Democracy under such an overwhelming majority-that another campaign of slander and scandal will not be indulged in by our beaten foe 1 John F. Oglevee. Chairman. Joshua J. Brown, Secretary.

THE SOLID SOUTH.

The Southern Wing of the Democracy Trying to Get Control of the Nation It Sought to Destroy. Preponderance of Ex-Robels Among the Democrats in the Senate and House of Representatives. Mr. Blaine's Speech at Ft. Wayne, Ind. “Citizens of Indiana; "The October elections in Ohio and West Virginia have put a new phase on the national contest, or rather they have reproduced the old phase. [‘Good.’] The Democratic party, as of old, consider now they have the South solid again: they believe that they will surety get 153 electoral votes from the sixteen Southern States, and they expect, or they hope, or they dream, that they may secure New York or Indiana [‘Never!’ ‘Nevei!’ ‘lt is.a drcam!’]; and that with New York and Indiana added to the solid South, thev will seize the Government of the nation. I‘They can’t do it—never!’! Ido not believe that the farmers, the business men, the manufacturers, the merchants, and, last of all and most of all, I do not believe that the soldiers of Indiana can be put to that use. [Great cheering, and cries of ‘Ne'er!’ ‘Never!*! I do not believe that the men who added luster and renown to your Staterhreugh fourytarsof bloody war can be trusted to call to the of the Government the men who organized the great rebellion. [‘No!’ ‘No,!’ ’Never!’] In the Senate of the United States the Democratic party have thirty-seven members, of which number thirty-two come from the South. Ot their strength in the House of Representatives the majority of Representativi s come from the South, and now the intention is, will an absolutely solidified electoral vote from the South, added to the votes of the two .states I have named, to seize the Government of the Union. [,lt can’t be done!’ ‘I hat seizure can never be made!’J That means a great deal; it means that, as the South furnishes threefourths of the Democratic strength, it will be given the lead and control of the nation in the event of a Democratic triumph. It means that the great financial and industrial system of the country shall be placed under the direction of the South; that our currency, our banks, our tariffs, our internal revenue laws—in short, that our whole system upon which the business of the country depends shall be placed under the control of that section. It means that the constitutional amendments to which they are so bitterly opposed shall lie enforced only so far as they may believe in them, that the national credit as guaranteed in the fourteenth amendment, that the payment of pensions to the soldiers of the Union, as guaranteed in the same amendment,.shall be under their control; and what that control might mean may be by the bitterness with which those amendments were resisted by the Democrats of the South. There is not one measure -of hanking, of tariff, of finance, of public' credit, of pensions; not one line of administration upon which the Government is conducted to-day on which the Democrats of the South are not recorded as hostile, and to give them control would mean a change the like of which has not been known in modern times. It woul d be as if the dead Stuarts were recalled to the throne of England; as.if the Bourbons should be-invited to administer the Government of the French Republic; as though the Florentine dukes should be called back and empowered to govern the great Kingdom ot Italy. [’Good!’ and cheers.] Such a triumph would be a fearful misfortune to the South itself. That section, ’ under the wise administration of the Government by the Republican party, has been steadily and rapidly gaining or the last ten years in ail the elements of material prosperity. It has added enormously to its wealth since the close of the war, and has shared fully in the general advance of the country. To call that section now to the rulership of the nation would disturb its own social and political economy, would rekindle smoldering passions, and underthe peculiar leadership to which it would be subjected it Would organize an administration of resentment, of reprisal, of revenge; and no greater misfortune than that could come to the nation or to the South. It would come as a reaction against the progress of liberal principles in that section—a progress so rapid that the Republicans are waging earnest contests in those States whose interests are most demonstrably identified with the policy Ot protection against the baleful spectacle of a solid South. “ l am sure that Indiana will protest, and, on the whole, will conclude to stand where she has stood in the past. I believe that you will stand where you stood in the war; that you will stand for the principles and the policies which have made your State bloom and blossom as the ruse, and which have made the American republic in manufactures and in agriculture the leading nation of the world. [Great cheering. I The leading nation of the world, not merely in a material sense, but in a moral philanthropic sense —a country in which every man has as good a chance as every other man, and which, among other great gifts, bestows absolutely free suffrage. [Cheers.! You enjoy that suffrage, and the 4th day of November next you are to say for which party, for which policy, you will cast your votes. [Loud cries of ‘For Blaine!’ ‘For Blaine!’] Not me personally. [‘Y’eii.’ ‘Y’esl’J No, lam not speaking tor myself. No man ever met with a misfortune in being defeated for the.. Presidency, while men have met with great misfortunes in being elected to it. I ampleading no personal cause. lam pleading the cause of the American people. (‘That’s it!’ and cheers.] I am pleading the cause of the American farmer and American manufacturer, and the American mechanic, and the American laborer against the worla. [‘Good!’ ‘Good!’ ‘Good!’ and great cheers.] I am reproached by some excellent people for appearing before these multitudes of my countrymen, upon the ground that it is inconsistent with the dignity of the office for which I am named. [‘No!’ ‘No!’] I do not feel it to be so; there is not a courtier Jn Europe so proud but that he is glad to uncover his head in the presence of his sovereign. So I uncover in the presence of the only earthly sovereignty I acknowledge, and bow with pride to the free people of America.” (Great and prolonged cheering. J -

WORKINGMEN, READ.

An Eloquent Plea for Protection to American Labor. Text of Mr. Blaine’s Address at South Bend, Ind. Men of Indiana: The struggle in all human society fs first for bread. There is no use of propoundingfine theories to a man who is hungry, 'lhere is no use in commending a political principle to one who is in need of shelter ; there is no use in talking philosophy to one who is naked. Food and clothing are the primary requirements of human society, the primary elements of human progress, and to secure this you must put the people in the way of earning good wages. [Shouts of “That’s right'’ and cheers.! 1 never saw any man moved to enthusiasm by silently contemplating the prosperity of another [laughter! while he liimself was in need. To move him you want to make him feel his own jkosperity. [Cheers.] The beginning, therefore, and the. end of wise legislation is to give every man a fair and equal chance, and to leave the race of life open and iree for all. [Cheering. What agency will best accomplish that? What legislation will most tend to that end? Certainly it will not tend to that end to throw open our ports and say. Send ye all here your fabrics, made by the cheapest and mest depressed labor of Europe to compete with our own people who are just opening their shops and building their factories, for if you do that you can not spin a wheel or turn a lathe in these factories at home, unless you can get your labor at the European prices. [Cries, "That’s so.”J We begin right there. From these considerations we deduce the conclusion thait the protective tiriff is primarily for the benefit of the laboring man, because if you take in your hand any manufactured article, or cast your eye upon anything which can not be taken in the hand, you find that the chief constituent element in its cost is labor. In manycases the material is but 1 per cent, and the labor is 99 per cent, in the cost of the article. Therefore all legisla ibn of a protective character is and must be mainly tor the lien -fit of labor, because labor is the principal element in the cost of the fabric; hence, if there be any man who is pre-eminently and above allothers interested in the tariff it is the laboring man. i Cheers.] If you compare the tw'o great political parties in relation to this question you find teat the Republican party lives, moves, breathes, and has its being In protection. [Great cheering.] A protective tariff was one of the first fruits of the election of Mr. Lincoln. We have had it for twenty years on the statute books, with various amendments, which have been added from time to time, to make it more protective, and the result is that ail history, ancient, modern, and mediaeval, may be challenged tor a national like unto that which we have made

• .since 1861. (Renewed cheers.! 11 am merely rej citing the facts and figures of your assessor’s books and of the United States census tables when I say that in the last tw nty-three years of the history of this country we have added more wealth, double over, than we had acquired from the discovery of the continent by Columbus down to the election of Abraham Lincoln. (Prolonged cheering. I There must haVe lieen Some peculiar and potent agent at work to produce this great result. That agent was the protective tariff, otcratiiig to lit rve the arm of labor and reward it fairly' and liberally. (Cheers.! Whether that policy shall be continued or whether it shall tie abandoned is the controlling issue tn this campaign. All other questions ,are laid aside for the time. There are many which are worthy ot consideration, but two weeks troin Tuesday ne.tt we shall have an election in every State tn the Union to determine with reference to this question, the character of the next Congress, and the future policy of the Government. You have before you the Republican party, pledged to sustain the protective tariff, and illustrating that pledge by a consistent example extending through twenty-three years. Yon have, on the other hand, the Democratic ’party which in fifty-one years, since 1833, has never in a single instance voted for pw>tection, and never controlled a Congress that it did not oppose protection. (“That’s so."] I say, therefore, to the laboring men and to the mechanics, some of whom may do me the honor to listen to me. your unions, your leagues, all those associations which you have formed for your own advantage and your own advancement, are well and proper in their way; it is your right to have them, and to administer them as you choose, but they are not as strong as a rope of sand against the ill-paid labor of Europe, if you take away, the protective tariff, which is now your background and support (cheers]; so do not be deluded by the idea that yon can dispense with the protective tariff and substitute for it your labor unions. [Renewed cheering.] Ido not distract your attention wdth anv other question. I do not stop to dwt 11 upon the great issues that have been made and settled by the Republicans within the last twenty-three years. That party has. made a deeper and more glorious imprint in history than any other political organization that ever was charged with a great responsibility, and it is the pride of every man who has belonged to it, and has shared Its labors, its responsibilities, its triumphs, its honors. [Great cheers.]

COPIAH COUNTY AGAIN.

A Mob of Reckless Democrats Break Up a Republican Meeting. 1 The Republican Nominee for Congress forced to Flee for His Life. J. J. Williams, of the Republican Committee, telegraphs from Jackson, Miss., to the Chicago Inter mean as follows: Democrats in portions of the Sixth Mississippi District, where the Hon. John R. Lynch, and in the Seventh District, where the Hon. J. B. Ycllowby are the Republican nominees for Congress, have begun a systematic intimidation of Republicans. In Wilkinson County, strongly Republican (in Lynch’s district), Winchester rifles furnished by the Democratic State Government have been distributed to every Democrat who would receive them, and a reign of terror has been inaugurated. Mr. Lynch’s friends met him on his way to speak in that county, and implored him not to come into tint county, knowing violence and bloodshed would betlie inevitable result. Mr. Lynch thereupon canceled all his appointments in that conntv. __ Last night in Crystal Springs, Copit h C’nnty, the same county in which Print Batthews was murdered last year, a Republican mec Ing w s to be addressed by the Hon J. B. \<ilow- , by, tjie nominee for Congress, ju ge McMillan, Republican candidate for election, and James Hill, Collector of Internal Revenue. Mr. Yellowby attempted to sneak, when a mob of Democrats threw bottles and brick-bats, mingled with the most opprobrious epithets. He was forced to leave the stand, making his escape to an hotel.accompanied: by a few friends ?-^tfe-wßs-pnrsuett"by the mob, who continued to throw missiles of every description. All of the party were more or less bruised, and one man’s skull was fractured, from which he will die. Yeliowly took refuge in the barber-shop connected with the hotel, and while doing so was fired at several times, fortunately without fatal result. He remained concealed until the midnight train arrived, when he succeeded in eluding the mob and got away. It is not probable the Republicans will poll many Blaine and Logan votes in Copiah and Wilkinson Counties. In the Third, or hhoe-string district, where the Hon. A. G. Pierce is the Republican nominee, the Republicans have about 18,090 majority. The same reign of terror lias been inaugurated by Democrats who have distributed " inchester rifles in that district. Also leading Democratic speakers in that district openly advocate violent methods to carry the election. The more intelligent Democrats have given up all hope ot the election of Cleveland and Hendricks, and arte directing all their energies to send up a solid Democratic Congressional delagation in order to control the next House of Representatives.

Political Notes.

A poll of New York State by counties gives Butler a vote of 80,800. It is the same old Republican party that backed Lincoln, and Grunt, and Garfield that is backing Blaine. ■Henry Ward Beecher once wrote a letter “humbling him sslf as he would before his God” to atone for the wrongs he had done afe low-man. And Mr. Beecher is engaged to-day in another dirty business that may compel him to repeat the penance. —Philadelphia Press. Sixteen members of the Cleveland and Hendricks First Voters’ Club stated their intention to vote for Blaine and Logan. The organization will be known as the Independent Democratic Blaine and Logan First Voters’ Club as the result of this flop. —Port Wayne (Ind.) telegram. “The issues of this, campaign are moral,” declared the truly virtuous Independents some time since. This circumstance. however, has not prevented their indulgence in lying and forgery—two Democratic accomplishments in which they have attained great proficiency. Since the nomination of Grover Cleveland he has delivered himself of three great chunks of wisdom: "The office of President is essentially executive, ” was the first; “the soil remains in its place,” was the second: “the tariff questiop is‘irrelevant,” was the third. The Buffalo statesman has a great head. — New York Dial. Democratic free traders, furnished with the necessary money by British manufacturers, have imported Daniel McSweeney, a British subject, to try and stop the Irish revolt from the Democratic party. McSweeney has been a citizen of Ireland during seven years past, and is now a candidate for Parliament in that country. “Neither by experience, ability, nor characteris Grover Cleveland fitted for the Presidency of the nation, or entitled to the support of independent and conscientious voters.” Such is the concluding sentence of a scathing review of Grover Cleveland’s official acts made by a committee appointed by the Young Men's Republic in Club of New York. ' ■ ' We are confronted with the Democratic party, vety hungry, and, as you may well believe, very thirsty; a party without a single definite principle: a party without any distinct national policy which it dares to present to the country; a party which fell from power as a conspiracy against human rights, and now attempts to sneak back to •power as a conspiracy for plunder and spoils.— Geo. Curtis, Juneo, 1884. . Gen. Grant writes to a friend: “I am taking no part in the canvass, but it is not because of any change in sentiment. I have been a Republican ever since the war began, and shall continue so as long as the States in rebellion continue to cast a solid vote for the party that supported the rebellion, whether they have the numerical strength to do sb with a free ballot and a fair count or not. ” •-- - - . Sobrow seems sent for our instruction, as we darken the cages of birds when we would teach them to sing.— Pachter. -

JAMES G. BLAINE.

> His Magnificent Reception by the People of the Garden City. A Popular Demonstration Without Parallel in the His- >■ tory of Chicago. A Great Irfpouring of Republicans from the Surrounding ; f Country. More than 20,000 Men in Line and 50,000 Eager and Enthuiiastic Watchers. (Condensed from.the Tribune’s report.] If any evidence were needed to attest the position of Chicago in this campaign, or to measure her enthusiastic devotion to Hlaine and Logan, it was offered last night in the macnineent and imposing demonstration that filled her streets. Chicago never does things by halves, and last night she exceeded herself in her tribute to the Republican candidates. The procession was net alone the largest that has turned out in the history ot the city, but one of the greatest popular uprisings tnatv. have ever been known tn this country. The scene in front of the (.rand Pacific was a sight to be remembered for a lifetime. As far as the eye could reach the area adjacent to the hotel was solidly packed with people. Probably over 504100 persons were standing there, uncomfortably wedged in together, eager to hear or at least catch sight of the Republican candidate, and during this time a huge procession, fully 20,000 strong, was parading the adjacent streets in the vain hope of being reviewed by Mr. Blaine, their tortuous, zigzag course through 1 the principal avenues marked by the flashing of fireworks and glare of torches. , „ The rural clubs turned out in full ranks. In fine marching order, and with a profusion of flags, banners, transparencies, and handsome I uniforms that attested splendid organization. 1 The city clubs were also out in full force and kept the air resonant with lusty cheers, which I were repeated over and over by the vast crowds which lined the walks and filled doorways and windows all along the route. The picturesqueness of uniforms, the numerous bands and drum corps, the mounted caval - > cades, the parti-colored torches and lanterns, and the illuminations of colored fires made a spectacle which will not soon be forgotten by those who saw it, and apparently the whole city saw it, for thousands upon thousands of people were in the streets who made no effort to get to the vicinity of the Grand Pacific, The organizations of workingmen, the large con- ’ course of students, the” German, Irish, and Scandinavian turnouts made a special feature, and bore testimony to the universally magnetic influence which Mr. Blaine has upon the masses. It was bnt just that the foremost repreaenta- ; five of the Republican party should receive ; from the State that furnished its quota without 1 a draft, in the dark days ot the nation Um most magnificent greeting tnat men can givjjto man. The memory ot that spectacle will live in 1 Chicago’s history; its significance will make T history for the republic. Hour after hour pa-sed ; and still the hundreds and the thousands j marched on; still the enthusiasm of vast mul--1 tltudes surged abont the moving ranks; still one I chorus of rejoicing rose in deepening volume j, through the gloom of night. From a high window one might look as far as ; the eye conld reach upon uniformed citizens in < regiments of peace. ■ Numberless bands played I national airs, and when the excitement reached a climax, thousands of torches were swung in circles ot flame, until the vision was dazzled by 1 the glittering contusion, and the ears were i stunned by the uproar and the din. Some clubs I bore red lights, others lanterns ot every shade, ' and through the glare shone the favorite colors I ot the costumes-the nalional “Red, White, I and Blue.” Every place within 300 miles lof Chicago seemed to be represented. The i marchers came as they came in bygone i years when duty called them—from quiet country farms, from the villages that dot the prairies, from the city’s shops and marts, from factories and offices and stores—men, not only of American birth, but thousands who bad sought a retuge from foreign tyranny in the only land that lives to-day "without a master and without a slave.” The watchword of the night, the expression of every mouth, sung, shouted, and, yelled, was “James G. Blaine.” It was cried from window and balcony; it was echoed from street to street; it was sung to the music of drums; it rose and fell in one great chorus—- . “James G. Blaine.” ~ ... ■

BLAINE AT MILWAUKEE.

The Plumed Knight’s Royal Welcome to the Cream City. (.Milwaukee special.) The affair, as a whole and in every detail, was one ot the most successful and most brilliant public demonstrations ever witnessed in this city. The day opened clear and cold, but before 10 o’clock the temperature moderated, and the day was one of the most beautiful of the season. Early in the day the city began to put on- a holiday appearance. The early morning trains brought in thousands of strangers from the country. Later excursion trains began to arrive on all the railroads from the larger towns and cities. By noon the streets were thronged with people, at least 10,000 strangers being in the efty. The streets along the line of march were lined and packed out to the very carriage wheels with enthusiastic people. A® the train pulled in a cannon salute was fired and a band stationed at the depot played a welcoming air. The appearance of Mr. Blaine outside the station was the signal for tremendous cheering, which was £aken up and carried down the street for halt amile. Mr. Blaine, his party, and his reception committee entered carriages and the procession moved. All along the line of march the utmost enthusiasm prevailed. Men and boys cheered and 1 ladies waved their handkerchiefs at every point Mr. Blaine responded by bowing and waving his handkerchief. The march was short, and' ended at the Exposition Building. From iO.OOO to So,'XX) enthusiastic people were awaiting inside and outside the Exposition Building. Three-fourths of the waiting people could not obtain admission to the. building. By some means several thousand men and hoysfound their way to the roof and l.sfened through open skylights. As the party entered the building and the great organ played Hail to the Chief," and ths band followed with the “Htar-Spangied Banner.” Chairman Taylor of the State Central Committee called the meeting to order at 1:45, and the Arlington Glee Club sang “We’ll Vote for Blaine of- Maine.” After Mr. Blaine was introduced a scene of enthusiasm never before witnessed in this, < ity took place. Therimmense crowd in the building rose and cheered and cheered till it seemed the cheering would never cease. Eor several minutes Mr. Blaine stood bowing and waving his hand for silence. When the crowed had cheered itself hoarse and tired and something like silence followed, Mr. Blaine said: "The Republican party had its birth in the Northwest, and there it has always found steady support. [Cheers.) “And as the Republican party had its birth in the Northwest, we come to you now for a rebaptism in the original faith and for added strength to the prestige of the party. [’We’ll give it:’ ‘Three cheers for Blaine and Logan and protection !*J I do not believe that Wisconsin, I do not believe Illinois, IJdo not believe that .Michigan, I am sure that Ohio [cheers), those, great component members ot the old Northwest Territory—l do not believe that any of them can ever be induced to undo the work which they began in 1854. ['Never! Never’’ and loud cheer.net) I do not believe that the free arms and the free hearts of the great free Northwest can ever be used to torn the Government of this nation over to the men who sought its destruction. [‘Never!' ‘Never! ’) In that faith I greet you. In that faith I leave you. In that faith I thank you profoundly for a reception which is proportioned to the grandeur of your empire and the warmth of your hearts." [Prolonged cheering.) - .Ji ... According to Cleveland the tariff is ‘au irrelevant issue." According to Blaine it is “a living issue. ” What say the workingmen, with existence at stake—is it “irrelevant,” or is it “living?”— Cincinnati Commercial Gazette. Carl Schubz, turned loose as a Democratic orator in Xcxas, would secure the State to the Republicans in 1888. The Democratic majority in Texas is now in,tha neighborhood of 200,000.—Globe-Demo-crat. , - John KOzis, Lord Byron’s in still living at Missolonghi.