Rensselaer Republican, Volume 17, Number 3, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 25 September 1884 — Page 7

THE MULLIGAN LETTERS.

Mr. Blaine Wishes Every Republican Paper to Publish Them in Pull. The “Explosion” a Fizzle of the Worst Kind, Hurting Only the Democrats. Elaine’s Innocence of All Wrong-Doing Fully Established by the Correspondence. MK. BLAINE. He Hopes Every Republican Paper in the Country AVill Publish the Letters. An Augusta (Me.) correspondent of the Chicago Tribv ne telegraphs that journal as follows: “The publication in the Boston newspapers, with sensational headlines, ot the so-called additional Mulligan letters has caused some comment here. It is well known that the letters have been hawked about for some time with a view of getting Mr. Blaine’s t'rieuds to stop their publication, but they have refused to take any notice of these offers, and are congratulating themselves now that the Democrais have published the letters. Everybody here agrees that the letters are the best kind of tribute to Mr. Blaine's honesty and fidelity to his friends. His distress because he was unable to raise $‘25,000 to pay a loan he had secured for the railroad company, proves conclusively the falsehood about his being a millionaire, while his strenuous efforts to keep the railroad company out of financial difficulty is regarded as proof that he was right in saying that he would be no deadliead’in the enterprise. The publication of the letters is not a surprise here, as it was known that the' Democrats were trying to get up something t 6 break the force of the splendid victory won by Mr. Blaine in his own State. “Mr. Blaine, accompanied by his wife, arrived from Bar Harbor this afternoon. In answer to the reporter who called at his residence to ascertain if he wished to say anything in regard to the letters, Mr. Blaine replied that his only desire was that every voter in the United States might read the letters for himself and nnEform his judgment from editorial misrepresentation in partisan journals. There was not a word in the letters, Mr. Blaine added, which was not entirely consistent with the most scrupulous integrity and honor. He hoped every Republican paper in the United States would publish the letters in full.” A REVIEW Of THE LETTERS. The Correspondence Demonstrates Blaine’s Innocence of Any Wrong-Doing. The New York Tribune, commenting on the new batch es Mulligan letters, says: “Malice has overreached itself at last. The new letters published tor the purpose of injuring Mr, ; Blaine go far to vindicate him. When Mulligan and Fisher ransacked their correspondence eight years ago for material to blacken Mr. Blaine’s reputation, their cold and deliberate malice rejected the letters now publlshed. If there were then In their hands any which could have done him harm, we may be sure those would have been produced. But the letters now printed, thougn they contain no new charge, nor a scrap of evidence that tends to sustain any old charge, do contain much that is of the greatest value to Mr. Blaine. For that reason his accusers when cool were shrewd enough to suppress them. But now they see public opinion moving forward with resistless sweep toward Mr. Blaine’s election; they are maddened and desperate, they hunt their pigeon-holes again for the dregs of aucient scandal, and in their fury, they brand themselves wit i falsehood, and for the first time disclose the true character of the transactions between Mr. Blaine and Mr. Fisher. “The new publication embraces that very letter of Oct. 21, 1871, which Mr. Blaine has for eight j'cars been accused of suppressing. As the iS’un showed with great clearness, the oftreiterated charge was reduced at last to this one letter which was named in Mulligan's memorandum, but whien Mr. Blaine declared was not in the package received and publicly read by him. Continually the Times, the /Vs/, and other papers have repeated that Mr. Blaine lied aud liad deliberately suppressed this letter. Yet now the blundering rage of his baffled accusers produces it from their own stock and makes one thing clear. For-eight years Mulligan has seen Mr. Blaine falsely accused of suppressing this letter and lias, known all the time that the charge was false, because lie held in his possession thfe proof. Yet he lias kept back that proof 'fend silently allowed the lie to go on doing its dishonest work, and thus has made that lie his - own to blacken the character of Mr. Blaine. In the light of this fact who should now be believed, Mr. Blaine, who told the truth, or his accusers, selt-convicted of falsehood'/ And why was this letter then suppressed'/ Because, as it now proves, Fisher and Caldwell had failed to make good the pledges upon which Mr. Blaine had borrowed $25,000 for their benefit. “The great tact which the new letters establish is that Mr. Blaine was the victim of Warren Fisher, deceived by him from the start, induced to involve himself and his friends in an undertaking in which they all suffered, crippled by the refusal of Fisher to keep his word, persuaded when disaster came to borrow money for the enterprise upon his personal credit, and finally left’in the lurch by his professed friend, who reasoned that Mr. Blaine, being a public man, could never, ass ord to demand what was justly due him, for fear of scandal. The letters of June, 1869, previously published, prove that Fisher then made a proposition to Mr. Blaine which hejicsitated to accept, uncertain whether It might involve lalger resources than he could .command. The new letters of Oct. 4 and 5 show 'what has been evident all along, that he had closed the arrangement with Fisher to take from him certain bonds in order to raise money for the enterprise., and that he did not prove a ‘deadhead.’ but performed his part to the letter. He not only took bonds and placed them to lift the enterprise over obstacles, but had disposed of sl2s,otxj before the letter was written making mention of his ruling in Congress. Thus he has been infamously slandered all this time by the charge that lie referred to his ruling in order to get into the concert. He was In it already, as the new letters prove, amt had placed all the bonds he was expected to jilace. But these new letters also prove that privacy about that negotiation was urged, not jby him, but by Fisher, who was at that time negotiating with Caldwell. It may be inferred that Fisher did not then want Caldwell to know that the enterprise had been in such straits. He it was who wrote about,‘the Importance of keeping all quiet,’ and to him Mr. Blaine wrote, ‘No one will ever know from mo that I have disposed of a single dollar in Maine, so there need be no embarrassment in talking with Mr. Caldwell.’ There was not a thing in the transaction of which Mr. Blaine had reason to Ire ashamed. He had taken at his own rißk a block of securities, and by his personal credit and reputation with friends had placed them, receiving, as both Fisher and Mulligan admitted. the average rate of percentage that others received. Thus, May 31, 1876, Warren Fisher, Jr., testified (Misc. doc. 176, pages 88 and 8ti): “Question—Was any other bonus besides stock ever given in the purchase of these bonds'/ Answer —No, sir. “Q.—Were not land-grant bonds sometimes given? A.—O, yes; if I sold SIO,OOO of these firstmortgage bonds I would also give as a bonus SIO,(XX/ of land-grant bonds, SIO,OOO common stock, and SIO,OOO of the preferred stock. “Q. —So that In a sale of SIO,OOO of these bonds there was really a transfer of SIO,OOO mortgage bonds, slo,ooo land-grant bonds, SIO,OOO preferred stock, and SIO,OOO common stock? A,— Yes.

“Q.— Making a transfer of $40,000 instead of $10,000? A.—Yes, sir. “.May 31, 1376, James Mulligan testified. (Miscellaneous document no, page 01.) "Question—Do you know of any other sale (than the one to Mr. Blaine) of tire bonds of that company? Answer—Yes. “Question —Were the other sales made on the same terms as this sale? Answer—No, sir. Quite different. “Question—Was the percentage Which was realized by Mr. Fisher on those other sales different from that realized on this sale? Answer —lt aveiaged about the same. “Afterward what-? A long gap in the correspondence. Even now it is evident. Fisher ana Mulligan still hold other letters which they dare not publish, but deliberately suppress, because at this and other points iu the history the whole truth would vindicate Mr. Blaine'completely. But in December, 1870, it appears that Mr. Blaine was trying to borrow money for Fisher and Caldwell to help them through, and at the same time appealing in vain for the bonds promised by Fisher to him and by him to his friends who had purchased. As he states, Dec. 29, Mr. Blaine did borrow on his individual promises, but in the letter of Jan. 26 he had to beg in vain lor ‘ good notes for the $25,004’ and for 'the $86,000 bonds which were made “by yourself and Mr. Caldwell the express basis of the $25,000 loan.' Thus entrapped by a deliberate bn ach of faith, he says: ‘ Its personal hardships to me are bitter and burning, and humiliating in the last degree.’ Yet Fisher and Caldwell left him to bear the loss. A note fell due March l,and he was compelled to meet it. An .tuer came in April, and he wrote: ‘lt Is no more ;mv debt fhan the debt of President Grant or Queen Victoria, and I cannot believe that you

and Mr. Fisher, Both or either, intend to Have this burden upon me. If you do it will crash me.’ Caldwell, April 25, acknowledged the justice of the claim and appealed to Mr. Fisher, being unable to act himself. Nevertheless, Mr. Blaine was obliged to write June H about the $25.000 ‘which 1 borrowed here on my own faith and, credit'on tie distinct understanding with you (F’isher) that it was to be repaid,' and urges some transfer of securities. Fisher still refuses, and, Nov. 8, Mr. Blaine is still praying for an honest fulfillment of the contract. ‘How can I do fids with parties who have paid their money earnestly demanding' the consideration proml- - bs me, but which i am not able to give liter catise-T do not receive the bonds to which I am entitled by contract? It Is not a question of money-making with me. »It is simply a question of saving my word with others,’ Is not this the language of a thoroughly honest and upright man? Is it not clear throughout that Mr. Blaine was conscious ot no wrong, but suffering keenly from injustice? Yet, after all this, when a settlement was made and it was agreed by Warren F’isher, as he admitted' tn his testimony, that the letters on both sides should be given up, it was this same Warren Fisher who broke his agreement and kept letters or allowed Mulligan to keep them for the purpose of defaming Mr. Blaine, and now, in baffled anger, he prints enough of them to show what sort of a man he is. Fly bis own betrayal of faith the letters now Come to light which show how he took all the money he could from Mr. Blaine and his friends, bfoke his own word, and trusted for immunity tea public man's clread of scandalous misrepresentation. _To such a man Mr, Blaine appealed jn vain for the truth. His letter of April 16 th is an honest man’s urgent plea for simple justice, ‘t he letter is strictly true,’ he writes, and every man knows that he would never have penned these words with such a request if his conscience had told him that the statement he wished Fisher to make was false. The testimony of F’isher and Mulligan already quoted proves that in the vital point Mr. Blaine stated the truth. He bought bonds on the same terns ottered to others, and by doing so involved himself in heavy loss while making good the losses of friends. On that very statement which Mr. Blaine asked Fisher to sign, in the belief that a man he had helped at such cost to himself would not refuse an act of simple, justice, his friends may well rest. Not one of his letters, not one of the letters to him, be it observed, contains any hint or trace of abuse of his position as Speaker or as member of Congress. Neither Mulligan nor Fisher ever charged him with any dishonest or improper act, in all the transactions he was an honorable gentleman, and he was in the hands of sharpers. "What has the public to do with the business relations of Mr. Blaine aud Mr. Fisher? Nothing, since they do not concern his official conduct in any particular, nor his personal integ-rity.-The public has judged them rightly. Eight years ago the worst that could be said about these transactions was said, and the ]>eople, hearing both sides, sustained Mr. Blaine as they do now. From that day to this public confidence in him has been growing stronger, public regard for him greater, and the latest efforts of his detainers only serve to bring upon themselves the infamy they deserve.”

BLAINE AND VICTORY!

That Is the Cry of the Hon. John F. Pinerty, "Who Gomes Out Squarely for the Republican Ticket. The Hon; John F. Finerty, member of Congress from the Second District, has always been a Democrat, but was elected to Congress on an Independent ticket. He is again the candidate of thepeople of his district without regard to party lines; but because his sense of honor would not permit him to support Grover Cleveland for President; the Democratic machine lias determined to defeat him. In the last Issue of his paper, the Irish' Citizen, Mr. Finerty reviews the situation in his district and then declares his intention to support Blaine on the broad ground of American citizenship. He says: "Without surrendering a principle that he has ever held, without accepting any party collar, without abandoning the people—the indepeuden and honest people—who have trusted in and elected him, Mr. Finerty. on the broad ground of American , citizenship and American glory, hereby declares his preference for James G. Blaine as a Presidential candidate. He declares against Cleveland because lie has proved himself the enemy of the laborer and tne mechanic, the ally of monopolists, the self-constituted judge of the constitutionality of measures intended to benefit the people, the bare-faced dodger of the vital question of protection to American industries, aud the champion, accented and ratified, of a foreign interest on this continent. “Mr. Finerty will never be found voting for any dubious American who has the unqualified support of the Tunes, the Telegraph, the (standard, and the JY airs, ot' London, "He supports James G. Blaine because, in declaring openly for protection against Europe, and free commerce with our American neighbors on and below our Southern frontier, he advocates the true American policy, and the only one by which this country cannot only remain great, free, and prosperous, but a.so by which she can spread the influence she ought to posses. on the two cis-Atlantic continents, and maintain the letter of that Democraticdoctrine which says to Europe ’hands off,’ and of which Mr. Blaine, though a Republican, is the truest and most gifted living exponent. With him at ihe head ot the nation there would be no fear that the Panama canal shall ever degenerate into a European water-way. "Mr. F'inerty, fnrther, supports Mr. Blaine because of his vigorous foreign policy—a policy that the tragical end of President Garfield curbed beiore it had! attained to a more splendid development. Mr. Blaine believes in a navy capable of fighting, and in a system of national defense commensurate wiih the vastness and the diversified interests of the United States. “Mr. Finerty also supports Mr. Blaine because England abhors him, and because his election, although he is not a fire-brand or a promoter of unnecessary warfare, would bo a slap in her face. He hopes the time will never come when the American people will accept a candidate that their most bitier enemies and jealous commercial rivals desire. "Finally, Mr. F’inerty declares against Grover Cleveland because his noniihation by the Democratic National Convention was a direct insult, and so intended, to the backbone of the Democratic party nortli of the Ohio, and a challenge to the manhood and the political courage Of every American, of whatever race or previous condition, who earns his livelihood by honest labor.” —lnter Ocean.

A BLAINE MAN.

Why the President of a St. Lodis Bank Supports the Republican Ticket. Mr. S. H. Laflin, the well-known powder manufacturer and President of the St. Louis National Bank, has just returned from the East, where he paid some attention to political matters. He is a prominent Democrat, but In conversation with a Chicago Tribune correspondent at the Southern he said: “lam a Blaine man. All my family and most of my employes are for Cleveland, but I am a Blaine man through and through. I don’t oppose Cleveland because of that scandal—no, sir. No, there is nothing in the scandal that ought to lower Cleveland in anybody’s estimation, but . he is not a fit person for the Presidency. He has not got the brains. He wears a No. 19 collar and a No. 8 hat. and beyond that you cannot say anything for him. Blaine Is a man of nerve, a brainy man, a statesman, and he Bhall have my vote. Every man with whom I conversed while in the East favored the election of Blaine. These men were mostly manufacturers, and represented the great industries of the country. They said they would feel safer with‘Blaine at the helm.”— St. Lrntis special.

Where the “Stalwarts” Are.

If any one supposes that a stalwart Republican is going to take counsel of his grudges and revenges when a national election is at stake, he will find out his error in November. Above all personal or selfish objects the true stalwart puts the welfare of his country; and he believes that the Republican party is better qualified to govern the country than the Democratic party, and that Janies G. Blaine, in evpry attribute that marks the statesman, the upright man and the gentleman, rises as far above Grover Cleveland as the eagle soars above the bird of the dunghill. —Kingston Freeman. The Republican State Central Committee of New York has notified the National Republican Committee that it will be able to get along without any outside financial aid. The State Committee can raise all the funds needed for the successful prosecution of the canvass. Owing to the attitude of the Irish-Americans, the committee is Confident that the Empire State will give a good round majortity for the Republican national ticket. The only Irish-Ameri cabs who will vote for Cleveland in New York belong to the office-holding and bummer element - Pat Cahill, a wealthy Irishman of Fayette CoHnty, Illinois, wants to bet a farm of forty aeres against $2<M) that James G. Blaine will be the next President of the United States.' Here Is a chance for Carter Harrison’s friends and supporters.

EMORY A. STORES.

He Delivers an Eloquent and Characteristic Speech in T rempnt Temple, Boston. He Pays His Respects to Curtis, Schurz, and Other Apostles of “Purgatorial politics,” The Independents Falsely So Called—" Hot Shot for Bourbons—The People’s Choice. An Eloquent Review of the Two Principal Parties—No Fear for the Result. Mr. Chairman and Fellow Citizens: At this hour of the night it would be presumptuous in me to undertake anything like a full or elaborate discussion, either of the principles involved in the pending Presidential campaign orof the candidates themselves. It seems to me, since I read the papers this morning, that the necessity for very much discussion has passed, aud that political oratory has resolved itself, after all, pretty much into a hallelujah of great delight on the one side and a wail of lamentation on the other (laughter), with an occasional "bleak and dismal whistle coming from the brush and from obscure places in the scenery, lntended.no doubt, to keep up the courage of the whistler. [Laughter.! 1 am not unmindful whom I am addressing. I know 1 am In Boston, in the State of Massachusetts, in the New England States. lam a resident of the State of Illinois; I am a citizen of the United States. [Applause.] I am with you a joint proprietor of Bunker Hill [applause!, made so by the fourteenth and fifteenth constitutional amendments and have a common interest in Paul Revere and in that remarkable cargo of tea, the unshipping of which led to such splendid results a good many years ago. I am from what in New York has been characterized as the “rowdy West,” and what, by one at least of New England’s famous clergymen, has been denominated as the “riff-raff West." [Laughter.] May I say to you, because I know it will be something, that this characterization has not greatly distnrbcrt nsfn tire West, nor lias it made us angry ; and yet Senator Hawley will tell yon we do not lackspirit on a proper occasion. fLauehter.] We have an abundance of it. Don’t trifle with it. (Laughter.! Our State was the only State in the Union, Mr. Chairman, that filled Its quota without a draft [applause], and we sent over about eighteen thousand troops besides to Missouri, a strong Democratic Slate, as you may remember, which will cast Its electoral vote for Cleveland. lam not an Independent in politics. [Laugh-, ter,] I recognize no purgatorial politics, no halting, half-way station between heaven and hell. [Laughter.] To me it Is the heaven of good republic n government, or it is the hell of that diabolical, old, infernal Demoraatic party —[laughter]—that has never, in all its long, consistent, bad, and criminal career, done a right thing except at the wrong time. [Laughter.] I wish to say of this Democratic party nothing unkind or nngenerons, and of the Independents it Is my purpose to speak in terms of the utmost tenderness. [Laughter.]

“Why should we mourn departed friends?” When I read the announcement a few weeks ago, Mr. Chairman, that they had gone, 1 accepted it with a great deal of solid comfort and Christian resignation—(laughterl —bHt when I read along a little further, to the statement that their absence was to be temporary merely, and that they intended some day to return, I confess—who should not confess?—that my mind was filled with the' direst apprehension. Our party has made some mistakes. It you will permit me to suggest—it has been growing a little too rapidly at. the top [Laughter.] lam prepared to exchange political aisthetics for the horny-handed and the hard-fisted. [Applause.] 1 see Mr. Curtis and Mr. Schurz going lor the fourth or fifth time. [Laughter ] My feelings have been lacerated, and my heart has been wrung many times at their departure. They have played already too many farewell engagements. [Laughter.] I see coming to us in countless thousands the oldfashioned Democrats from whose eyes the scales have fallen, liberated and freed; and as I see the aesthetics going and the patriotic, hardworking citizens coming, I recognize the first rule of private hospitality. I "welcome the coming and speed the departing guests.” [Loud laughter, applause, and cheers, and a voice, “ Give it to them.”] We have heard in the West something about the "better element” of the party; I Laughter.! In our piain way, because we have been building Up States and cities and empires, and have not had time to bolt, we have thought that the better element of the party was the biggest element, and that the wisdom of this great party of ours was in the majority. Now, don’t you think so?' [Voices, ” Yes, stifrj Every time. I dislike this appropriation of the phrase ” The thoughtful and the conscientious citizens," by a tew gentlemen who do not act with the majority of the thoughtful and conscientious citizens. [Applause./ lam in favor of the scholar in politics; but, nevertheless, I do believe with Edmund Burke that it was the great good fortune of the British people that they were never ruled over a few months at a time by their philosophers and their wise men. My fellow citizens, the great reforms in this world, those retorms from which civil liberty and individual liberty have derived any benefit, have not come from the clouds down, but from the ground up. [Applause.] I believe in the spinal column of this country. I read the announcement, tor in the West we do take the Atlantic Monthly, and have gospel privileges [laughter], I read that these gentlemen are exceedingly solicitous as to what they call the purity of the young men. May Ibe permitted to suggest that the farmers of lllinoisand of the great West—those strong, splendid, broadbrowed, great, big-hearted men, those men who buned-tire-doctrine of fiat money under a majority of 40,000—think they are quite capable themselves of taking care of the morals of their sons. (Laughter.] And, most of all, they do not propose to turn the custody of these morals over to an assorted lot of gentlemen, half of whom deny the existence of a God, and the other half of whom believe that mankind, themselves included, were developed from an ape. [Laughter.]

Now, then, what does it mean to be independentin politics? If the word has a particle of significance it is a refusal to acknowledge allegiance to either of the great political parties of the country. These gentlemen are simply independent of the Republican party, to which they formerly belonged—spasmodically and occasionally belonged. Tney hate attached themselves to the Democratic party. And they are not independent of that when they acknowledge allegiance to it. HOW ABSURD IT IS. If a refusal to vote the Republican ticket and indorse Republican doctrines and to support Republican candidates is an evidence of independence, then the Democrat is a good deal more independent than the Independent, because he has that way as independent been independent a good while longer. [Laughter.] Will some astute logician tell me the difference between a genuine real old-lashioned and one of the original Democrats, this campaign, and the new article, the Independent? [Laughter.] They support the same man and for the same reasons. The old Democrat and his ally will support Grover Cleveland because of his high moral character. [Loud laughter and applause.] Mr. Chairman, I cannot understand why that should produce such a demonstration. [Laughter.] They support him, both of them, because he vetoed the 5-eent tare bill, because he vetoed the bill shortening the hours of labor for the street-car conductors and drivers, and because he vetoed the mechanics’ lien law in the State of New York. The Democrat and the Independent both support Mr. Cleveland for these reasons, among others, and for the same reasons precisely they both oppose Mr. Blaine. Mr. Schurz and Mr. Curtis both withhold their support from Mr. Blaine for the same re ason Hubert O. Thompson and Mr. Sheriff Davidson withhold theirs, exactly. They use the same methods, work through the same channels, and seek to accomplish the same end in exactly the same way. Both mourn when they are defeated, would rejoice if they could succeed, will be buried in the same common coffin [laughter, applause, and cheers], and when, after November, their bleached and whitened skeletons lie on the beach and shore of political defeat and disappointment, you can not tell the skeleton of an Independent from that of a Democrat. [Laughter.]

Tins is a very remarkable party of ours, the Republican party.- It never had, in all its long and splendid and lustrous career, a leader who could take it one single inch in the direction it didn’t want to go. (Applause.) Our leaders have sometimes left ns, and in a wholesale way". So mnch the worse for the leaders, so much the better for the party. [Applause.] In 1872 Governors and ex-Governors, Senators and ex-Sen-ators. Judges and ex-Judses, Tray, Blanche, and Sweetheart, crowds of them, left ns because the party, as they said, was corrupt, and how splendidly the old ship did right herself up after they got off. [Applause and langhter. i How magnificently she made for the harbor of a splendid success; and how desolate, discomfited, and water-logged have been the leaders who jumped "overboard ever, since. [Langhter.! There is another remarkable feature about our party which distinguishes it from the Democratic party. To write a platform ior the Democratic party reonires the very highest

degree of rhetorical and literary ability. [Laughter.] 1 think I possess some ability of that kind myself, yet I would not try It under any circumstances [Laughter.] There fe not a Republican m all the fifty-five millions ot people on this continent, who has got the faith ; In him,-Him cannot write a Republican plat-; form that is not a good Republican '■ doctrine everywhere. [Applause.] There is the same difference between the Democratic platform and the Republican platform that there! was lwtween pur present national currency and the old Stump-tall currency before the-war. Our platform is current everywhere. Did you ;;ver think what would happen to a Democratic orator If he had put his platform In his pocket at night and got on the train, and really landed In the direction lie didn't suppose he had gone? Suppose that he started from Chicago and was coming to Boston, but by some curious freak he landed at Atlanta or Savannah, and, thinking he was in Boston at the time, began to clamor for a free ballot aud a fair count! [Laughter and applause.] You see It is a question of climate; the platform IS LIABLE TO SPOIL with a change of weather. [Laughter.] Suppose that the patriotic Democrat—and there are many such—constructing his platform, after days and nights of anxious hair-pulling and headache, has made np his mind.as to what the concern means on the subject ot the tariff, and he starts out full of the idea that he is a friend of all God's creation and free trade . He is going South, as he thinks, ami the Penu-ylvania Railroad lands him in Lancaster, Pa., and, as a Democratic orator, he begins to talk in favor of free trade and lo give that construction to the platform. What kind of a funeral awaits that man? [Loud laughter and applause.] Our opponents object to our talking about our record. '1 hey decline to talk about theirs, and I don’t blame them. (Laughter.! in the few words I shall have occasjon to utter about the Democratic -party, remember that I-drew- a broad line of distinction between the party and the-membtrs of the party, the same that I would draw between a corporation and a stockholder, for instance. I know stockholders of the (Standard Oil Company, excellent, splendid, and worthy gentlemen, but the company [pausing solennly, laughter.] 1 know Democrats who are a great deal better than their party; I never knew any one worse. [Laughter.] This party to which the so-called and self-elected and selfappointed ‘'thoughtful and conscientious citizen” had attached himself! [Laughter.] This party that has shown how potent the “silent vote” is in Maine I loud laughter, applause, and cheers] and in Vermont. I have said they object to any discussion of their record, aud they insist upon it that when any of us begin to talk about it we are discussing old affairs. Now*it is no objection, gentlemen, to an issue that it is old, if it Ls not settled. [Laughter.] The preachers for a great many Jiundred years have been denouncing sin.; That ris a very old issue, one of the first I know of ; and I suppose they will keep at it till sin quits. It is about as hara for a political organization to unload its character as it is for a man. Political parties come lo the people of this country and ask for confidence and trust, and the peqple of this country, pretty intelligent and observing, look not so much at the vehemence and vigor of the promise as the probabilities that the promise shall be kept; and those probabilities they determine by the history of the individual or the party who makes it. Now, is not that the best kind of sense? If a»party promises to vindicate the public credit, that party, always having orders to destroy it, will you take the promise? IVoices: "No, no.”] Of course you .will not. If it pretends and promises to take care of our financial Interests, while Its history has been a steady line of effort to destroy them, will you accept the promise? I take it not. These are fair, square questions which every voter and every citizen must ask for himself and upon which he must act. —re-

Now, gentlemen, what is the record of the old Democratic party? If this hail were all tilled with Democrats, if every man here was a Democrat solid in the faith and firm in the belief, I could clear the hallln three minutes by reading them their own platform of 1868 or 1872. [LaughThey have never made a promise in which the Interests of this country have been involved that they have kept. There is no great measure of public policy which has contributed to the growth and the prosperity of the nation that that party has originated ore favored. In all its long career for the last thirty years there is no measure of that character which that party has not diabolically and demagogically anil unanimously opposed. Is there any one in thia large and splendid audience, in this old, splendid city of Boston, made memorable by the present, and sanctified in the hearts of ail our people by the tender and sacred recollections of the revolution—is there a single one of you, glorying in the greatness of our country, ot its past, its present, and in the sublime hope and promise of its future—is there a single one of you that can point me to one single thing within the last quarter of a century that this Democratic party has ever done or attempted to do, from which you as citizens draw any pride, or from tbe doing of which the country would have drawn any honor? Can you point me to one single great event in our history which makes up our patrimony and bur heritage as apeople that that party has not infernally opposed? [Laughter and applause.] Now that is a dreadful question, it is a solemn inquiry, and the dreadful fact of the matter is, that there is not one single instance, not one. Now, fellow-citizens, the Republicm .party, whose advocate in a very small way I am tonight, has never made a great promise that it has not religiously performed. : Applause.) Its promise of to-day is the statute of to-morrow, and its platform of to-day ripens into the fundamental law of to-morrow. [Applause.] It has crowded into its brief career of twenty-five 3-ears counted by achievements, a thousand 3-ears, and the greatest history that has ever been recorded. It made ou*- Territories all free. It elected Lincoln. By one supreme effort it lifted 4,000,000 of human beings from the night and shame and barbarism of African chattelage into th 3 clear and bracing atmosphere ot American citizenship. [Applause,] it paid a great debt. It lifted up to the highest pinnacle the national credit and the public good name, and it has placed this great country in the midst of a prosperity marvelous and unexamplod_ in the history of the world. [Applause.] Gentlemen, 1 can never tire of speaking of its glories. No one ever speaks of or recounts the adventures of the Democratic party, if I may- make one honorable exception. Thinking that they needed recruits in the State ts Maine, Gov. Hoadl>-, of Ohio, visited there and made several speeches—a notable one at Biddeford. He was at one time a Republican, and, feeling the need of a record, he furnished one to his Democratic friends in the State of Maine. I propose, for your information, to read it to you, for it is not long. It Is something new, fresh, has nothing of the mildew ot age about it, and quite in the nature of a discovery. [Laughter.] Gov. Hoadly, addressing a Democratic audience in Biddeford, spoke to them In the words and figures following: The Democratic party under [pausing] who do 3'ou suppose. Senator? Jefferson [loud laughter] added the Gulf States to the Union. [Applause.] The Democrats ot Biddeford never had heard of that before, evidently. iLanghter.J The Democratic party under [pausing] James K. Polk sent the American flag to the Pacific [lond applause] and gave us land enough for twenty States. [Applause.] “That is all. [Lond laughter and cheers.] The trouble with that record is. it begins too early and quits too quick. [Laughter.J

IT STOPS JUST BHOBT of the time when the thing begins to be interesting. It reminds me of the old news irom the Potomac: “Important if true.” [Langhter.] The Governor goes on, however, to say that at one time he was an Abolitionist. There is nobody here who will mention what lam going to say outside, but did yon ever see one of these washed-out Republicans who had faded into the Democratic party, sort of melted in, so to speak, that ever bragged about being a Democrat? [Laughter.] I never did. He was always proclaiming thp fact that at one time he was something better. He ussd to be a Republican [laughter]; like the decayed gentility you see in old States, that has seen better days, a little raveled ont at the edges and run down at the heel, but there are here and there marks which show that originally the goods were valuable. [Laughter.] He was an Abolitionist, Re says, when Logan was voting the Democratic ticket. Now there is a place where the Independents ' and their allies—the Democratic party—are entirely agreed. It is astonishing Mr. Chairman, how shocked these Independents are that Logan once voted the Democratic ticket. "Hendricks voted the Democratic ticket once—before the war, since the war, and now. Is it, after all, really the question when a man began to be an appstle half as mnch as it is how long he held ont? [Applanse.] Who began first, Judas or Saul of Tarsus? Judas, I think; and think of Judas running around in that Democratic region of his [langhter], jingling those thirty pieces of silver that he had got from the Democratic committee in his hands as the price of joining the party of parity and reform, and claiming that he. although notone now, was a Christian long before the scales fell from the eyes of the magnificent old Saul of Tarsus. [Laughter.] John A. Logan did vote the Democratic Gcket; but the first shot which exploded on the walhf of Sumter drove from him every spark of Democratic faith, and in the flame and thunder of battle he made himself the peerless soldier of. the war for the Union, [Great applause.] Take from the history of this country lor the last twenty-five years the soltd achievement and you make a charm; take from it the achievements of his detractors, and there is not an abrasion ' on the surface. [Applause.] Gentlemen, the hour is so late [Cries of “Go on!’] Oh,lam willing to go on. [Applause.] The life of a man is limited to ahont seventy years, and yon cannot expect me to spend all of {t in g (fin gin to detail as to the crimes and follies of the Democratic party. [Laughter.]

I was reading a Chicago pai>cr yesterday and 1 observed In ,it that a missionary had been sent from Boston to Chicago to organize the Independent movement. . It is one of these spontaneous, effervescent, outpouring, go-as-you-please, free-for-all-ages affairs that | . ( ; - NEEP A GOOt» DEAL 6t (XUftSIWO. [Loudlaughter.J There was a grand rally of the Independent party in Chicago; the whole five were present. I Laughter.! Some or them with. Mr. Gladstone's last speeches, others with, the Tali Mall Gazette, others w-ith essays from the Cobdcn Club, others carrying their canes in the middle. I Roars of laughter.] All bearing the marks of a disinterested and three-storied and mansard-roof patriotism. [Lond langhter.J Now, thife missionary stated to them that Massachusetts was going to give Cleveland a rousing majority. He was an Independent, a “thoughtful antfr conscientious” voter. Of course the statement was not false, hut was it not an extreme economy In the employment of truth? • [Laughter.) The Republic ’n party has made of jarring States a nation, and it has made that nation free —free in every sense and in its largest sense, and on this continent what an, edifice has It reared, the dome as broad and vast as the arching skies above us. from whose walls we have removed the decaying timbers of human chattelhi Od and replaced them with the everlasting granite of universal freedom. From those walls we have effaced the old, loul inscription of tjie bad old, times. The Dred-Scott decision, with its infernal doctrine, no longer flaunts its shame *in our eyes. The story of the escaping slave no longer is recorded on its banners; the crack of the old whip has died away; the bav of the pursuing bloodhound is a bad recollection of a had past; the imploring cry of. the pursued slave IS heard no more. But reddened as If a planet shone upon it, glistens there a republic beneath whose flag every human being is free, free to think, free to speak, and free to vote as ho pleases. The old blustering spirit of onr institutions before the war that elevated itself on its miles of boxes and bales, and chalked its dollar and cent marks all over God’s ten commandments, has been pulled down, and in its place, coming from her throne among the stars, is that radiant spirit which I worship in my waking hours and in my- dreams—the spirit of a mighty, free empire, with its glistening coronet upon her brow, with sword, and shield, and plume, taking the poorest of our citizens by the hand and saying, “By the living God, he shall be free” to think, to speak, re vote as lie pleases, and for the incarnation of that mightv spirit I urge the election aud shall vote for Blaine and Logan. [Great applause.]

EX-SENATOR GRADY.

His Address Before the Tammany Council—Why He Bolts Cleveland. —i —* —— — [New York telegram.] Ex-Senator Grady, rising to protest against the passage of the resolution aud the adoption of the address, made along speech. He reviewed the whole political career of Cleveland, and quoted freely from the columns of the Times and the Herald in the past in support of the position he (Grady) had now taken. In the course of his speech Grady said: Neither in the nomination of the ticket nor iR the methods by which It was brought about ls there the slightest claim upon the great body of Democratic voters for Its support. The great majority of the delegates to the convention who named Cleveland as their first choice represented Republican constituencies. The number of delegates who openly and earnestly opposed his nomination were recorded, in spite ot all their protests, as,favorable to his candidacy. Every influence that could De employed or engineered by the monopolists who have secured control of the party management was exerted to make him the candidate, and, as you well know, the delegates who left,their homos Idud in their professions of hostility to his candidacy as Inviting certain defeat to the partv gave evidence soon alter their arrival at Chicago of a change of heart, which only the most simple and charitable have ascribed to pure and worthy motives. The expressed design of men who urged his nomination was to conciliate disgruntled Republicans, not to please Democrats. Preserving to myself the supreme right., of a citizen exercising an act of sovereignty, I decline lo prostitute my prerogative to the purposes of party managers. Suffrage has been bestowed on me bv the institutions of my country that it may lie exercised for the country’s welfare. To the prosperity and benefit of this land I dedicate It, and I can not reconcile without desecration anv disposition of It that would result In the support of the, political nondescript, clothed in the outward garb of a Democrat, ignorant of the cardinal principles of the political faith which he assumes to profess, and accepting from Democrats their votes that ho may delight Republicans and Independents by the manner in which he will exercise the powers conferred upon him by a betrayed and deluded party. . But my vote will not be lost to the Democracy. It will be cast for the candidate whose followers will be numbered by hundreds of thousands, whose motives can not be Impugned, for their action can not be inspired by seifish hopes of reward. It will be registered for the principles which the Democratic party professed when it held jiopnlar confidence, and for abandoning which it lost popular support. It will be given for the candidate who has no hope of election and np desire for sordid benefits, for political preferment, but who braves iatigue, abuse, and pecuniary loss that ipue Democrats may find his candidacy a channel through which they may express their sentiments. T turn my back on the Democratic party, captured and betrayed by Know-nothing demagogues hungry for places and spoils, to join the pure Democracy which struggles for principles whioh the party organization has abandoned- I denounce the candidate whose only merit is his obscurity that I may follow a statesman whose life has made glorious the history of his country. 1 decline to bow down before a graven image because I prefer to follow the teachings of the apostle of the true political faith. Preferring shining ability to dull mediocrity, a true reformer to a sham reformer, a statesman to a hangman, an illustrious citizen to a political adventurer, I decline to support Grover Cleveland for the Presidency, and here and now, in the j resence of a leader whom I have always regarded as my political sponsor, in the midst of brethren and comrades with whom I have shared many hard-fought battles in the political field, and before the eyes of all the country, to whom I have this night laid bare my motives and purposes, I declare myself in favor of Benjamin F. Butler, soldier, jurist, statesman, and patriot, and I appeal to time for my vindication.

More Opposing Views.

[From the Milwaukee Evening Wisconsin.] The first Republican National Convention ever held (in 1856) adopted a platform in which occurred the following: That as onr Republican fathers, when they had abolished slavery in all our national territory, ordained that no person should be deprived of life, liberty or property without due process of law, it becomes onr duty to maintain this provision ol the Constitution against all attempts to violate it, for purposes of establishing slavery in any Territory of the United States. * * * It is both the right and the duty of Congress to prohibit in the Territories those twin relics of barbarism—polygamy and slavery. In the national convention platform adopted bv the Democracy in 1856 are found these resolutions relating to slavery, which were also adopted by the Democratic National Convention of 1860: llexolted, That all efforts of the Abolitionists, or others, made to induce Congress to interfere with questions of slavery, or to take incipient steps with relation thereto, are calculated to lead to the most alarming and dangerous consequences. Revolted, That the Democratic party will resist all attempts at renewing, in Congress or out of it, the agitation of the slavery question, under whatever shape or color «the attempt may be made. But Slavery is a dead issue, says the Democratic objector to these quotations from his party record. True enough. Y’et the old attitude ot the national Democracy toward slavery is exactly reproduced in its admitted attitude toward polygamy to-day. Mb. Alexander Mitchell, the Milwaukee railroad king, who is now in New York, ridicules the chums of the Democrats of Wisconsin that they can carry that State for Cleveland. Mr. Mitchell sayii there has been some defection from the Republican ranks among the German-Americans of the State, but this is compensated by defections from the ranks of the Democracy. ExCongressman William Pitt Lynde, also of Milwaukee, says that Blaine is the strongest man the Republicans could have nominated. He is particularly strong among the young men. Ex-Secret art Hamilton Fish, who was reported by the Democratic organs to have declared in favor of Cleveland, is out in a card announcing that he shall vote for Blaine. Mr. Fish critieised Mr. Blaine’s foreign policy as being too aggressive, but, notwithstanding, he cannot bring himself to support a mediocrist like" Cleveland. He will vote the Republican ticket. , ;;

POLITICAL.

Mr. Conkling Talks on the Situation— He Will Probably Support " Butler. i f t ,r ■* Blaine in Boston, Hendricks at Peoria, Butler at Louisville, and Daniel I at the Hub. Conkllog Talks. ‘ [New York special]] • rrr Conklins tells all newspaper Reporters that he is out of public life and has no interest in politics, and has nothing to say. To his friends and acquaintances, however, he talks with thSTitmost freedom. To one of these he said yesterday that in Ms judgment both parties had nominated bad and unworthy men. He conld not consistently vote for either. He gave bis friend to understand that he would vote for Bntler if he voted at all. If he takes any part in politics he will use his influence In behalf of Bntler. He said that there would be more men in both of the great parties who would vote against their leaders than had ever been known in the history of onr ■ politics. He said that there was no of estimating the extent of the dissatisfaction in the ranks of the Republican and Democratic parties. He thought that this discontent with the party leaders was greater in this State than In any otbei in the Union. It was on this account that no sound prediction conld now be made as to the political oatcome In New York State. If this dissatisfaction should continue to grow Butler may receiverinore votes here than either Blaine or Cleveland. Mr. Conkling has no desire to return to pnbUc life at present. He says that it is a good time to be out of politics. Mr. Conkling thinks the general tendency ls in the direction of the breaking hp of the two leading party organizations. he has never given any of his old Republican associates the slightest ground for leading them to suppose that he wonld vote this year for the Republican candidate for President. The political situation shifts here from day to day. The politicians acknowledge that among workingmen the General will get a good vote. It is learned, too, that In Troy there was a formidable bolt against Cleveland as well as in Rochester. The temperance movement In Western New York bothers the Republicans very much. Altogether things are very much mixed In New York State. Blaine's Reception at Boston. [Boston dispatch.] A signal of fifty guns,- which drowned the music of a brass band playing “Hall to the Chier," announced the advent of James G. Blaine. He was met by a delegation of the Republican City Committee under charge of Francis Parkman, and conducted to the hoteL In the ladies’ parlor he was given an ovation by the leading Republicans of the city. Including Gov. Robinson. It was a noticeable fact that the assemblage in the reception room cheered Mr. Blaine more vociferously than did the 3,000 people outside. Immediately after the reception Mr. Blaine was conducted to the balcony of the hotel, where he was introduced by Mr. Parkman. Mr. Blaine said: “I thank yon, gentlemen, for this old-fashioned Boston welcome. Ido not come to yonr city as a stranger,aud I feel I am among old friends and true friends. I have known yonr city for thirty years. I have watched its progress with deep persdnal interest, and whenever it fell within my power I have In a humble way contributed thereto. Boston is to all New England a center of interest, as much in my State as in yours, and there ls no city within the limits of the Union where a popular greeting wonld be moregxateInl than it is to me this evening. Thanking you with ail my heart for the good-will ana good-cheer with which you have received me, I bid you good evenJng.” Mr. Blaine was then presented formally to all who wore in the rooms. Butler in ’New York. [LowvilTe (N. Y.) telegram.! Gen. Butler spoke on the grounds of the Lewis County fair to a great crowd. He was well received. In the course of his speech he said: “I want to lie just to ail parties. I have been in them all, know all their good and all their faults and failings. But I can say to yon in all sincerity that the mass of the people who compose all parties are honest lowers of their country, who would do it no wrong If they knew It, nor would they suffer any wrong to be done it. There are honest men In all parties, and as many In proportion to their numbers in one as in another, and if it ever appears there are more dishonest inen in one party than in another, it is because that party is in power under temptation, and to that party the rascail are attracted." [Laughter.] Gen. Bntler then talked of the Republican party and the Democratic party, and said: "The Republican party is the party of monopoly because monopoly has gone to them. But enough monopoly has stayed in the Democratic party to make it of no consequence which party wins, 'ihe people never win. If laboring men will vote together they can elect two Fresldenfi by by the number of their votes."

Hendricks at I’eoria. [Peoria (Ill.) Associated Press dispatch.] Fifteen thousand people greeted Gov. Hendricks and Mayor Harrison on the fair grounds. Each gentleman delivered an address confined to agriculture, horticulture, and mechanical pursuits. At the close of the speeches three cheers were given by the vast multitude for the distinguished speakers. In the evening Gov. Hendricks addressed one of the largest Democratic meetings ever held in Peoria There were 20,000 people in line and at the varions places of meeting. Gov. Hendricks spoke in the Wigwam; every possible space in the hall, which will hold 6,000 people, was crowded to its utmost capacity. He spoke for one hour in one-of the ablest efforts of his life. The dangerous accident on the train or his trip to Peoria, on which he came near losing his life, seemed to cause him to speak with energy and earnestness. Butler’s Campaign. [From the Chicago Herald.] John F. Henry, of New York. President of the National Anti-Monopoly organization, is at the Grand Pacific. He came direct from New York, and is en route to California on personal business, as he claims. In speaking of the Butler cauvass, he said; “We organized in 1882, and in 1888 we propose electing our Preside fit. Anti-Monopolists are in general poor men. They have not the means to pat into the campaign to run it as other parties run their organizations. Butler has the money to put into it, font he feels the uncertainty of election to be too great this year to do so. In New York City we willfoil a vote of 80,000, including King's County. In the State we will poll 100.000 Totes. We expect to cany Massachusetts. We will also elect the fusion ticket in Michigan. Bntler will be second in the race, if not first. We will not combine m Illinois.* Daniel in Boston. [Boston telegram.] The Prohibition party of Boston and vicinity held a rally in Tremont Temple to-night. The meeting was called to order by James R. Roberts, who said the report that President Seelyo declined the Prohibition nomination for Governor was not true. He has not declined, and was heartily in sympathy with the movement. Among the speakers was Mr. Daniel, the party nominee for Vice President. He asserted t.h there were more Prohibitionists among Democrats in the South than among Republicans in the North, and that prohibition had a really stronger bold In theSonthern States than in the Northern States. He believed no issue would exsert so strong an influence in uniting the two sections of the country as the temperance issue. Betting on the Result. [New York dispatch.] Bets on the result of the election, with the odds decidedly in favor of Cleveland, are now being freely made. Last Saturday night, Mr. William Wyae offered to bet Col. Charles & Spencer SSOO that Cleveland would carry New York Btate by 50,000 majority. The Colonel, who had just been making a stump speech in favor of Blaine, accepted the bet, and checks for the amount were filled ont and intrusted to Robert Taylor, of the firm of DeGraff * Taylor. Mr. Wyse bus made a similar bet with Mr. Parker, of the Oilsey House. John T. Lester, the Chicago grain-dealer, has telegraphed to a friend in this city to place SI,BOO even on Cleveland's " election.

The race question is tearing up Halifax, Nova Scotia. Because a little colored girl goes to school, the white girls refuse ta attend. It is estimated that there are now in Montana, including calves, upward of 1,000,000 cattle, besides hbrses and Sheep. A lad 13 years old has just arrived at New York from a trip across the continent, most of the way being traveled oa foot - 1 " 1 ■ I. I ' 4 , Four hundred John Smiths are employed by the Government -