Rensselaer Republican, Volume 17, Number 6, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 16 October 1884 — Page 7

BLAINE'S AMERICAN POLICY.

“There Will Be, I Trust in God, an American Policy* l —Daniel Webster —Precedents. . ? ■ O f A Strong Exposition of Mr. Blaine’s Position—A Broad, Able and . . Patriotic Statesman. , . J Tuesday, the 16th ult., there was a Republican rally at Buffalo, when the haM was packed to hear the orator pt the c evening, the Hon. James O. Putnam, who delivered a most eloquent address. Mr. Putnam was the American Consul at Havre for many years, and Was appointed Minister to Belgium by President Garfield. No abler presentation of Mr. Blaine's views of the necessity of an American foreign policy has been given during the campaign than the following passages from Mr. Putnam’s address: :■> Mi. BLAINE’S FOREIGN POLICY. Mr. Blaine’s course as Secretary of State, particularly in connection with the bpanishAmerican republics, has been more than sharply criticised. The Democratic party has sought to give the impression that in power lie is dangerous—a sort of diplomatic dynamite, reckless and destructive. This Las had a loud echo from the other side. England with almost unit voice pronounces him dangerous, a disciple of the "jingo’' school, and calls upon her Inends in this country to aid in his defeat. Yes, England that has subjugated a quarter of the gio lie, that is scarcely ever without a war to maintain her military conquests, that holds- Gibraltar from Spain to guard her highway to Inula, that secured control of the Suez Canal for the same purpose, that is ever scheming for commercial ascendency in the republics of South and Central America, whose naval stations and military posts in every quarter of the globe prepare her for every exigency of naval war, is 'horrorstruck that a statesma* is in nomination for the Presidency who, with a type of courage and patriotism which England honored in her Canning and Palmerston, presumed to insist upon an American policy that should secure us friendly commercial relations with our sister republics, and enforcing the Monroe doctrine against European aggression. Perhaps the American people will share her alarm and that of her allies hero, and will repudiate a policy to secure us our natural commercial advantages and maintain the republican institutions of North and Central America against the wiles of European ambition. I remember New. York gave the country in its crisis hour a Premier of kindred courage to Mr. Blaine s. secretary seward was saved from the Presidency to render services in the State Department hardly less important than the military service in the field. History, when she makes up her final record of the war of the rebellion, while placing Lincoln among the God-created rulers born for the crises of nations, will rank Secretary Seward with the few great diplomatists whose wisdom and hope and courage and national feeling were as powerful for defense against foreign foes as fleets and armies. Gov. Seward when Secretary of State was no favorite of England or France, but by his American diplomacy he sent the French troops out of Mexico, and drove Maximilian from the mushroom throne built on Austrian intrigue ‘ and French bayonets. SECRETARY WEBSTER. ■ Massachusetts onee gave the country a Premier of kindred American assertion, whose name stands, and will foreyer stand, representative of all that is commanding in intellect and patriotic in action. Mr. Webster knew how to assert the dignity of his country. He so asserted it in his controversy with Austria at the time of the Hungarian revolution that the Austrian Minister —Chevalier Hulseman—took his leave, Kossuth said here in Buffalo, “without so much as a wish for his good journey from anybody.” No rrworffa of approach pd in sharpness of national assertion the words of Mr. Webster when, in his correspondence with the Austrian Minister; he declared Austria to be “but a patch On the earth’s surface.” compared with the territorial vastness of the United States, and that had Austria put in foree its menace against t - e agent ot the United States it would be met by the utmost power, military and naval, of the republic. The same Whig s'tatesihan, in 1823, in his masterly speech on the Greek revolution and the policy of the allied Powers to crush out the rising of the. oppressed peoples, said—and his words should bo written on the door-posts of our State Department in letters so luminous that thfey can be read from London, from Paris, from Berlin, and St. Petersburg—“ There will be, I trust in God, an American policy.” It was a kindred American assertion by Secretary Seward that forced England to abandon forever her claim of right of search of American vessels. I t was a kindred American assertion of an American policy by Mr. Blaine when in Congress that forced the British Government to abandon the claim of British citizenship over a naturalized citizen of the United States, and so placed the a gis of the republic over every naturalized citizen from whatsoever land. Such was the idea of the old Whig, and such is the idea of the Republican party of the American policy. If Mr. Blaine was earnest in trying to secure an honorable peace between Chili and Peru and to save Peru from that cruel spoliation which finally overtook her, and which has no parallel in modern civilized warfare, it was on the side of humanity; and may the day never dawn when the Government of the United States shall look with indifference upon the misfortunes of any republic in Europe or America. Ido not believe the country will consent to ask leave of England or any other Euroixan Power to maintain American interests, and its own honor, on this continent. The North and South American States are yet In their infancy; they have natural affiliations, and have interests which should unity their spirit and action in matters purely Western. And I.would ask what power if not the United States should take the lead in establishing that esprit de corps among the Western republics? She has priority in age, the priority in all the elements ot national strength, and Its highest lessons ot international justice this age has learned from her. While the great states of Europe rush Into war for revenge, or commercial aggrandizement, the United States has Invoked the methods ot arbitration, and I will say, for it is just, that this experiment of peaceful settlements of international disputes was inaugurated during the rule ot the Republican party. The Alabama controversy conducted by Secretary Fish, and the later fishery controversy conducted by Secretary Evarts, both of which had generated bad blood enough to breed a half-dozen wars, were brought by Republican diplomacy to peaceful issues. CONGRESS OF WESTERN REPUBLICS. It was the desire of Mr. Blaine to establish an esprit de corps among the American states that should lead to a settlement ot all international disputes that might arise by friendly arbitration, and so avoid the horrors of war, that inspired his proposition for a congress of Central and South American republics. I know his proposition met with scoff and sneer in England and at home, but I ask you, if, in view of the belligerent relations then existing between two of the Western republics and of the angry boundary controversies between other of the Gulf states, a proposition to the republics of North and South America that might lead to peaceful adjustments of international controversies was a fair subject of scoff and derision? Shall Europe enjoy a monopoly of congresses? Her states have been repeatedly so in session during our century, from congresses which in 1816 and 1821 issued their decrees, and sent their armies against the liberties of states, and in the interest of absolutism, to the sittings of yesterday over the remains of Egypt, the helpless football of European diplomacy. Yes. gentlemen, we will stand by Mr. Blaine’s emphatic Americanism. While France is waging wars in China and Africa to advance her commercial power, and England is ever waging war ill some quarter of the globe to advance her commercial interest, the United States will seek, at least so long as the responsibility of Its action devolves upon the Republican party, to establish the ascendency of American interests on the American continent. But if we have grown degenerate and are prepared to surrender our American trust, the Republican is not tHe party toadminister the Government in its day of humiliation, and Mr. Blaine is not thernan txrplace our moral or our political sovereignty at the feet of any foreign power. , L-.. THE CLAYTON-BULWER TREATY. Permit me to refer to one other act of Mr. Blaine as Secretary of State, which has much disturbed English sensibility, and wlfich the opposition at home has made another subject of criticism. I refer to his celebrated dispatch relative to the mollification of the Clayton-Bulwer treaty. Th t treaty was made in 1850 with Great Britain, soon after our acquisitiod from Mexico, and before the development of our vast commer; dal interests en the Pacific coast. In referring to the proponed interoceanic canal through Nicaragua, that treaty agreed: “That neither the one nor the other will ever obtain or maintain for itself any exclusive control on said ship canal, and that neither will erect or maintain any fortifications commanding the same or in the vicinity thereof. ” And it was further agreed: “To extend their protection by treaty etipniaiions to any other practicable communications, whether by canal or railway, across the Isthmus which we now propose

to be established by way of Tehuantepec or Panama.” 1 in the event of a war with Great Britain, as it now stands, our Pacific coast would be.at the mercy of a Britis.i fleet through such a canal. Mr. Blaine proposed a modification of that treaty that should make it equitable in view of our present vast interests on the Pacific coast. “Hie treaty,” be said, bi ids the United States not to use its military force in any precautirnary measure, while it leaves tne naval power of Great Britain perfectly free and unrestrained—ready at any moment of need to seize both ends’ of the canal, and render its military occupation pn land a matter ..enttreiv . within the discretion of her Majesty’s Government. ; “The Ciayton-Bulwar treaty commands this Government not to use a single regiment of troops to protect its interests in connection with the interoceanic canal, but to surrender the ; transit to the guardianship and control of the i British navy.” I His dispatch was a vindication of the Monroe doctrine which for sixty years has been the ! corner-stone of our policy as far as the con- j tinents of North and South Amer.ca are concerned. Had Secretary Blaine, instead of asking s , modification of the treaty, at onee declared it a ' nullity, he would have followed a precedent ; in the treaty history of England in conn ction ! with her defenses ot her East India possessions. The Island of Malta is, next to Gibraltar, her strongest fortress upon the route to India. Ln 1803 she entered into a solemn treaty with France to surrender the island and remove her troops. She ref used to abide by it and renewed i the war with France, assigning changed circumstances after she had made her treaty as her justification. I do not < riticise England’s action —self-preservation is the firstlaw. I have dwelt upon Mr. Blaine's career as Secretary of State, not only because it has provoked the most intense hostility to him in England, and most disparaging criticisms at honie to awaken alarm, but. because nothing in his whole car-er so commands my admiration as his watchfulness over American interests while, in. that office, and his courage in maintaining them. Canning, in 1826,' then Premier of Great Britain, referring to the sympathy he had extended to the new republics in South America, and to his diplomatic defeat of the Holy Alliance that would crush them, said, with just pridey-I called the New World into existence to redress the balance of the Old.” • Mr. Blaine, with equal justice, can say, “I 'gave, the moral support of my Government to maintain the integrity, to harmonize the ini erests, and to unity the political spirit of the Western republics." In closing this branch of the discussion, let me give you a great anthority, - . You, doubtless, saw the published “interview" with President Anderson, of Rochester University, in which he corrected the impression that he intended to vote for Gov. Cleveland, and states that be favored Mr. Blaine’s foreign policy. In a private letter to myself, he says: “I have no fear of Mr. Blaine's alleged ‘ jingoi -m.’ He may have made some trilling mistakes in his dispatches on foreign affairs, but he is too broad, able, and patriotic a man to loment war with a foreign nation.”

AN OLD-LINE DEMOCRAT.

Tlie Secretary of the American Agricultural Association Can’t Stand Grover Cleveland. [New York Sun,] We print a significant letter from Mr. Joseph H. Reall, the founder and Secretary of the American Agricultural Association, and editor of the widely circulated A gricultural Review. Mr. Reall is a Democrat. Before the Chicago convention he favored the nomination of Mr. Randall. He cannot support Cleveland.’-'Hun-dreds of thousands of Democratic farmers in all parts of the Union are, like Mr. Reall, against Cleveland and for the People’s candidate, Benjamin F. Butler. The letter to as follows: "Glen Ridge, N. J., Sept. 28. “The Hon. WllliamvA. Fowler, Chairman of the Executive Committee of the People’s Party. “Dear Sir.: Will you please enroll my name as a member of the People’s partv? I will do all I can to promote its principles anci elect its candidate, because 1 believe their success will be for the best interests of the country. I may mention that I have'always been an earnest Democrat, but, with so many others, I ’ am tired of voting for nothing. The organization has come to represent only tolly and defeat. For a good many years the rank and file were satisfied to be beaten, because they felt they had principles to support, but now we have neither candidates nor issues worthy of support. The last opportunity lor success lias been frittered away, and victory can never come to the present organization. The People's party represents true Democracy. Its candidate is a practical and capable exponent of the principles on which Democracy to based. - Not only sb, UutTie represents the ideas of more citizens of the United States than any other public man. " All unbiased minds see that both the Democratic and Republican leaders are trying to hoodwink voters into supporting their candidates by slinging mud at each other instead of advocating ideas. They either do not know the material wants of the country, or dare not advocate them, excepting in the case of the Republicans, who do give some attention to the tariff question. But the public will not be thus humbugged. Intelligence has increased and spread since the Democratic managers got bold of the organization, now a score ot years ago, and it does its own thinking at present. There are live issues to lie considered, wrongs to be corrected, “and progress made. Whether or not Gen. Butler to elected, and he can yet be, he has founded what will prove to be the greatest political party this country has ever had, and the most useful. No power can prevent its grand and immediate success. Witnin a year it will number within its ranks every member ot the present Democratic party who loves his country and knows its needs, and a large percentage of Republicans. I have observed carefully the tendency of the people since the Chicago conventions, and I have seen the current increase day by day as it flowed toward the organization you so well manage. Please accept my congratulations on the great work you have been enabled to accomplish already. Your progress has been marvelous, and you are well equipped for grand' results. May God speed you and all who labor with you in the noble cause. You will not want “for men or means. Hosts of my fellow Democrats stand ready to aid in every wav. I am, dear sir, most truly yours, Jos. H. Reall.

BRITISH, GOLD.

English Manufacturers Anxious for Democratic Success. [New York telegranr J The publication to-day of the rumor that John Bigelow had gone to England to secure funds for Cleveland and Hendricks and free trade caused a great deal of talk. Chairman Smith, of the Democratic State Committee, said that Mr. Bigelow had gone-to England on ar connt of his health and that of his daughter, and tor no other reason; that he had known all along that Mr. Bigelow was going to Europe, and that no one in his right mind would bel.eve that English manufacturers would have any interest in American politics. At tlie Republican headquarters the Hon. J B. Dolliver, the lowa orator, said: “There is not the slightest doubt that British gold to to be used in this canvass. Large sums of corruption mofiey have found the! way to this country to be used wher- money would do the most good. The Cobden Club is working here. In our part ot the country we have been flooded with tracts and pamphlets for ten years. As I remember them they are, ‘The New Protection Cry;’ ‘Free Trade and English Commerce;’ ‘The Western Farmer of America;' ‘Reciprocity,’ and so on. These tracts or screeds, or whatever you may call them, are scattered broadcast through the length and breadth of lowa, Ohio, Illinois, and Wisconsin. They are sent in the farmers' mad; they are distributed in the crowded cities and at public meetings. The sophistry and specious arguments brought to bear upon the questions of protection, free trade, reciprocity, and the like are laughable and betray the usual English ignorance of the intelligence and education of the average American. Yes, sir; money to used here by Englishmen tor English ends. The Democratic party to the tool of these Cobden Club members and their sympathizers. No man who hasTived In lowa can deny that English influences are constantly at work for molding popular opinion In favor of freq trade.” James S. Weeks, of Pennsylvania, said: "Do English manufacturers spend money in and for the Democratic party because ot its friendliness to free trade? Yes, sir. I have heard of Mr. Bigelowls mission. I don’t doubt it Is for some such purpose as drumming up funds, although, ot course, I can t say. sl ;

Ex-Congressman Murch, who represented the Fifth Congressional District of Maine for two terms, being elected on a Greenback-Labor ticket, is now supporting Mr. Blaine. He said: "Certainly I know that English influence to brought to bear on our elections. I have heard eom-thing about Bigelow’s but know nothing definite. All through Maine the Cobden Club's influence to felt. The pamphlets find their way into every farm-house. There can be no disputing the fact that Democracy, free trade, and British interests are bound up together. The money and Influence of English manufacturers play a much greater part in American politics than most persons would believe.”

ANOTHER DEMOCRAT BOLTS.

Col. John Hancock of Oshkosh, Wis., Out for Blaine. , [Milwaukee SenUnel.J In this morning’s Sentinel will be found an article by Col, John Han ock on the Monroe doctrine. Col. Hancock is hn old and w IdKnown resident of the Sta e. an 1, up to the present y ar. has been a steadfast Democrat. He enlisted early in the War of the Retell on, going out as First Lieutenant in the t court Wisconsin Infantry, his company having Col. Gabe Bouck as its Captain. Subsei u -ntly he was promoted to the Majority ot the Fourteenth Imantry, and became its Colonel. A lawyer by profession, he return’d to the practice of law. in Oshkosh when he left the army, and was to .1 some years Police Justice of that city. Col. Hancock savs that he has been a life-long Democrat, and has been waiting for Ills party’to accept the issues of the war. Instead of do ng ibis, he finds it drifting rapidly back into the support ot those State-rights opinions which were employed is a justiticati n by the Southern States for the Rebel ion. In view of its attitude upon this question, and its truckling to foreign interests and capital, he Considers it the duty of every good citizen to Rive a warin support to Mr. Blame. Col. Hancock’s example and influence will encourage many of his old Democratic associates to adopt the same course. The article is as follows: James Monroe in his first message laid down the doctrine that thereafter no foreign power should be allowed to obtain a loothold on this continent; which is familiarly known as the "Monroe doctrine.” The Democratic party failed to enforce the doctrine in the settlement of the Oregon boundary question. Briti-h gold and influence, allied by Southern votes, secured all the great Northwest territory lying west of the Rocky Mountains to which the Government of Great Britain had no shadow of title, it being neutral ground. Again was the doctrine abandoned by the Democratic party in the ratification of the Clayton-Bulwer treaty, which treaty was entered into by Great Britain and the United States on a settlement of the Central American question; in that treaty it was stipulated that neither Great Britain nor the United States should ever occupy, colonize, or exercise dominion over any portion of Nicaragua, Costa Rica, the Mosquito coast, or any part of Central America. Senator Douglas opposed the ratification of the treaty as an abandonment of the "Monroe doctrine” and subjecting the United States Government to British dictation. The British Minister then at Washington remonstated with Douglas; claimed it was reciprocal, asitpledged both nations alike that they should never occupy or hold dominion over Central America. Douglas said, "It would be fair it they would add one word to the treaty, so that neither Great Britain nor the United States should ever occupy or liold dominlon over Central America or Asia." "But,” said the British Minister, ’“jfou have no interest in Asia.” “No,” answered Douglas, “and you have none in Central America." The treaty was ratified by a vote of 11 to 42. The Southern Senators were nearly unanimous in its support. As appears from a statement in a late number of the London Times, the South American republics are indebted to Great Britain from £5 to £26 per capita, Venezuela being the lowest; that republic borders on the Republic of Colombia through which a canal is now being constructed by British capital, backed by the Government of Great Britain. The keen foresight of Mr. Blaine, while Secretary of State, at once detected the great difficulties this Government jvould labor under in allowing the construction of that canal by foreign power, gave the British Government notice of the abrogation of the Clayton-Bulwer treaty, and also gave notice to Lord Granville that if the canal was constructed it would be deemed a part of the coast line of the United States. The only reason given by Great Britain for the seizure and occupation of Egypt was to protect Brinish bondholders. With the present heavy indebtedness of the South American republics to Great Britain, and the Obtaining of a foothold in the Republic of Colombia by the construction of the canal across the isthmus, how long will it be before those weak South American republics will fall into the capacious maw of Great Britain and each in turn become another Egypt ? The avidity with' which the foreign powers take advantage of a protest to undermine this Western republic may be witnessed in the attempt during the war of the rebellion of France, while an empire under the Third Napoleon, to establish an empire in Mexico and place Maximilian on the throne, taking advantage of the then crippled condition of the United States. William H. Seward, Secretary of State under Abraham Lincoln, gave France notice that this Government did not lookwith favor upon the establishments of an empire in Mexico bv a foreign power; the project failed by the defeat of the frog-eaters by the Mexicans, and Maximilian, instead of securing a throne,lost his head. The prompt and energetic policy ot Mr. Blaine should be a keynote in this campaign. He gave Great Britain notice, in plain, unvarnished United States language, what the policy of this Government would be; It has the Jacksonian ring about it, and Great Britain clearly under lands It. Is It not, indeed, litgh time that this Government asserted its manhood and independence from foreign influence, and ceased acting the lickspittle to European monarchs? The South has always truckled to British influence; the votes of the United States Senate upon the boundary question and the ratification of the treaty show that; and at this time the South looks with favor on the canal project as governed by Great Britain, and upon England obtaining a foothold in Central America, whereby that Government will be put in a position to render more practical assistance in the next struggle for a Southern Confederacy; and Great Britain further well understands that under a Democratic administration no protest will ever be made against the canal scheme and the occupation and control of the same by the British Government. Washington, in his “Farewell Address,” said: “Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to Believe me, fellow-citizens) the jealousy ot a free people ought to be constantly awake; since history and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of r epublican government.” T/vttxt ’LI *

MR. BLAINE’S CAREER.

Where Is There a Symptom of* Ills Dishonesty as a Public Man? of Hon. R. B. Harrison, of Connecticut.] The attack upon Mr. Blaine has made an impression among some Republicans, but the recent vindication which has come from Maine has also made an impression upon many ot our Democratic friends. There are others of our friends in this city who, although they believe not as we do, are worthy of our respect. I admit with them that no corrupt man ought to be elected President ot the United States. I admit with them that the right to bolt is also theirs. The gentlemen to whom I refer are not the originators of the assault upon Mr. Blaine. I shall allude to enemies of Mr. Blaine, but I shall not class these gentlemen among them. I do not flatter myself that anything! shall say at this late day will make any great difference with them, and yet there may be among these gentlemen of well poised and well-balanced opinions some who may be led to reconsider their determination. What has been charged against Mr. Blaine? He has beencharged with being a corrupt man. Chief among his accusers is a man of remarkable power, Carl Schurz. Mr. Schurz is vastly more effective than those surrounding him. What he has not said against Mr. Blaine cannot be said. Now, what kind of a man is Schurz? He is apt to believe one thing to-day and another thing to-morrow. He was once a Republican and defended that great soldier, Gen. Grant. Then he deserted to the enemy, to return again. He has now joined the Democratic party tor the second time. And the tongue which defamed one of the greatest soldiers of the age is now defaming one of the greatest statesmen of his time, James G. Blaine. But Mr. Schurz will come round all right, and will again ask tor admission to the Republican party. With regard to a certain ruling of Mr. Blaine, Mr. Schurz claims that it was a prostitution ot official power for the purpose of making money. Now, let us give Mr. Blaine that decent measure of justice which is due to every man when h'.s reputation is at stake. Mr. Blaine was offered an interest in a certain railroad, a legitimate transaction. Mr. Schurz refers to Mr. Blaine’s letter, in which the writer stated that he should not be a deadhead It) the . enterprise. What fight bad Mr. Schurz to charge evil motives to Mr. Blaine? What right has any one to say that when James G. Blaine says that he sees various channels in which he can be useful to the concern, he proposed to use his official patronage to further the enterprise?. Mr. Blaine also exerted himself to raise funds for the railroad comj-any. In this there was not an exercise of official power. He never attempted to use official power in behalf ot that enterprise. . There was no intimation that Mr. Blaine attempted any asststance to the bill. What right has anyone to sav that because Mr. Blaine maide a righteous decision at one time he undertook to do a righteous thing for an unrighteous purpose? No man of car dor can accept the interpretation that Mr. Schurz puts upon it. Well, there were a great many Mulii an letters. How many pt you have read those letters to see if Mr. Blaine sought to use his influence for an Im-

proper purpose? I have read and again, and I stand here and assert that tn all those letters there is not any offer made by Mr. Blaine to misuse his official power for any purpose. There is not in those letters any suggestion of using his otli ial power for any purpose at all, good, bad or indifferent I have thns far taken a defensive attitude concerning Mr. Blaine. I now i ropose to take the intensive. liiow propose to advance to the very center ot the citadel < f Mr. Sc'hurz. I propose to bring to your attention a s.t of facts which nre absolutely impossible to‘ contradict. If I can bn ak down Mr. Schurz's center, we need not be troubled about th—wings. In this line of attack I will not ask any testimony from Mr. Blaine or any friend ot Mr. Blaine. 1 propose to call upon the responsible authors of this accusation—chief among them Carl Schurz. Mr. Blaine was in Congress eighteen years, for six years as Speaker. There were during that period pending before Congress corrupt jneasnres of one kind or another. During those eightem years there was not an Hour when Mr. Blaine, had he be 11 inclined to do wron”, would not have been tqmp.ed to do Wrong. What was hisrecord during those eighteen years? Mr. Schurz-has examined that record. Everything that could be hunted up against Mr. Blaine has been ferreted out. During ad those eighteen years of Mr. Blaine's service in Congress he gave probably hundreds of vot s. Neither Carl 8- hurt nor anyone else has ever dared to charge that Mr. B aine ever once voted for a ba 1 measure, or against a good one. Mr. Schurz, in your great Brooklyn speech, why did you suppress this great fact? During those eighteen years Mr. Plaine made a good many speeches. No one has dared charge that, all those wears, he made a speech in favor of a bad measure, or against a good one. Why di 1 Mr. Schurz suppr< ss this fact? Mr. Blaine ytas a great parliamentarian. Carl Schurz has not ci.arged t hat Jam s G. Blain .i- ever made use of his parliamentary skill to help a bad ijieasure, or Jun t a good one. Mr. Blaine was Speaker of. the House for six yeafs. ’ Neither Carl Schnrz nor any other enemy of Mr. Blaine has ever charged that Mr. Blaine ever made a bad ruling. -They tacitly admit his rulings were -pure-and right. I say that, as strong as every one of these fact-i is when we are considering the public life of Mr. Blaine, their strenth as a wholejs increased by combination, and the result is itresistrble. The result is that the record of James G. Blaine is absolutely without spot, stain, blemish, or shadow. I «av, and 1 ask any candid man if it is not true, that I have met Mr. Schurz’s line of argnihent at the front, and the accusation is broken down. The smoke and the vile mist with which they have surlounded the true_Blaine disappears. And Mr. Blaine comes out in the light of the not nday sun, confronting his enemies with this brilliant record in his hands. And yet, as spotless as has been Mr. Bla'ne’s record, how awful has been tte attack upon him! He Is caricStfired and lampooned week after week by that Harper's 11 i ek:iy which caricatured Abraham. Lincoln as a-drunkard. Even the reputations of his wife and children have been attacked. AU other reforms should tern ot American politics;' Unless tin American people shall vindicate men of honor thus shamefully attacked, every man in public life will flee from positions of trust as from the, pestilence which walketh at noonday i—- --

DEMOCRATIC FALSEHOODS.

A Campaign of Dies and Forgeries. [From the Chicago Tribune.J ■ ■ The Presidential camprign of 1884, so far as the Democratic side to concerned, will be distinguished in the future as the campaign cf lies. and forgeries. Never in the history of party contests in this country has a candidate been assailed with so many deliberate forg.ries, so many false accusations, so many baseless calumnies and slanders as Mr. Blame. From the time he was nominated to the present not a week has passed, and scarcely a day, but Democratic and mugwump malignity has shown itself in the Invention of infamous falsehoods and stillj more infamous forgeries. The temporary success of the unblushing Morey letter of 1880-has apparentlj- induced the Democratic leaders to adopt forgery as their principal weapon of attack. The campaign commenced with the charge that Mr. Blaine was a Roman Catholic, and this shown to be False they shifted to the other tack, and clamored that he was a Know-Noth-ing. Then they charged that he was a drunkard, and this shown to be false they rang the changes on his being a Prohibitionist. Next he was accused of being hostile to the Germans, and this being shown to be false they denounced him as hostile to the Irish. After all these accusations had been proven false, they attacked his private character and insulted his wife and children. This lie was short-lived, however, for he-stamped it into the ground instantly and silenced the dastards with a libel-suit. Then the. whole pack, hound, mongrel, and cur,.pursued him with charges that he had used his official position for private gain. Every one of these lies having been nailed to the center, they resorted to forgery and introduced the Moiejtactics into the campaign. , The mugwumps started the ball by attributing to Senator Edmunds the statement that Mr. Blaine acts as the attorney for Jay Gould. Senator Edmunds silenced this forgery with the following Card: BURLINGTON, Vt.. Sept: 18." Dear Sir : I have yours of the 15th. I am sure that I never wrote or said that the gentleman you refer to “acts as the attorney of Jay Gould,” for lam not conscious of having thought so. As I have publicly stated, I expect to vote the Republican ticket. Yours truly," George F. Edmunds. The next forgery that was started was a purported interview with ex-Gov. Carney, of Kansas, published in a lying little sheet of this city, in which Gov. Carney was credited with saying that Mr. Blaine was a swindler. This forgery was promptly squelched by the following card: Leavenworth, Kan., Sept. 25,1884. To the Kansas City Times: I noticed in your issue of the 24th inst. you published a purported interview with me in regard to the Hon. James G. Blaine, which you credited to the Chicago . I now Write to say that there is no truth in the story as published; no such interview ever occurred with me. I never had any conversation with any parties connected with the Chicago to my knowledge—never said anything contained in said article. The whole story does injustice to me, and to a fraud upon the public. Will you, then, be just enough to give this denial as liberal a circulation as you did the untruthful story, and oblige yours respectfully, Thomas Carney. Forgery No. 3 first saw the light m crossing Henry Ward Beecher’s sacred threshold, and was to theteffect that Mr. Blaine, while Speaker of the House, had offered to appoint committees to suit James F. Joy, the prominent railroad man of Michigan, if he (Joy) would take Little Rock bonds off his hands. Mr. Joy promptly knocked the life out of the Beecher canard with the following denial: London, Sept. 30. R. A. Alger, Detroit, Mich.: Blaine never made me any offer to appoint a committee to suit in any manner or form, or for any consideration of any kind whatever. J. F. Joy. Forgery No. 4 was the publication of a pretended dispatch by Neal Dow to one Wesley, of Portland, Me., in which the former is represented as saying to Wesley in his telegram: “Mr. Blaine gave us valuable assistance in the Maine election, and he assured me he refrained from voting at the request of prominent Ohio Republicans on account of the bigoted Germans.” Promptly comes the exposure ot this forgery in the following dtopaten to the Philadelphia JHtcss • “To the Editor of the Press: "Sib—l had the same telegram from Columbus, Ohio. The letter is a forgery and a base fraud. Neal Dow. "Portland, Me., Sept. 30.” The la:est lie set on its travels to a statement that Mr. Blaine was a stockholder and an organizer of the Columbus and Hocklug Coal and Iron Company, which has had a good deal of trouble this summer with the striking miners. This lie to exploded by the following: Columbus, 0., Oct 1. S. E. Bitos, No. 89 Lake street: You can say that Mr. Blaine has not now and never did have one dollar invested directly or indirectly the Columbus and Hocking Coal and lion Company. Walter Crafts, Vice President There is no limit to the area of these lies and forgeries. Another favorite form of forgery to to attribute sentiments to Republican newspapers and publish alleged extracts from them which have never appeared. An instance of this to the circulation in New York of a senseless and brutal attack upon the Irish, alleged to have been taken from the Chicago Tribune, which we have already exposed as an infamous forgery and silly Democratic lie. Thus one lie and forgery follow another. No sooner is one knocked on the head than another to set afloat. The Democratic managers must take the American people for gulls and fools, and fancy they can trade upon their ignorance. They will find their mistake in November.

Protecting the Rights of All.

"I wish to speak for the millions of all political parties, and in their name to declare that the public must be strong enough, and shall be strong enough, to protect the weakest of its citizens in all their "It to the duty of the National Government to go beyond resolutions and declarations on the subject, and to take such action as may lie in its power to secure the absolute freedom of national elections everywhere."— John A. Logan. Gboveb Cleveland was nominated to please the Republicans, and we imagine that the Republicans are pretty well pleased. —New York Sum.

A TARIFF FOR PROTECTION.

Remarks of Hon. James G. Blaine at Bellaire, Ohio. The question of a tariff for protectton ia primarily of interest to the latiortng man. The original material that enters into any fabric constitutes a very small element la the cost of' that fabric. If you take a steamship that costs ssi 0,000 when she Is launched, the material in her costs ?.\ouo. the labor >433.000. If you take a ton of, pig iron that sells in your market today for S2O the material that goes into it does not cost originally over 90 cents; $ 9.10 is labor. I ment on these iaots, which might be var.ed indefinitely, for illustration in many departments; to show that it a tariff for protection is primarily or especially of interest to any bne, it is to laboring man (cries of “ You’re right”), and if tlie laboring man will nqf protect himself wi'-h his vote, how can he ask others to do it. (Cries wf "That’s , so," and cheers.! The effect of a tariff for protection to not a question of speculation. It to a question of fact, a question on which yon can appeal to figures. You are citizens of the State of Ohio. . lou have a new city which has grown up here within the last fifteen years. You are one ot the evidences of the great growth of the State. Ohio is the third State in the Union in population and in wealth, and I have had occasion to say at other meetings to-day what I now say to you and what I beg to Impress npon your minds. I want yon to take two epochs in the history of Ohio. Take first the year 1860. Your State was then about sixty years old. It was seventy-three .years then from the time Ohio was organized i s a part of the Northwest Territory'. In those seventy-three years of Territorial and State existence the citizens of Ohio have accumu ated wealth to the amount of sl,loo,uoo,tXM>. The United States census of 1860 shows that the total wraith of Ohio was then a little over eleven hundred millions, a very large sum of, money. In ism the industrial and financial policy of the United Mates was changed by the incoming ot the Republican party, and in consequence of that change a protective tariff was enacted, which has L>een ever since in force. In 1880, twenty years after the cen-us of which I have just spokien. another census was taken, and it was found that in those twenty years the aggregate wealth ot the State of Ohio had increased from 5-1.100,i4M,i)0 >to SiJ.Mc.oliOj 00. You had added to your wealth in those twenty years double as much as had been created in the sev-enty-three preceding. You had added upon an average of $100,000,000 per year to the permanent capitalized wealth of your State [applause], and that was done largely by virtue of and in pursuance of the effect of the protective tariff up on toelabor and the industries of your State. [Renewed applause ! Do you want that to continue ? [Crien of "Yes. yes?”j- Do you want to have any experiments tried upon it? ['No, no."l Do you want Congress to be convulsed with the question so as to unsettle values and check enterprise and frighten capital, and generally, to produce a condition of uncertainty throughout all the financial and business interests ot the Unite.! States? ["No, no, no."J Why? Look at wiiat has been the effect simply of the Morrison tariff bi 11... They did not get it through the House of Representatives even, but they kept the country in turmoil and agitation, and thus effected injuries to the interests of every laboring man and every capitalist in the United States. [“That’s true! That's true!”! Do you want to organize, not merely a change in the tariff, for that might be done, but do you want to organize a perpetual Congressional agitation of that question? [“No!” "No!"] If you do not, the matter to in your own hands. [Great cheer — ing.T Ohio has the power to command that it shall not be. Yon have the power to join in that command, and the opportunity will be given you on the 14th day of Oct. through your Individual ballots. [Prolonged cheering.]

Mr. Blaine’s Speech at Grafton, XV. Va. As your distinguished Chairman has intimated, I am not a stranger to your State. I have known it personally for more than forty years, and I have known this section of it well. I was born on the banks of yonder river, a few miles below the point where it enters Pennsylvania, and you do not need to lie told by me that there was always unity ot feeling among the inhabitants of the Monongahela Valley. But Ido not sec before me the West Virginia which I knew in my boyhood. The West Virginia of forty years ago was comparatively a wilderness; the W est Virginia of to-day is a prosperous industrial center in the United States. West Virginia, as an independent commonwealth, began hex existence during the civil war, and at that day the most, liberal estimate ot total property, according to the United States census, did ncA exceed $180,000,000. In 1870 the census gave you an aggregate of $190,000,000, and In 1880 It showed that you possessed capitalized wealth to the amount of $350,000,000. From the close of the war to the year 1880 West Virginia had, therefore, gained in wealth the enormous sum ot $250,000,000. You have fared pretty well, therefore, under Republican administration. Probably some political opponent does me the honor to listen to me, and I. would ask him, as a candid man, what agency was it that nerved the arm of industry to smite the mountains ami create this wealth In Virginia? It was the prot tective tariff and financial system that gave you good money. Before the war you never had circulating in your midst a bank bill that would pass current 500 miles from home; you do not to-day have a single piece of paper money circulating in West Virginia that is not good all around the globe; not a bill that will not pass us certainly in the money markets of Enrope as in New York or Baltimore, so that the man who works for a day’s wages knows, when Saturday night comes, that he is to be paid in good money. Under the protective tariff your coal industries and your Iron industries and the wealth of your forests have been brought out, and it is for you, voters of West Virginia, to say whether you want this to continue or whether you want to try tree trade. I make bold to say, with all respect, that there is not a Democratic statesman on the stump in West Virginia conspicuous enough to be known to the nation (I speak only ot those I know) who advocates a protective tariff; not one. I go further. I do not know a Democratic statesman who will not acknowledge that a tariff for protection is constitutional, and, therefore, as honest men, they are bound to approve it. The Morrison tariff bill would have struck at the Interests of West Virginia in many vital respects, and it is an amazlngfact that Representatives in Congress from West Virginia voted for that bill. There to a good old adage which I beg to recall to your minds, that God helps those who help themselves, and if West Virginia is not willing to sustain a protective tariff by her vote and her influence sne must not expect it to lie sustained for her by others. If she wants the benefit of a protective tariff shg nyist give to a protective tariff the benefit of her support. I am glad that lam addressing a Southern people, a community that were slave-holders, a community made up of those who were masters and those who were slaves. But I am addressing a slave State no longer. lam appealing to the new South, and I am appealing to West Virginia not to vote upon' a tradition or a prejudice, not to keep her eyes to the rear, but to look to the front and to the future. And it I could lie heard I would make the same appeal to other Southern States— to old Virginia, to North Carolina, to Georgia, to Alabama, to Tennessee, and to Louisiana. They are all interested in a protective tariff, and the questton is, which do they prefer, to gratify a prejudice or to promote general prosperity? West Virginia can lead the way. She can break this seemingly impregnable barrier of the solid South. Solid on what? Solid on a prejudice; solid on a tradition; solid upon doctrines that separate the different portions of the Union. Wtereas I invite you to join in a union not merely in form, but a union in fact, and take your part in the solution of the industrial and financial problems of the time. If West Virginia takes that course on Oct. 14 she will do much to settle the controversies that now agitate us. The repeal of the protective tariff, according to the terms of the Morrison bill, would cost West Virginia a vast sum of money. Retn cen 1870 and 1880 you gained in this State $160,000,000; between 1880 and 1890 you will gain much more with a tariff for protection; but I ask any business man if he believes you can do it with free trade. Here I close my words of counsel, leaving the action to you. I leave you, not as a community influenced by sectional feeling, but as a community broadly national. I leave you as a State allied on the one side to Pennsylvania, and on the other to Ohio, as much as you are to Virginia and Kentucky. I leave you as a State that stands in the van of the new South, inviting the whole South to join in a great national movement which shall in fact and in feeling, as well as in form, make us a people with one U nlon, one Constitution, and one destiny. ' __L_l ■ •

The Irish Asserting Their Independence.

(Hon. John F. Finerty. in Chicago Tribune.] I don’t know any obligation that my race is, under to any party in this country, that it should shrink from declaring its preference for the Presidential candidate it deems most worthy The Democratic party, represented by the machine tyrants, cannot give up its habit of claimpg human property. It has successfully bulldozed one class of voters in the South.but it can not play the same brutal game with another class at the North. The Irish-American element can not be intimidated by foul abuse. It is called upop to resent the insult offered it in the nomination of Mr. Cleveland, and it has never vet, when fully aroused as it is to-day, permitted an insult to go unavenged. Last year it taught Cleveland’s man, Maynard, that useful lesson in New York. This year it will chastise the master even worse than it did his lackey.

LONGEVITY AND LABOR.

Work Prrservrs the Health, IndtoneM Weakeitolti Ericsson, ths veteran inventor, waa 80 years old yesterday. He is in excel* lent health, and works,,it ia said, sixteen hours a day, thus proving an exception to the general rule that old men are incapable of gr< at exertion. But perhaps t:hs general rule, _ like many others that are received without question, is a lallacy. Perhaps it might be fairly asserted that busy men live longer than idle men; that work is, alter all, the true elixir of life. Many noteworthy instances where longevity coincides with-remarkable mental activity will easily occur to the reader. Wasi not Sophocles more than 90 when, to prove that he was not in his dotage—as his hen claimed, in order to get his money—he wrote <?ne of his greatest tragedies? Did not Humboldt do more work at four score than many bright men at 40? Goethe, as everyone knows, died with pen in hand at the age of 82. Von Banke, the foremost ot living historians, has just published another volume of his Universal History; he will be 89years old next Dcveiuber. Carlyle and Emerson lo a t none of their vigor until they reached three score years and ten. And, to day, who imagines that Oliver Wendell Holmes, already on the verge of 7.”', is old? Longfellow did some of his 1 ost work shortly before his death, at 75. and Whittier is now two years older than that. The vast energies, whose sum in many directions are known as Victor Hugo, shows no signs of decreptitude, although it is more than eighty-two years since Victor Hugo was born. Historians, it may be remarked, have usually been long-lived. Voltaire died at 84, Thierry and Michelet at 76; Mignet sand Guizot at 87, Ge<irge Bancroft is now 84, and George Tichnor lived to be 80. In public life we have had several recent examples of great men whose power for statesmanship did not diminish through age. Gladstone is nearly 75, Palmerston was Prime Minister at the time of his death, two days before he had completed his 81st year. Benjamin Franklin , in the last century, lived to bo 84. ’’

These instances suffice to show that tTjefe“afe~cdiistltutions which not only can bear, but which actually need the stimulus of hard work up to a very advanced period. Of course, on the other hand, might be cited the remarkable men who died yopng, but even from their experience the fact might be brought out, not that they were killed by overwork, but by irrational work. Usually, as in the case of Keats, early death is the result of chronic disease. Shelley, who is always mentioned among those whose life stretched but a span, was drowned accidentally, and tnere is good reason to be/leve that but for this he would have lived to old age, because he was physically str mg. Raphael, Mozart, Byron, Burns, and Schfibert succumbed just at the age when most men reach their prime, but it must not be forgotten that the last three undermined their health by excesses. Shakespeare, Napoleon, Cuesarf and recognized as the unrivalled giants in their respective departments, died between 50 and 60. But ou the other hand Michael Angelo, than whom no man ever expended more energy on his vast achievements, lived to evident, therefore, that while no strict law can be established, there is a relation between longevity and labor. Work preserves Ihe health while idleness tends to weaken it— Philailelphia Bulletin.

Rum-Filled Walking-Sticks.

“There is a cane,” said a well known dealer in gentlemen’s furnishing goods, “that I have Just patented. It was suggested to me by the habit very young men have of wearing the heads of their sticks in their mouths. It is of bamboo, and lined with a thick covering of porcelain. ’The head may be of whatever shape the purchaser des res. A crab’s claw, a dog’s head, or simply a straight ivory handle, but running through it is a fine tube, guarded at its outer end by a spring valve. You see at once the immediate advantage of such a cane." “It would be very light,” observed his customer.

“My dear sir,” returned the haberdasher, “it can be filled with any liquid. If the young man who carries it is very young he can carry a supply of milk with him, and'as he strolls along Fith avenue refresh himself with cooling draughts of that harmless fluid. Think,” he continued, enthusiastically, “of being able to carry with you to the theater a dozen whisky cocktails or a few brandy smashes. As you sit gazing abstraetedly into the eyes of your fair companion, you can imbibe inspiration from here and rum from the cane at the same time. Besides, my patent does away with those intensely harrassing excuses about ‘going out to see a man,’ or such statements as ‘the gas makes me faint, I must get a breath of fresh air.” “It’s a wonderful idea,” observed the customer, as 0 he grasped the possibilities of the invention. “Make me one big enough to hold a quart of ice-cream, 'm awfully fond of a girl and she’s awfully fond of cream, but she prefers it melted. - When I next walk out with her I won’t have to dodge around the corner from ’Freezem, the confectioner,’ but I can had her my stick and tell her to help herself.” “That’s a use for it that had not suggested itself to me,” concluded the patentee, “but J assure you that I have already received sufficent orders from local option towns to insure my fortune. ”—JT. F 7 Jtfbmtng Journal.

A Sound Opinion.

First Burglar—Bill, I guess we’d better make arrangements to crack that bank in Bugleville. Second Burglar—But I.thought we decided six months ago that it wouldn’t be worth while to attempt the job. First Burglar—Well, I’ve changed my mind. I’m pretty well satisfied now that there’s money in it. Second Burglar—Why, what have you heard about it? Got onto something new. First Burglar—Yes; I’ve -discovered that the cashier has been sick at home for over four months. They must have accumulated some surplus by this time.— New York Sun.