Rensselaer Republican, Volume 17, Number 4, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 2 October 1884 — Page 7

MET AND ANSWERED.

Gov. Robinson, of Massachusetts, on the Baseless Charges Against Blaine. l 1 11 1 ■ ■■’ ■' '' > The New “Evidence” in That Last Batch of Letters Thoroughly Sifted and Controverted. Sharp Contrasts Between Blaine and Cleveland, Logan and Hendricks—lndependent Inconsistency. [Springfield (Mass.) special to the Boston Journal.] By the Republicans and others of this city the’ campaign was commenced to-night with a procession through the principal streets, a display of fireworks and illuminations, and a crowded and demonstrative meeting in the City Hall. Gov. Robinsjn, who came np from Boston on an afternoon train to, participate, was escorted to the hall by torch-bearers and others. Mayor Phillips, who presided at the meeting, which was called to order by the Hon. William H. Haile, o spoke briefly of the certainty Of the success of the Republican ticket, both national and State, anch introduced to the audience his Excellency G<iv. Robinson, who was greeted with long-continued applause and cheers. The Governor said: THE ISSUE. It is indeed a pleasant privilege to be permitted to-night, to come to yoUr presence and to join with you in the consideration and discussion of topics that concern not only the wellbeing of every man, bat welfare of the country. The scenes of to-night remind one of those of the years that have gone from 1860 down to the present hour, when the Republican party, meeting the issue of the hour, has gone into the field able, firm in principle, fearless in carriage, and marched straight on to that victory that the American people welcomed, iApplause.] We some now to see whether we shall proceed as before. or if perchance it may be that there is a better way in 1881. Let us to-night like men. be free as possible from prejudice. Let us dis- • cuss openly and fearlessly. In a political discussion of the character that we have now before us we must, ot course, consider candidates and principles. We have various candidates before the people, but the election lies between the candidates of Democratic and Republican parties as it has since 1860. BLAINE AND CLEVELAND-—THE LATTER PLEADS ' GUILTY.

Now, gentlemen, I shall spend but little time <n talking about candidates, because they are supposed by the people to represent the parties that put them in nomination. It they do, then we pass at once beyond the threshold and grapple with the questions that the parties inaugurate and indorse. Mark you one thing verf significant in this campaign, our political opponents started at the outset with an attack upon both the candidates placed in the field by the National Republican party. They made serious charges against Mr. Blaine; they made similar ones of the same character, but equally serious, against Mr. Logan, and then because some one who believed that these charges were unfounded and baseless, then because some one replied to those charges, it was said the Republicans are all the time on their defense. Have you any principles? Do yon believe in the candidates'? If you have, and you have the courage of a cat, you will stand up and reply when that party and those candidates are attacked. [Applause.] Standing up, however, and meeting an accusation does not necessarily mean that you are to resort to mean things on either side. That is not argument. That is not worthy of the contest, and it is not a subject of consideration before an intelligent people. Mark you, there is one thing very peculiar about this discussion ot the characters of the candidates this tall. The reply comes to any criticism on the part of the Republicans against the Democrats’candidate that it is unbecoming to discuss these charges from a public platform. It will not do lor you, sir, to appear before an audience and discuss the character of the Democrats’ candidate. Well, why not? Who is to blame? . The audience or the candidate? I will agree at the outset that it is not pleasant in any company to treat of the offenses committed by the Democratic candidate tar the Presidency, and I do not propose to enlarge upon them. They are understood by the American people, and unless I mistake the judgment of this great people of tiie United States they will never elevate to the office of their highest gift a man who pleads guilty to those charges. I have no jiatience at all with the doctrine that it is no concern ©f-the public what the private life of a public officer is, and I known that the clean men and women of Massachusetts are far enough in the light to put their unqualified condemnation upon the doctrine that asserts that. I leave the further discussion of that candidate. A word or two about Mr. Hendricks, the possible President in case the other man should be elected, which’is not a probability. INDEPENDENTS ON HENDRICKS. It has been said that the attacks upon Mr. Hendricks are unjustified. Well, all I have to say is, look back over the files of the newspapers to the time ot his former candidacy in 1876. Now they say the Republicans then, of course, condemned him. Certainly they did. The Democratic press defended him; that you expected, certainly. But we will take those that stand between the two —the Independents. I wish you would look at the remarks of their newspapers in 1876 about Thomas A. Hendricks and his fitness for the candidacy for the Vice Presidency, and when you look them up you will discover that generally those men who say he is good enough now condemned him, and yet not one hour since that time with the same character in their recollection has he served the public in any capacity. 1 leave him without further discussion. THE NEW "EViDENCE.” I want to say something about James G. Blaine and John A. Logan. It is the business of every man in dealing with public questions, whether he be one that speaks from a public platform or simply one who is busy with his own concerns, in dealing with every problem of citizenship—it is his business tokeepabreast of the times, to know what is going on; and now. within the last two days, we have had spread before the people of the Commonwealth—yes, before the eyes and ears of the people qf the country—what is said to be fresh and new evidence bearing against the character of Mr. Blaine. Ido not allude to the famous publications that been discussed and discussed. You, gentlemen, I know, have your own opinions about them. I will not attempt to state them or their substance. To compare these long statements with each other, point by. point, would take more time now than we have at our command; but we are bound to-night, here and now, I by myself and you each one by yourselves, to find out wnether there is anything and damaging in what recently came out, because my vote rests upon my own judgment, that is all, and yours has as good a foundation as that—your own common sense and honesty. Let us look into those letters that have been published within a day or two to see what there is new in them, THAT NATIONAL BANK.

One thine is entirely new; now let ns look at It. There are three letters that refer to the establishment Of a national bank in Little Hock, Ark. Now, it is not a charge aeainst a man that he has some concern with a national bank. By no means. It is of no consequence in this discussion, unless it be made to appear that Mr. Blaine was in some way improperly connected with that enterprise. It would not hold if he held .stock in that bank; it would not hold if he were an officer in that institution. The only question you want to know is. Did he do anything wrong about that bank? And now, what do tlie letters show? Read them for yourselves; don’t take my word for anything; take your own eyesight and sense. The first one, written in 1809, during the vacation of Congress, from Augusta, Me , states what? That there was likely to be an increase of banking capital allowed at the next session of Coh£ess, and that it would probably be distributed the Southwest. In it the suggestion was made to Mr. Fisher, the gentleman to whom it was written: “Possibly you and your friends might like to establish a bank there." They were connected with railroad enterprises then. Here may nq an opportunity, and Mr. Blaine offers his assistance to aid in getting the establishment of a bank out there. Now what is there about it besides that? Nothing whatever. There is another letter which treats of the same subject, but only briefly, and there is another which describes the character of the bonds that must be used as a basis of their circulation. What is there in the letters that iB “specious, as it is said.” The expression is used, “These matters are decided by favoritism," and then he says :• “I may be able to aid von.” These are the two expressions. Take' them for what theyiare worth. A MATTER FOB THE COMPTROLLER, NOT CONGRESS. What was Mr. Blaine's connection with the establishment of that bank? And what could it be? He was Speaker of the House of Representatives. Congress would pass a law providing for more banking capital, and perhaps it would be located In the South and West, although that was not probable. Does Congress deciue jnst where the banks shall be tr who shall be given their cha- ters? Does Congress have any voice In the matter I No. Who? The Secretary of the Treasury or the Comptroller Of the Currency. It is purely an executive duty, not’a legislative. Does anybody argue that that bank was to be established without any capital as a special favor to Hr. Blainj?

That they were going to get $450,000 in bills for circulation without putting anything in? Nobody says that it would be frivolous, and what did ' the information amount to? What could it accomplish? Nothing, as -I understand it, except that which every member of Congress is glad to provide his constituents, for I want to tell you that a member of Congress is a first-class errand-boy for everybody in the Commonwealth. I say for constituents, yes. These were not in Maine, you say. But so far as the motive, and the purpose, and the correctness of the act were concerned, I fail to see where it makes any difference whether the bank was established in Arkansas or Maine, At all events, there seems to be no doubt that Mr. Blaine said to the Controller of the. Currency, “These gentlemen want a bank in Little Rock.” I am informed the bank was established there. So far as is known, it has never failed or cheated its creditors. That is all I can find in the bank matter. [Applause.] And, gentlemen, I want to say one thing frankly and directly, while you are following critically, as you should, every public man, consider your relations to public servants, and if it is wrong for your member in Washington to intercede in your behalf in any way there, I suggest that yon be a little modest in doing it. [Applause], *“ AN INNOCENT MAN CHEATED BY SHARPERS. Now, in regard to -the other portions of that publication. There is reference to that transaction thatjvas described quite at length, and that has beeii*a subject of discussion for eight years. What was the charge against Mr. Blaine at the outset in that matter? This, that he used his public position for brivate and personal gain. Now, if be did, he deserves our condemnation; ’if he did not, then, of .course, we have no right to put him under suspicion after we have had an opportunity lor investigation. Do these letters do anything to support that charge? I fail to find.it. These letters, on the contrary, show that Mr. Blaine found himself in an unfortunate position. He had attempted to speculate and had not succeeded. What does he say to these men to whom he was writing? "I am only an innocent party to the transaction.” Of course, you say he would say that to men outside, but as to tuese two men the charge is, he was in connivance with them. If he was they knew it, and if they knew it and he knew it, do you think he is so lacking in sense that he would write them that be was an innocent party to the enterprise? That is not the way men do who set out by connivance and fraud to overreach others. BASELESS CHARGES. In the next place, you will notice a letter, the last one in the series, in which the statement is made that he wished Mr. fisher to sign what was false from beginning to end. That is a serious charge. There are circumstances, it is claimed, which sustain that assertion. But look again. In the very letter which he sent inclosing the one for signature he writes the man who knew just as well as he did, all about it (and he didn’t write it for publication either;. Bear that in mind; there was a “private” at the top of it and “burn it up” at the bottom. “These statements are true and honorable alike to you and to me, and will stop the mouth of slander.” I have yet to find or see any explanation of that language, written, it is claimed, by a man who knew he was a rascal to another who was a rascal, which will clear ont that claim. If they were of that character such language as “These statements are strictly true," would not' have been used between them. I find, then, lam bound to say in justice to him, in justice to the good sense of the people, in justice to myself, there is no support of the charge that was made against him as a basis for the investigation of eight years ago. fApplause.] HONESTY NEVER FEARFUL. It is said, however, that this is fresh evidence that Mr. Blaine is guilty of falsehood, or has been at some time. That seems to be coming down pretty close to the domain of private life, with which the public have not any concern, you know. [Appftuse.] lam bound to go further and say that is a question of the consideration of papers not yet produced. It must be evident to anybody who has examined the series that not all are produced. Mr. Blaine has no opportunity in a paper to reply, and, under the circumstances, with the charges failing around in every other way, I think we may safely say that it is only the part of reasonable prudence and fairness to withhold that accusation. When there is a reasonable opportunity I have no doubt Mr. Blaine will meet these' charges. At all events instead of saying the men who make the charges against him “Tell the truth," he says, “Bring the men into court andl will meet them.” Now, gentlemen, I know very well that I have not exhausted the discussion of that branch of the question, but I say to you that you are bound to read and judge for yourselves, not take my words as any authority in the matter. Mr. Blaine says, as you know, speaking for himself: “I want the whole American people to read all those letters, and I will cheerfully abide by the result.” When the gentleman against whom charges of this character are made thus openly and frankly makes that statement, take him at his word, and as honest men look for yourselves. What we say in public places is discussed thereafter and criticised, and opportunities will not be afforded to make a reply, but if each one will carefully.cofisider these’ charges we will not take his name from the flag. [Applause.] JiThn A. Logan speaks for himself. [Applause.] We are content to match him alongside his opponent [applause], and, though I prize education very highly, and though I would have a man cultivated and adorned to the full, at the same time I have a good deal of respect for that old hard sense, that common honesty, and loyal patriotism which have actuated John A. Logan for more than twenty years. [Applause.]

ANOTHER LIE NAILED.

Mr. Blalift Has No Connection with the Hocking Valley Syndicate. [Cleveland (O.) special.J A few days ago dispatches, based upon a Columbus communication to an evening paper here, were sent over the country detailing the alleged connection of Mr. Blaine with the coal syndicate now at war with the miners of the Hocking Valley. Judge S. Burke, Vice-Presi-dent of the Bee Line and Columbus and Hocking Valley Railways, and a large owner of mining property in the valley, said to-day: "As to Blaine's connection with tfce Hocking syndicate he doesn’t own a dollar in it. I’ll tell you how the Blaine story originated. Tho Standard Coal and Iron Company was organized by a man named Lee, of Newark, not Norwalk, as has been published. Iftiad a capital of $75,000, which was subsequently reduced to $25,000. It issued bonds o i some coal lands on which there were already liens, and the syndicate borrowed some money of Mr. Blaine, giving as security some of these bonds. The company went to pieces more than two years ago, blew its iron turnaces out, closed its coal mines, and ceased business. It ha§ not skipped a pound ot coal in two years. Recently an effort to reorganize it was made, and I believe thiy have tried to start up acain, but men holding the class of securities which Mr. Blaine had were left out entirely, and Blaine lost every dollar he loaned on the bonds. Gov. Foster is similarly situated and owns no interest in tho syndicate.”

Mr. Hendricks.

Thomas A. Hendricks was one of six Senators who voted against the thirteenth amendment to the Constitution (abolishing slavery). He was one of eleven Senators who voted against the fourteenth amendment to the Constitution (conferring citizenship upon the negroes and prohibiting the payment of rebel debts). He was one of thirteen Senators who voted against the fifteenth amendment (establishing iiesrro suffrage). * He"was one of twelve who voted against the civil rights bill. He was one of fliteen who voted againht passing the same over President Johnson's veto. He was one of the seven who voted against the reconstruction act of the Thirty-seventh Con-/ gress, and one of ten who voted against passing it over the veto. He was one of thirteen who voted against the first bill lor the admission of Colorado, and one of twelve who voted against the second Colorado bill—both being vetoed by President Johnson. He was one of fourteen who voted against the admission of Nebraska, and one of nine who voted against passing the bill over the veto in 1867. These are a few reasons why the people of the West, and especially of Colorado and Nebraska, will not help to make Hendricks presiding officer of the body he did so little to adorn when he was a member of it— Chicago Tribune.

No Inquiry as to Cleveland’s Opinions.

[From the Cincinnati Commercial Gazette.! There seems to be some confusion among .Democratic editors as the style in which Mr. Blaine's national attitude about a local issue is to be treated. There are two distinct and diverging lines of treatment noticeable. One is to insist that Mr. Blaine is a Prohibi ionist and must be treated accordingly. The other that he is not a Prohibitionist, and is therefore no better than the ungodly and subject to pnrsnit by the righteous. These things do not ee ?m to consist. In the meantime it may be noticed that Mr. Cleveland is so unimportant In the public estimation, that there is no inquiry as to his opinion upon any subject whatever —unless it may be as to several of the ten commandments. After Carl Schurz’s Democratic eiperience'in 1872 he was publicly repentant, and said in a speech; “Only once have I slept in a side-room of the Democratic party, and there I have heard enough not to vote a Democratic ticket again im my life. Yes, my hand shall wither before I do so again. ” It is not bo “withered” that it does not grasp his $l5O bonus with a good deal of strength, y

CARL SCHURZ ANSWERED.

G. F. Hoar’s Tribute to BlaineEarnest Words fgr IrishAmerican Citizens. How Cleveland Has Been Voting for the Last Twenty-four Years. At a recent Republican rally at Salem, Mass., Senator Hoar spoke as follows: Mr. Blaine has been called a Jingo. I think he is very much sum a Jingo as the last Massachusetts President, John Quincy Adams, was. I think he means to cultivate friendly relations with every other nation, especially with those of the American continent, and he means to have it understood that if an American citizen, whether by birth or by adoption, goes anywhere on the face of the earth, he is to be respected accordingly. He means, L think, to sum up his foreign policy in one sentence—we ask for no injustice and we will stand no nonsense. * * * * * * * Now I should like to ask any Englishman, or Scotchman, or Irishman in the County of Essex if the picture I have drawn of the condition of the workingman that he left behind him, and the condition of the workingman here, is not true to the letter. And I should likedo ask, and' I should like to have you ask your Irish neighbors, what reason they can give, while they came here to get out from under the heel of England, for voting for the pobey which England is eager to have this country adopt.- The Irishman was a British subject in Ireland, but he didn’t have an American vote. The Irishman who votes the Democratic ticket in Essex County is ten times a British subject, and, unfortunately, in that subjecting, he is casting an American vote. Our Democratic brethren offer to our suffrages Grover Cleveland and Gov. Hendricks. And what do you know of either of them? Do you know anything of Grover Cleveland fit to be publicly discussed, except that he has been all his lifetime a blind and obedient follower of a party always in the wrong? He is 50 years old. He voted for President In 1860. I don't know whether he voted for Jeff Davis or for what other- of the Democratic candidates of that year, but he didn’t vote for Abraham Lincoln. In 1864 the question was put to the American people, “Shall our array be called home in disgrace; shall this war stop; shall the South go; shall the flag be folded up and laid away; shall the country perish?" “Aye,” said Grover Cleveland. The question was put to the American people In 1868, "Shall the slave continue a slave; shall the old rebel set his heel on his neck again, or shall the constitutional amendment, which makes of the slave a freeman, and of the freeman a citizen, and of the citizen a voter, be inscribed on the Constitution?” “No,” said Grover Cleveland. The question came in 1876, “Shall the debt be repudiated; shall the currency continue to bs debased; shall the American coin, with which the workmen’s wages, and the soldiers’ pensions, and the savings-banks deposits are to be paid, oe a debased currency?” “Aye,” said Grover Cleveland. And, now, what does he tell you in his letter of acceptance and his speech of acceptance? Here 0 are plenty of living Issues. Shall the great Mormon cancer spread over the breast of this continent? Shall the South continue fraudulent voting and criminal practices? ’ Shall the protective policy on which the workman’s wages and the comfort of his home depend continue? What says Grover Cleveland as to these questions? He says not one word upon all these great, vital issues—not one word. He says simply, “I am chosen to execute the plans, purposes, and policy of the Democratic party”—and if he is elected he will do it. And Hendricks is like unto him, with the , single exception that, while Cleveland has been in obscurity, Hendricks has been a leader and an actor in all the Democratic policies of the past He sat in the Senate throughout the war, em-

barrassing Abraham Line oln by every vote he cast and every speech he made— his votes recorded against the constitutional amendment abolishing slavery; his votes recorded against every proposition to raise troops; and htif ommends himself to the civil service reformers by the declaration that the first thing to be done by a Democratic administration is to turn out 50.000 Republican officeholders and put 50,000 Democrats in their stead. Now, fellow-citizens, I thank God that we have candidates with no such miserable records. We have candidates —both of them—worthy of the enthusiastic support of every man. You know something of the principles, the policy, the purposes of the Republican party. They are written in letters of light on your country's history, as they are in the platform adopted at Chicago, and James G. Blaine has been selected to carry out the principles, and the policy, and the purposes of the Republican party. And he is about to do it. Has there ever been a candidate since the Republican party was organized so well commended to you as Mr. Blaine? Did you know as much about Abraham Lincoln when you voted for him? Did you know as much about Grant, in civil life, I mean, when you first voted for him? Did you know as much about Hayes when you voted for him? I think, the choice of the great Republican party of this country ought to count for something. They have not made a mistake even when they took an obscure man, comparatively, for their candidate. They knew what they were about. And they have not made a mistake when they have taken the one most conspicuous person in civil life in America. • kWhy, they talk about their charges! I suppose you have heard country lawyers argue a case when they hadn't got much evidence on their side—and don’t understand me as speaking contemptuously of country lawyers, because lam one of that kind myself. [Laughter.] But with almost any complicated state of facts, and figures and correspondence a shrewd and crafty man can get up and, by shaking his head, and sneering, and declaring that the thing you thought was innocent was done for a guilty purpose, and with a guilty motive, can make out an apparently plausible story before somebody who does not know anything about the case. And that is the attempt in these charges against Mr. Blaine. There are four of these letters—all that Mr. Schurz quoted in his speech and in his letter—and Ishould like to have them printed and put. into the hands of every Republican voter in Massachusetts. All there is of them is the charge that when Mr. Blaine reminded his correspondent of a perfectly honest and righteous ruling, he did it not innocently and honestly, but for a corrupt purpose, and to imply that if he could make a trade with the man he would do him such a favor again. Now, I think Mr. Blaine is entitled to the charity with which you would judge the humblest and the most obscure man in your own neighborhood. Suppose these letters had been written by a watchman in Lynn or a policeman in Haverhill, and not by a candidate for the great office of President, and all his neighbors came forward and said to yon: This man we have known from his youth up, through and through; he is a perfeilyrtionest man. Suppose the nten who had quarreled with him and fought so far as in them lay the high honor which can only be given in full by the whole people of the United States. What they think of him you can judge by the tremendous majority in that State. What the people of the United States think of him a similar result in November is certain to show. [The applause which greeted this prediction was suddenly hushed by a blinding flash of lightning, followed instantly by a tremendous roar of thunder.] The people of the State of Maine have just spoken. That is the one [community on this earth which would not tolerate a knave if they knew it, and from whose intelligence a knave could not hide himself if he tried. It stands, I believe, at the head of all the communities on the face of the globe in the capacity to read and write, in the education of its people. It is an unmixed English blood, and I speak of that only to show that they have been used to self-govern-ment and to choose their rulers for two centuries. Over and over again Democrats leaving their party to do it, the people of Maine have declared their love for and their confidence in this man. The United Stales Senate was just half Democratic when Mr. Blaine was proposed to them by Gen. Gaifield for the office of Secretary of State. Now it would be improper for me, under the rules of the Senate, to say whether he was unanimously confirmed, and I say nothing about that apywhere; but I have a right to say, under the rales of the Senate, that a single objection would have compelled that nomination to go over at least twenty-four hours, and that he was confirmed in two minutes after his name went in. Don’t you suppose that these Democratic S natprs knew whether Mr. Blaine was an honest man or a knave? And don’t you suppose they would have been swift to condemn him if they tad entertained the latter opinion?

What Mr. Blaine Says.

rFrom the New York Tribnne.l That Mr. Blaine refused to join the Know Nothing organization, though his associate in the Kennebiec Journal had done so, baa been established. The falsehood that he wrote articles for that journal in support of proscriptive ideas has been refuted by the voluntary declaration of the gentleman who did write them, and at that time held those ideas. What Mr. Blaine did think of the Know-Nothing movement, he has told the whole world In his history, which was written at a time when he had no expectation of becoming candidate lor office again, and which has been highly honored in Europe and in this country for its calm, impartial and candid treatment of public questions. In his first volume, page 117, Mr. Blaine said; “Thenceforward new alliances were rapidly

formed. In the South those Whigs who, though still unwilling to ptjofess an anti-slavery crezd. would not unite with the, Democrats, were reorganized under the name of the American party, with Humphrey Marshall, Henry Winter Davis, Horace Maynard and men of that class for leaders. This party was founder! on proscription of foreigners, and with special hostility to the Roman Catholic Church- it had. a fitful and feverish success, and In 1854-53,- under the nafne Of Know-Nothings, enrolled tens of thousands in secret lodges. But its creed was narrow,' its principles verellliberal, and irs methods of procedure boyish and undignified. The groat body ot thinking'men in the North saw that the real contest impending was against slavery and not against naturalization laws and ecclesiastical dogmas. The Know-Nothings, therefore, speedily disappeared.” It is not to be expected that the Democrats, in this extreme emerff'*>cy, will tell the truth about Mr. Blaine. Buo those citizens who wish to know his real opinions will be glad to have them thus deliberately frankly expressed by Mr. Blaine himself. It is a matter of record that he was among the earliest of “those thinking men in the North” who "saw that the real contest impending was against slavery," and threw himself with all his energy and youthful ardor into the organization of the Republican party in the verv year in which It is falsely asserted he was striving to keep the Know Nothing party alive. He left the Pennsylvania Institution for the Instruction of the Blind November Si, lah—after the a:tides were published in Maine which have been falsely attributed to him—and in the very next year, 1855. according to Gov. Kent, “he was a leading power in the councils of the Republican party.”

THE YOUNG VOTER.

Advice to the Young Men Who Will Vote as to Where to Cast Their First Ballots. [Lieut. Gov. Hanna, at Gosport, Ind.l “Young man, you should consider well before casting your first ballot. If yon start to voting right, it will be offgreat advantage to you in after life. If you vote with a party that is proud of its past history—a party that can take great satisfaction in recounting its record in the war for the Union—a party that is pleased with its candidates, a party that is active, progressive, and determined to be for Americans and America; if you will join such'a party as that, your future life will not be a political burden to you. “Young man, if yon should join the Democratic party, you will find many dissatisfied and disappointed old men—many discontented and restless young men. Young man, do you know that the youngest Democrat in this country thatever voted tor a Democratic President is 42 years of age ? “It has been twenty-eight years since the Democratic party elected its President, arid unless that narty mends its ways, it will be twenty-eight years more before it even has a chance to elect a President. “Intelligent, enterprising young men, don't go - into the Democratic party. There is no room for you there. The company is not the kind for you to keep. Look at the Democratic party—the solid South is there, the free-trader is there, the Mormon is there. TEA Bourbon is still there, who never learns anything nor forgets anything. The copperhead Democrat is there. The rebel guerrilla is there. The men who murdered draft officers are there. The men who burned colored orphan asylums are there. The shotgun and rifle clubs are there. The tissue ballot is there, old Bill English is there, Hendricks is there, Cleveland is there, Tilden is there, Jeff Davis is there. Young man, don’t go into the Democratic party. Don't vou see it is no place for you? Don’t be a Democrat just because your father was a Democrat. I heard an Irishman in my town say that there was no need of a young man being a Democrat just because his father was a Democrat—no more use of it than there was for a young man to be a bachelor just because his father was a bachelor. My young Democratic friend, let me tell you a secret. I was a Democrat once myself, in my younger days, and au orthodox at that; that is, my father voted for Polk and Pierce, but when I heard of the Republican party, when I heard of Fremont arid free homes for free men. 1 fell in line under the Republican flag, and have been following it ever since, and I am glad of it. “Young man, turn your face to the State of Maine and cast your political future with the Republican party, and you will always be proud of that act—a party that since it has come into power has known no‘defeat; that in the struggle lor supremacy in ’the last quarter of a century has been the survival ot the fittest A party whose motto is equality before the law and at the ballot box. A party that gives homes to the homeless; that crushed secession ; that obliterated human slavery: that mule it impossible tor a slave to exist beneath our flag in tha domains of our republic; a party that believes in protecting American labor and American industries; a party under whose wise administration our country has grown rich and prosperous, has increased more than threefold in wealth in the last thirty years, and to-day our republic is the greatest and grandest nation beneath the stars. Young man, if you will join the Republican party, you will be urged on to greater and nobler deeds, you will be stimulated by t.he example and memories of the actions of the great fathers in the Republican party—the apostles and martyrs of freedom—you will be surrounded by men who keep pace with the spirit and progress of the age—who believe in the sacrednesss of the home —men who would crush the vile heads of slander—by men, who do now and have kept step to tire music of the Union—men who believe in America and Americans. ” You will be cheered on to greater duty by having in charge the soldiers of the Union, blessed with the prayers and tears of tueir widows and orphans. You will have upon your shoulders the hopes and fears of 4,000,000 of men made free by your party. “ Young man, look at the great names the Republican party has given to America and the world—John lirown and Thaddeus Stevens, Sumner and Stanton. Morton and Wade. Then the long list. of Presidents—Lincoln, Grant, Hayes, Garfield, Arthur, and next November, Jaines G. Blaine, of Maine."

GRANT AND BLAINE.

How the Veteran General and the Maine Statesman Met in New York. Mr. Blaine was seated in his rooms with a number of personal and political friends. Suddenly there was a knock at the door, and Mr. Blaine, who had just risen from a seat, stepped forward to open it. A stout, heavy-set man, with gray whiskers and dark-blue eyes, leaning on a pair of crutches, stood at the threshold. It did not take an instant for the crowd to recognize the veteran figure of Gen. Grant. Quick as a flash every man was on his feet. Mr. Blaine stepped forward in delighted surprise, and gras perl th 6 General’s hand with much warmth. Everybody in the room was silent as the two foremost men of their time stood hand in baud in the center of the room. The reception on the part of both was sincere and unaffected, and tears seemed to sparkle in the General’s eyes as he noticed the deference which all so gladly paid him. Leaning on his crutches, the General was led to ah adjoining settee, and there Mr. Blaine and he remained in consultation for nearly an hour. A little boy attached to the National Republican headquarters, who had come over to see the candidate, was sitting at a center-table in the room, on which rested his elbows, while he gazed earnestly at the spectacle before him. Then, turning to a gentleman whom he knew, he said, in a quiet voice: “And that is the man whom Ward robbed?" Altogether the scene was one which those who witnessed it are never likely to forget. Gen. Grant talked hoj>efully and earnestly of . the paospects of Republican succes. To Mr. Blaine he said :■ “They are abusing you as they have abused me, but they will elect you, nevertheless. For my own part,’Continued the Gen“ral, “I do not know of any time when Republican success was more essential to national prosperity than at present." The conference between the two great Republicans lasted for about an hour, and Mr. Blaine, at the parting, shook both of Gen. Grant’s hands, and assured him that he was more than delighted with his call. “My first duty after arriving," said Mr. Blaine, "was to have been to call on you, but you have anticipated my pleasure in this regard." Hannibal Hamlin, who probably outranked everybody present in hia devotion to Republican principles, seemed to pronounce a benediction upon the whole affair as he bade Mr. Blaine farewell, and said, in a good-natured way: “That Is a happy affair, indeed."

Cleveland Played Out in New York.

New York iS’un (Dem.); It is now tolerably clear that tnere is no chance of Grover Cleveland’s election to the Presidency. He cannot carry New York. He will be beaten in this State by a majority of not less than 50,000, in spite of every exertion that may be made between now and election day. Why, then, .should genuine Democrats any longer think of tving themselves up to such a hopeless candidacy? It was a mistake from the first. We warned its authors before the nomination at Chicago that they were engaged in an enterprise which was doomed to disaster, and this doom is now so plainly apparent that only the blind can fail to see it. Bat there is a Democratic candidate in the field for whom men may vote with earnest goodwill and a hope for the future. We refer to the candidate of the People's Democratic party, Gen. Butler. In this State the real contest is between him and Mr. Blaine; and if all the treeminded Democrats who have hitherto been disposed to support Cleveland, on the possibility that by seine good fortune he might be elected, will now abandon him and vote for Bntler, the strengthwof the People's Democratic party will

thereby rapidly become great and formidable, so that it may even exceed I the strength of Blaine. ; 6 It would be a great thing to beat Blaine her* in New York. Butler only can do it.

DEMOCRATS RESPONSIBLE FOR KNOW-NOTHINGISM.

[John. Brennan in a speech at Indianapolis.] The slavery-holding States were the home of Know-Nothingism. O’Connell had excited the wrath of Sont ern slave-holders by spurning their offers of assistance and denouncing their 'institution of slavery; and the erv ot “Ireland for the Irish," which was the war cry of the-re-peal agitation, was paraphrase j in the South by the war whoop of "America for the Americans." Know-Nothingism was a Democratic biolt which seriously threatened to overthrow the regular Democratic organization. A majority of the Democratic leaders had sense enough to se; that this phase of fanaticism conld no't succeed, snd to provide for its own perpetuation the Democratic party of the period took sides against it; but it most found favor in the cities which were then and now most powerfully Democratic Places like Bt. Louis and Louisville ran red with Irish blood, and the malice of the mob tonnd vt nt in heartless excesses and cruelties. The Know-Nothing party was in the height of its power in 1835. it polled nearly half a million ot votes (473,465) for Fillmore in the slave-hold-ing States in 1856. At the same election John C. Fremont, the Republican candidate, received, less than one thousand two hundred votes (1,194) in all of the fifteen slave-holding States. There was practically no Republican party in the South in 1856, and in 1861 the vast KnowNothing army was absorbed bodily into the ranks of the Democratic party or the party of the rebellion, which in the South was one and the same thing. In 1860 the Democrats and Know-Nothings united in the State of New York, the Know-Nothing party receiving seven electors and their share of the joint ticket. Grover Cleveland was then a Democrat, residing in the State of New York; and if he voted at all he voted for these seven Know-Nothing electors; and the chances :fre that he voted. WAS BLAINE A KNOW-NOTHING? The slanderers might as well sav that he- assisted at the crucifixion of our Savior. He was an active Republican in 1855; supported Fremont in 1856, and fought for Lincoln in 1866. The State of Maine never polled quite 4,000 Know-Nothing votes, while the little State of Maryland gave Fillmore 470 0. No, Blaine was not a Know-Nothing. He is the son of a Catholic mother, and lie has declared in the terms that he would not for a thousand Presidencies say one unfriendly word against the religion of bis mother. I challenge the Democratic press, I defy the Democratic bosses, to produce a single line or single word that Blaine has ever spoken or written unfriendly to the race or religion of an Irishman. I will go farther. The Republican party lias been in power for a quarter ot a century, It his been guilty of its sins, and lam not its apologist; but I will defend it against the foul charges of w hich it has been unjustly aoeused. . ■ ' ----- I challenge the Democratic party press; I defy the party bosses; I appeal to the letter of history, and defy any man to show me au act upon any statute book enacted by Republicans infringing upon the rights of any man on account ot his race or religion. Its spirit and its purposes have bten utterly incompatible with the objects of Know-nothingism. If yon want .to find the flesh and bone and spirit of intolerance which animated Knownothingism in its palmy days, I commend yon to the Democratic party. In Mississippi they shoot a man to death for an opinion, in Indianapolis they seek to ruin his business for an opinion, in the State of Maine the Irish Know-nothings bum a high-souled Irishman in: effigy for the atrocious crime ot rising above their prejudices, and the Demo cratic State Convention of lowa hisses the name of Patrick Ford, the fearless editor of the /risk li'orld. Yon yourselves know well that right here in Indianapolis your Irish candidates on the Democratic ticket run behind their party vote. Quite recently, I am informed, an estimable young Irishman of this city was a candidate for City Clerk, and lie ran more than five hundred behind the party vote. Need I call your attention to Mayor Grace, of New York, who, on account of- his religion, ran 40,000 votes behind his Democratic party ticket, or to Senator Kernan, one of the most eminent men of the Irish race, who lost the Governorship of New York through Democratic defection on account of his religion? And yet you indulge in the stale delusion that the Democratic party is the guardian angel of the Irishman in America. Open the eyes that God has given you. See the world promenading past you. Seek knowledge for the purpose of being right. You have it in yonr hands to-day to be powerful and respectable in American politics, or to seek the graveyard and the gutter and to perish in them. See your German fellow-citizens. Do they beg anybody’s pardon for their opinions in politics? They are a selt-respecting people who change their'polities to guard their interests, while they at the same time vigorously insist, that the Irishman has nonight to do the same thing. They taunt you at the first manifestations of awakening manhood. You take it in abject submission and crawl away like a youthful spaniel freshly convicted ot p ;tty larceny. Shame on you! Where is the courage of your race? Friends have warned me that I would be stoned in Indianapolis for telling vou the truth I said I would face the music and abide the consequences. “TheLdooded the martyr is the seed of the church.” lam one of you—bone of yonr bone, flesh of your flesh —every fiber of my body, every pulse of my heart. I ask yon to be men, tnipking men; no longer the slaves of unmanly prejudices or miserable delusions. Yon have hugged this Know-Nothing humbug for a quarter of a century. Give it a decent burial. Let the dead past bury its dead. Act, act in the living present. Hearts within and God o'erhead.

MULLIGAN, THE LETTER THIEF.

A Fair and Impartial Opinion of the Man Who Is Trying to Injure Blaine. [Richmond (Va.) Whig.] It is evident that this whole Mulligan calumny is as foul as its source. And what Is that? Mulligan’s matice. A dishonorable man, in some dishonorable way, gets possession of private letters, which, by the aid of partisan hate and prejudice, he proposes to employ in a dishonorable . wav to smirch the character of an eminent and honorable gentleman, and, in pursuance of a dishonorable plot, they were orouglit to the front in the very nick of time to discredit the gentleman’s claims to the highest honor his party and countrymen could bestow upon him. A vile man, a vile plot, a vile use"of private correspondence, a vile misconstruction of this correspondence—could anything be viler than the whole dirty business? And do gentlemen who adopt Mulligan and his methods consider what they do? Are they sure that they are not degrading themselves in their eager efforts to damage Mr. Blaine? Of course, the Mulligan letters were only a part of the plot. All sorts of lies and misrepresentations were brought to bolster the foul meaning which foul misconstruction had foisted upon Mr., Blaine's private letters. But these, in every instance brought to scrutiny, were overwhelmingly refuted by the highest evidence. Even Mulligan supplemented tiis original baseness in obtaining and using the correspondence by inventing a dramatic fiction in connection with Blaine’s recovery of his letters, overdoing the matter, however, and making his statement obviously and ridiculously false by its absurd extravagance. Mr. Blaine got on his knees to him, Mr. Blaine promised him a consulship, Mr. Blaine threatened to kill himself, and all this stuff, when Mulligan himself confesses that Mr. Blaine, after once having the letters in bis possession, and looking them over, returned them, and that Mr. Blaine only retained them, on again having them in hand, when Mnljigan threatened to publish them before they went to the committee investigating the matter. The sum of the matter is, that the Mulligan calumny not pnly fails of proof, but is a self-evident falsehood upon its showing. Harper’s Weekly, the New York Times, and all the men and journals now so insistent upon the charge against Mr. Blaine, onoe declared he was guiltless and unsmirched by the evidence. Even the Bourbons of Virginia, with all the testimony before them, ignored the charge and lauded Mr. Blaine to the skies. The sum of the matter is that, the charge Is now revamped and pressed only on the well-known principle of “anything to beat” Mr. Blaine, the stalwart representative of Republican protection. Harper's Weekly in an editorial of May 13, 1876, after giving a correct resume of all the charges against Blaine, and disproving them from the record, closed the matter as follows; “If nobody now appears with new proof to justify this accusation it must be considered merely one of the reckless slanders to which every prominent man is exposed; and no charge that may hereafter be made against Mr. Blaine, unaccompanied by weighty testimony, will deserve any attention whatever. ” Gen. Geo. H. Sharpe, one of the leading New York stalwarts, says there is no truth in the stories circulated to the effect that the stalwarts are lukewarm in their support of the National Bepublican candidates. They will heartily support Blaine, who will, in Gen. Sharpe's opinion, carry New York State by 50,000 plurality.

OHIO POLITICS.

Biz Democratic Demonstration at Columbus—Got. Cleveland Writes a Letter. [Columbus (Ohio) telegram.l This hao been a field day for the Democracy of this city and adjoining cities and towna within a radios of 150 miles. The weather baa been all that conld have been asked for, clear, cool, and pleasant. The Democratic clubs from adjoining cities and towns commenced arriving early this morning by special trains, and continued to pour in all day. Never in the history of the Democratic party has there been such an ontponring as witnessed to-day. The Democrats have been planning and preparing for this demonstration for over a month, and Its magnitude hats even surprised its originators. Boor speaking stands were pat np in the State House yard, with arched gas-jets, to accommodate the crowds. A large meeting was held this afternoon at Comstock’s Opera House, addressed by' Senator Bayard, of Delaware, who “was introduced by Allen G. Thurman in a neat and complimentary Bpeech. Senator Bayard referred to the time the party was in such a small minority in the Senate, and if it bad worked together would have succeeded in getting a good government. He believed one-half of the Republicans did not believe Hayes and Wheeler were elected. He traced the workings of the Republican party for the last twenty-four years and In the convention, showing that Blaine's nomination was a national and logical outcome of it; he-said the candidates were types of the party; he referred to Carl Schurz in a complimentary manner; claimed that the use of public powcwjvas everywhere prevalent; he claimed that tnh great leagues were working with the backing of monopolies for Blaine, but with the uprising df the masses he believed the Democratic principles wonld succeed. Gov. Hendricks arrived at the opera-house about 5 p. m. and received a perfect ovation. 7~ He returned thanks in a very graceful manner, accepting it aa a party compliment on account of tbe principles he represented. He said he had witnessed great demonstrations all along the line ot his route between Indianapolis and Columbus, and claimed both Indiana and Ohio confidently for the Democrats. Letters were read from Gen, Breckenrulge? E. K. Apgar, Stilson Hutchins, and others. In the evening the following distinguished ancT well-known Democratic orators and leaders spoke: Governor Thomas A. Hendricks, Governor Robert M. McLane, George H. Pendleton, John A. McMahon, G. H. Bargar, Speaker John G. Carlisle, Gen. Charles H. Mansur, Gen. Durbin Ward, D. S. C coding, Gen. E. B. Finley, Thomas F. Bayard, and others. The procession moved promptly at eight o'clock, and High street, for over two miles, was one mass of banners and blazing torches. Gov. Hendricks’ speech was in substance about the same as delivered heretofore. He dwelt quite freely on the necessity of a change In the administration of public affairs, He was listened .to by a large audience, as were all the other speakers. The tollowing letter was received and read from Gov. Cleveland; Executive Mansion, Albany, Sept. 21,1654. My Dear Sib: I very much regret that the pressure of official duties will prevent my loininjt you at the meeting to be held at Columbus on the 25th Inst. I hope the meeting will be a complete success, and that It will be the means of Increasing the enthusiasm already aroused for tbe cause of good government. I believe that tbe voters of the country are fully alive to the necessity of Installing an administration of public affairs which shall be truly their own, not only because it Is the result of their choice, but because its selected instrumen tali ties are directly from the body et the people, and impressed with tbe people's thoughts and sentiment. They are tired, I think, of a rale so long continued that it has bred and fostered a class standing between them and their political action, and whose interests in affairs end with partisan zeal and the advancement ot personal advantage. Let me remind the people that if they seek to make their public servants feel their direct responsibility to them, and careful of their interests, their objects will not be accomplished by a blind adherence to a party which has grown arrogant with long continued power. Let us impress upon the people that the issne involved in the pending canvass is the establishment of a pure and honest administration T of their Government. Let ns show them the way to this and warn them against any cunningly designed effort to lead them Into other paths of irrelevant discussion. With these considerations before them, and with an earnest presentation of our claims to the confidence of the people and of their responsibility. we need not tear the result of the!" intelligent action. Yours very truly, Grover Clevelakh. To Allen G. Thurman.

BUTLER.

He Talks to the Fanners of the Granite State. [Plymouth (N. H.) dispatch ] The feature of the third day of the Grafton County fair was the presence ot Gen. Butler. He was accompanied by Moody MerrUi,A stockholder of the association, who, in theCtbsence of the President, introduced Butter to the large gathering. Butler apologized for his hoarseness, and said he supposed bis hearers were of mixed politics—very much so—therefore his remarks would be somewhat mixed, hitting all alike. Tbe Democrats want to get into power where they can be tempted, but they would do no better than the Republicans. Ail we desire is for tbe producers to enjoy tbe frnits of their labors. If the Government will give the laboring-man a fair chance he would be satisfied. He did not leave the Chicago Convention because he was not nominated, for his name was not presented. He did not let it go in, as he did not wish to be bound. Had he desired it wonld have been presented. Democratic free-trade orators say the tariff makes yon pay too much for everything. What Is the tariff! It is a tolL Ignorant Democratic "orators talk sometimes as if it was something to eat. [Applause.] Gen. Butler considered the railroad rates, and said: “The Legislature is owned by the railroads, and the remedy lies in sending men to the Legislature who cannot be corrupted. The Republican party had a grand reeord. The Democratic party had a grand old record under Jackson, bnt Jackson has been dead these forty years, and he left no children. But yon must look ont and think and act for yourselves." £A voice—‘How would it do to vote for St. John?'] The General replied: “If inclined,to drink too much whisky yon bad better do it. [Applause.] If you do not think for yourself it means revolution, and revolution means the bullet." Gen. Butler was heartily cheered at the close of his speech.

LOGAN.

He Invades West Virginia—Big Meeting at Wheeling. [Wheeling (W. Va.) telegram.] This morning the residence of John Frew, editor of the Intelligencer, was thronged with citizens who wished to greet and welcome Gen. Torrence, Gen. Logan, W. D. Kelley, and others. The senior class of Washington and Jefferson College, Blaine's alma mater, was presented to Gen. Logan and he expressed great pleasure in Beeing them. At 2 o'clock the procession was formed. Gen. Logan entered his carriage, and with Congressman Goff, Powell Clayton, W. P. Hubbard, and other members of the State committee in carriages, joined the processionand proceeded to the State Fair grounds on the island. Gen- Logan was introduced and made the longest speech of his trip, of more than an hour's length. He was followed by Powell Clayton, CoL Aigderson of Ohio, and Gen. Goff of West Virginia. Gen. Torrence did not speak. The procession to-night was much larger than to-dav, and was reviewed by Gen. Logansanct Gen. Torrence. Tbe fireworks were magnificent. W. D. Kelley addressed the Republicans on the tariff at the Opera House.

POLITICAL NOTES.

John Kelly declines to be a candidate for the Tammany nomination for Mayor of New York. The Independent (anti-Blaine Republican) organization is doing more work in Massachusetts than the regular Democrats. The San Francisco Bulletin will not be much surprised if the Republicans of California elect four of the six Representatives to be chosen in that State this fall. All six are noir Democrats. Eoitob McCeite, of the Buffalo Courier, has made a wager of SI,OOO with Col. Hooker, Vermont member of the National Republican Committee, that Cleveland carries New York. He also beta Hooker SIOO that Vermont does not give Blaine 21,000 majority. * Gen. Bctleb proposes to make fifty set speeches in New York.