Rensselaer Republican, Volume 17, Number 2, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 18 September 1884 — Page 3

NTASBY AS AN ORACLE.

The Ex-Postmaster Devotes a Few Minutes to Answering Questions of Correspondents. _____ ■ '' • i [From the Toledo Blade.] Contedbit X Roads, / fWich is in the State uv Kentucky), Auct. 21, 1884. ) I hev receeved sum thousands of letters from my Dimocratic friends from all parts uv the kentry, wich, ez 1 cannot find time, or postage stamps, to answer persnelly, I do thro the jnejum uv the publik press. <• I wood seiest that Dimocrats wich git ther frends to write me queries on politikle matters shood enclose a stamp or two to enshoor an early reply. Bascom don’t use stamps, but he kin sell em to Pollock, and Bigler, and the iron mill over on the Run, and he sez he will take em uv me tur drinks, fur to go to the trubble uv turnin uv em into money is better than to charge up wat I consoom. Hereafter no letter will be answered wich does not coh’tane at least one 5-cent stamp. 1 kin yootilize era, as Bascom hez agreed to make one 5-center the price uv one sustaner, 1 layin down the stamp jist afore he sets out the bottle, to prevent mistakes. Mr. Bascom hez a strong desire to sell his likker, but he lacks faith in hooman nacher. He wants cash afore he sets the bottle out, ' wich is generally inconvenient, es the man who hez the liveliest thirst is the identicle feller wat never hez the cash. Thirst and cash seldom goes together. Thirst is no respecter uv persons. It comes alike to him wich kin pay for asswagers and him wich can not. Credit is the mainstay of indivijjles ez well-ez-uv States. But Bascom is not a politikle economist and don’t understand the principles uv things. But to my answers: Young Dimocrat, Poseyville, Injeany: Fur Jim Blane to have his ton go about visitin Boards of Trade, and sich, and gittin his name into the noosepapers, is takin a unfair advantage of our noble standard barer, ex-Sheriff Cleveland. It is not shivelrous. Grover Cleveland hez a son, it is tnoo, that is, he is presoomed to hev wun, though he sez it isn’t certain, precisely, ez wich uv the four its father reely wuz. Anyhow, Sheriff Cleveland’s son isn't uv that nertikeler kind the father uv wich would keer to hev goin about the kentry claimin to be his son, owin to the unforchnit circumstance that he wuz born when ex-Sheriff Cleveland wuz a giddy, wild yooth uv only 42 summers and about the same number uv very hard mlnters, and he wuzn’t percisely married to his son’s mother. The Rev. Henry Ward Beeeher doesn’t mind a little thing like that, and, in the interest uv purity ignores it, but he isn’t eggsactly quotable authority on sich delikit matters. He knows how it is himself, and his word don’t count. While ex-Sheriff Cleveland is ondoubtedlyjnnocent in this matter, Mariar Halpin is ondoubtedly guilty. Apply to this case the same rool that Plymouth Church did to Mr. Beecher. - a Stump-speaker, Smithville, Injeany: From • wat 1 Know uv the kentry yoo live in, I shood advocate Tariff Reform, with a decided leenin to Perteckshun. 1 think yoo hev coal in your visinity, and that yoor voters are largely interestid in manutaktrin. Es 1 am kerrect that is wat yoo want to do. Es, on tue other hand, I am not kerrect, and yoo aie purely agricultiel, and yoor people are not pertikerly intelligent, insist that Dimocrisy means tariff reform with a decided leenin toward freb trade. Yoo know wat yoor people want Constroo the’ platform to soot em. The platform wuz made to be constrood; construktid, in fact, so that Henry Watterson and Sam Randall kin both stand on it. J. L., , Missoory: Wat part uv Missoory are yoo in? Es yoo are in a seceshn naberhood, insist that Hendrix wuz a out and out seceshnist, and reed his speeches durin the war to yoor awjinces. Es yoo are in a Yankee-naber-hood, insist that he wuz merely an upholder uv the constooshnel rites uv the South, but he wuz ez loyal ez anybody, only differin with the beest Linkin ez to methods. Whether yoo reed his speeches doprin the war to your awjinces or not depends entirely on the kind uv people yoo arc talkin to. However, insist upon reform strenuously. Strikt Purity, Kokomo, Injeany: Ex-Sheriff Cleveland hez no past but Mariar Halpin. His record is a boy of about 11 yeers uv age, wich his name it is Oscar Folsom Cleveland. ExSheriff Cleveland wuz a thotlis yooth uv’42 yeers uv age when this hapjiened, it bein one uv the pardonable excesses uv a mere boy sowing his wild oats. I’ay no attenshun to the exSheriff’s p;ist. In fact. I ain’t shoor but wat it wood be well to assert that he never wuz a Dimocrat; In most si-ckshuus uv the kentry that wood be to his credit, and wood go a grate way toward inspiring confidence in him. I wunst knowd a man wich hed too much respect for his wife to ever stay at home. Let us be ekally magnanimous to ex-Sheriff Cleveland. He is comparatively noo, and ther aint no yoose in saddlin our record onto him. Persn,?] Liberty : Read ex-Sheriff Cleveland's letter u'v acceptance and yoo will be sati-fied. The question uv likker don’t properly enter into this campane, but the ex-Sheriff hez put himself on record ez inflexibly in favor uv everything in the way uv tree whisky everywhere. Urge this in the wh sky shops and beer 'sloons, but say nothin about it anywhere else. Fiat Money,” Cass, Pa.: The poesislien nwthe Dimocrisy on the money question is the same ez on the tariff. Es you will tell me wat yoor voters want I will answer definitely. I shfiod jedge from your letter that yoo bleevein fiat money. Es lam right then I hev to say that the Dimocrisy holds that a dollar is anything yoo choose to call a dollar. Paper makes perhaps the best dollars, becoz printing is now very cheap, and paper still cheaper. Paper, sootable for money, kin now be hed for about 16 cents a pound. All we want is for the Government to buy paper and print onto it "this is a dollar,” with the cut uv a dog watchin a safe to inspire confidense, and then pass a law compellin people to take it for a dollar, and thar you are. Manufakturer, Westerly, R. I.: The Dimocrisy hez never hed but one ijee ez to money. Money means wat the world recognizes ez money, gold and silver. To print “this is a dollar” onto a piece uv paper don’t make it a dollar, even though you put onto it a cut uv a dor watchin a safe. The printed dog and safe ain't no more a reel dog and safe than the paper dollar is a riel dollar. The Dimocrisy is for honest money. ' ‘‘Honest Count,”- Ashtabula, Ohio: The Dimocrisy will insist that the colored voter in Misslssippy shel hev the same rites at the poles ez ifis white brethren, Dimocrisy will pertekt the rites uv all, under the Constotooshen, without regard to race, color, or previous condlshn uv servitood. That’swhat Dimocrisy will do. The safety uv the colored man depends onto the eleckshun uv Cleveland. Shot-gun, Danville. Vlrglnny: Uv course 311 inferior race should not be permitted to exercise the rites uv freemen. That belongs to the proud Cawcashn. However, while your course uv killin niggers to pervenc ther takin charge uv yoo is kerrect, it wood perhaps be polisy to restrain yoorselves till the mornin uv the eleckshuh, so that the report uv your shotguns shood not be heerd north afore the poles wuz closed and the postofßses be sekoored. Be ye ez wise ez serpents, es ye don’t jist take to the dove racket. Indignant Independent Republican, Bustville, Mass.: The Presidenthez theappointin-uv postmasters, and the refoozle uv the Republican party to give yoo the offls in your village wuz, I make no doubt, an outrage. After Cleveland is elected I will remember your name and address. Uv course you cannot support an impure man for President. Put in your best licks for Cleveland. * » » » * ♦ I hev many more to answer, but will reserve them for fucher occasions. My correspondents will not forget to enclose stamps. Silver kin go by mail, but stamps will answer, Bascom, ez I sed, hevin aereed to take em uv me across his bar. Petroleu.m V. Nasbx (Instructor).

THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC.

Democratic Opposition to Any Inquiry Regarding Its Extent and Influence. (■Washington special.] Secretary McPherson, of the Congressional Committee, has prepared the following synopsis of the history of the two parties on the alcoholic liquor traffic, which may help to correct many errors of statement in the exiatang Campaign; w S. U. R. Hayes,Esq., Big Rapids, Mich.: Dear Sib : I have, your inquiry of the 30th inst. The question of legislation on the alcoholic liquor traffic has come up in various forms tn Congress within the last ten years, but it was not until the Forty-seventh Congress that the creation of a Commission to- examine into the subject in all its bearings came to the surface. In that Congress, in the winter of 1881-’2, it came to the front. Mr. Conger offered in the Senate the 17th of J nuary. 1882, a bill for the appointment of a commission of seven persons, tojact not longer than two years, to investigate the alcoholic liquor traffic, its relations to revenue and taxation, its general economic, criminal, moral, and scientific aspects, in connection with pauperism, crime, social vice, public health, and the general welfare of the people; and also .to inquire and take testimony as to the practical results of license and prohibitory legislation /or the prevention of intemperance in toe several States of the Union. The expenses, not exceeding SIO,OOO, were to be paid out of the Treasury, but the Commissioners were to seryc without salary. The report of the commission was to be transmitted to Congress by the President'within eighteen mon hs after the passage of this act. The matter came up for action the Bth of March, when Mr. Bayard, of Delaw re, made an unfriendly motion to refer the bill to’the Committee on Finance. That motion was defeated—yeas, 19; nays, 23. The affirmative vote was solidly Democratic, ex-

cept one. The negative vote was solidl v Republican, except one. Mr. Bayard then moved to extend their jurisdiction over the subject of opium and other substitutes for alcohol c stimulants, and to inquire whether prohibition of the use of alcoholic beverages has been accompanied by an increase in the consumption of opium and other intoxicating drugs. This was voted down—yeas, 24 ; nays, 25. The affirmative vote was solidly Democratic, except XJy. Cameron of Wisconsin, Republican, and Judge Davis or Illinois, Independent. The negative vote of 25 was solidly Republican. The bill then passed —veas, 34; nays, 14. Bute of the 34 yeas were Democratic. 4 All of tbe 14 nays were Democrats save 1. While the bill lay on the Speaker's table in the House Mr. Dingley, of Maine, made repeated efforts to take it up for reterence or action, but that Required consent and was always met bv Democratic objection, which defeated consideration. But in February, 1882, before the passage through the Senate of the Senate bill, Mr. Joyce, of Vermont, a Republican, had offered a bill very much to the same effect as the Senate bill, andffhoved a suspension of the rules and the passage of it. This was disagreed to—veas 112, nays 28. Of the 112 yeas but five were Democrats. The negative vote was Democratic with two exceptions. So that the record of the Democratic party in Congress is against even an InquirV into the queston of the effect of the traffic, while the Republican record has been in favor of inquiry. In the present Congress, the Forty-eighth,the only action taken upon this in the House, when the 19th of December, 1883. Mr. Reed, of Maine, moved to add to the number of select committees a Committee on the Alcoholic-Liquor Traffic, which was agreed to—yeas 142, nays 86. The negative vote was exclusively Democratic save four. Very respectfully, Edward McPherson, Secretary.

JAMES G. BLAINE.

What Another College President Thinks of Him—Dr. Magoun, of lowa College, Grinnell, lowa. [From the London Nonconformist and Independent,] I know Mr. Blaine as the most eminent citizen of my native State. For his personal moral worth and unquestionably superior integrity, as well as his marvelous ability and versatility, I admire him. No more trustworthy statesman is to be found in American public life. I would say the same of him as of Gen. Garfield, who knew him and trusted him so thoroughly. .Of the Old South Congregational Chdrch of Augusta, Me., he is an honored member as Garfield was of the “Camphellite” Baptist Church at Washington. Why should not English gentlemen and Christians be as just to the one as to the other? It they are really anxious that the great Republican leader should be defeated, to which we can make no objection, or to the expression of it in proper ways, why do they strive to dash with bitterness the zeal of his supporters? If there is anything in the “Monroe doctrine” they do well to oppose or tear, the English journals referred to are only making it more to be dreaded by the course they take, so far'as it has any influence this side the water. Once before, during the Slaveholders’ Rebellion, I had occasion to notice an abnormal sensitiveness on your side as to the political faith here referred to. At that time Lord Brougham was about to make a speech in the House of Lords, in which he must needs discuss the Monroe doctrine. He was, unfortunately, not better acquainted with it than some living English journalists seem to be. Asking a friend if there was any one in London who knew al 1 about "the Monroe doctrine," the American Consul, Hon. Freeman H. Morse (formerly M. C. from Maine and a friend of Mr. Blaine’s) was named. "Bring him to me." said the veteran peer. ” It was done, and the information obtained was so satisfactory that the Consul was in the House by Lord Brougham’s special invitation when the speech was made. May I advise gentlemen who are now attempting a scare, or a new international prejudice on this subject, to look up the speech in the debates? As to even the slightest peril of misunderstanding between you and us, if the man we vote for is chosen Ptesident, let me remind you that Mr. Blaine’s foreign policy was that of Garfield, no more, no less: and the “peril” of the next four years is just what it would have been if the dead President had lived. Garfield and Blaine are inseparable names! Do not let this, from any current misinformation, lessen the good feeling I was so happy to find in London and _Manchester_in 1881. To put an emphasis on what I here most sincerely and kindly urge, let me add the testimony of the new Secretary of the American Peace Society, Rev. R. B. Howard, brother of our Christian hero, Gen. O. 0. Howard (now in the Soudan), and formerly an editor of the .-ld»a»ice (both of whom I hope you will soon see). Secretary Howard visited Mr. Blaine the Saturday before the late session of the General Congregational Association of Massachusetts, and said to tnat body that Mr. Blaine “expressed himself strongly against any course by our Government that might tend to provoke a needless foreign war." lam old enough’ to remember how "tne Monroe doctrine,” which Mr. Blaine holds as other statesmen and Presidents have held it, has kept us from hurtful foreign complications. Tuere is no need of any new panic about it. It will not be a bit weakened on this side the sea by such a panic, or by any personal abuse of Mr. Blaine, or injustice to him in these coming months by English writers. I pray you, good English friends, listen to one who has’ never misled you in twenty years’ varied correspondence in these columns as to American public opinion, and quietly discountenance such an evil. Testimony, for which there is no place in this letter, has been given by two oLMr. Blaine’s Augusta pastors as to his great worth as a church member and a friend. One of them is Rev. Dr. Webb, now of Boston, and the oldest orthodox pastor, I think, in that city. If Dr. Vilon and Mr. Simon had given similar testimony as to some English statesman, a parishioner of theirs, or Dr. Dale and Mr. Clarkson had done so in respect to Mr. Chamberlain, we should be slow, very slow, to apply to him such epithets as a "Jingo, who has dabbled in dirty water,” “a politician without character." I assure you that all Dr. Webb and Mr. Ecob say, in honor of this grand man, who is up for the Chief Magistracy of 57,000,000 people, is true. Years ago in the lower house of Congress, in refuting an atrocious slander most triumphantly, Mr. Blaine said: "I am now, Mr. Speaker, in the fourteenth year of a not inactive service in this hall; I have taken and I have given blows; I have no doubt said many things in the heat of debate which I would now gladly recall; I have no doubt given votes which in fuller light I would gladly change; but I have never done anything in my public career for which I could be put to the faintest blush in any presence, or for which I cannot answer to my constituents, my conscience, and the Great Searcher of Hearts."

HENDRICKS’ WAR RECORD.

Always a Fire-in-the-Rear Copperhead. [Washington special.] s Secretary McPherson, in response to numerous Inquiries, has prepared the following letter as to the record of Thomas A Hendricks during the rebellion: "D. E. Welch, Esq., Baraboo. Wis. "Dear Sib : I have not prepared any pamphlet about Mr. Hendricks’ record in the Senate, but during his term in Congress he voted against every tax bill to raise money to carry on the war. He was in the Senate when the tariff act of 1804 was passed, and he was one of the five Democrats who voted against It. He was in the Senate when the internal revenue act of 1864 was passed, and he was one of the three Democrats who voted against it. On the question of the draft act, which was passed in the winter of 1864. and which increased the power of the Government to fill up our weakened armies, he was one of ten Senators who voted against it on its original passage through the Senate, and one of sixteen who voted against it on its final passage. He also voted against the passage of the supplement to the enrollment act, which was passed in July. 1864. He did not vote in favor of any measure that looked to carrying on the war. On the question of employing colored troops he was always in opposition, and was one of the most determined of the opposition to the administration of Abraham Lincoln in all its measures for putting down the rebellion. He was opposed to the amendment of the Constitution abolishing slavery, and was one of the six Senators.who voted in the negative. He was opposed tq the fourteenth amendment to the Constitiftion, and was one of the eleven Senators who voted in the opposition. If there was a suggestion or a movement calculated to embarrass Mr. Lincoln Mr. Hendricks was always in support of it. If there was an honest blow to be struck at the enemy Mr. Hendricks was always unable to come up to the help of Mr. Lincoln. Sometimes he had one excuse and sometimes another. He always had an excuse. His record during the war was detestable and unpatriotic. Very truly yours, "Edwabd McPherson, Secretary.” The Democratic workingman, unable to support Cleveland, should not stop at the Butler half-way house. Better cast a vote that will count in sinking the friend of New York City monopolists. Cleveland’s veto of the mechanics* lien bill and of the bill fixing twelve hours as a day’s work ought to and will soundly defeat him. Let every friend of labor aid in burying him so deep that he will never be heard of again.

PATRICK EGAN.

The President ot the Irish National League Repudi- , ates Cleveland. - ~ ■ ...... a'.' ... --1 - ■ - - ■ in a Vigorous Letter He Gives the Reasons That Impel Him to Such a Course. The following correspondence of Patrick Egan, the recently elected President of the Irish Lund League, to the press of Lincoln, Neb., explains itself: "Lincoln, Neb., Sent. 4, 1884. ‘To the Editor of the State Journal: "Your contemporary, the Daily State Democrat, having on two 'distinct occasions referred, as I consider most unwarrantably and unfairly, to my political opinions, now refuses, contrary to all recognized rules of decent journalism, to publish any but a garbled copy of my reply, I send you herewith the letter which 1 addressed to that journal in full, and beg you will do me the favor of placing it before the public. Yours truly, Patrick Egan.” “Lincoln, Neb., Sept. 3, 1884. “Editor of the Daily State Democrat. "Sib: For the second time within the last three weeks you have dragged my name into the political Campaign, although up to the present moment I have n#ver spoken publicly or written a single word to give you as a journalist any ground for so doing. Before the late Boston convention of the Irish National League I had as the reaplt of close observation and careful research made up my mind that there existed no good grounds by which the Democratic party should hold any mortgage on my vote because I happened to be an Irishman. I weighed with care and deliberation the merits of the two Presidential candidates, and I came to the conclusion that neither as an Irishman nor as an adopted citizen of America could Mr. Grover Cleveland have my support. The case of Mr. John Devoy, on which you so persistently harp, and which you have again and again referred to as the only ground of my opposition to Mr. Cleveland, .was only one of the many objections which I entertained to that gentleman. I did indeed consider the treatment meted to Mr. Devoy of the very basest kind, and as a strong evidence of either the hostility and contempt of Mr. Cleveland for Irishmen of national opinions, but I objected also to Mr. Cleveland as the pet candidate of the London Times, the London Standard, the London Daily Telegraph, the London Daily Seics, the St. James’ Gazette, the London Saturday Ilecieu-—in fact, of the entire English press. I objected to him as the pet candidate of Puck and Harper's Weekly, as the author of innumerable vetoes in the interest of the great monopolies, and as a man who had, as I believed, proved hin.self the enemy of every just right of the toiling millions. I objected to Mr. Cleveland because I felt that, in the words of the Boston Pilot, a straight out-and-out Democratic organ, ‘ he has not a single quality to fit him for the Presidency of the United States.’ I had made up my mind to support Mr. Blaine, because from long observation I had come to regard him as the very opposite of all this, as an American of Americans, a man among men, as an able statesman fitted by nature and culture and experience to fill with credit to the country and to himself the position of President of this great nation. These were a few of the grounds of my objection to your candidate and my preference for Mr. Blaine, and, as I have before stated, they have never, up to this present time, been made public by me, nor would they be now if you had not compelled me by your unfair comments and by your unworthy sneer at ‘lrish wisdom' to state them. When, however, at Boston I accepted the Presidency ofthe Irish National League I considered that whatever my private opinion might be I was then precluded from taking any active part in American politics. Accordingly I have abstained from taking any part, nor shall I as long as I hold the office. This isTny position. -I-miistbeg you. therefore, to spare me the trouble of any further contradictions or corrections on this subject. With regard to your quotation from a speech of Mrs. Parnell: I yield to no one on this side ot the Atlantic in the respect which I pay to the honored mother of the man whom I am proud to be able to claim as a personal friend, as well as a co-worker in the cause of Ireland, Charles Stewart Parnell, and I am sure she will not misunderstand me when I state my conviction that she would best consult the welfare of the great movement in which she and I are interested, and in my belief she would best consult the desire of her son,bv keeping his name entirely out of the present political contest. Yours truly,

BLACKGUARD AND SLANDERER.

IBeu IBiitler’s Opinion of Hendricks. In 1876 Gen. Butler, at North Vernon, Ind., delivered the following scathing speech in reply to a remark made by Hendricks in a speech at North Vernon. Butler followed Hendricks, and, from the same platform, said: "1 had come into the State; I had made some seven or eight speeches; I had never mentioned the name of mortal man in the State; I had apologized, as I did here, to e”ry audience that I addiessed for appearing before the people of Indiana in connection with a.State election, and I had done nothing of which I should complain at the hands of any gentleman, and yet Mr. Hendricks degrades the position he seeks and the one he has held so much as to say to the people of North Vernon: ’Gen. Butler is coming over here, and you must look out for your spoons.' Now, that is slander; the Democracy, ttrankdlod, can find nothing else to the way of argument. My record has been closely examined for tne last ten years, and this—this is the culmination I * * ♦ I have been the personal friend and honored guest of every Democratic President since 1845; hay, I was the friend, neighbor and family guest of President Pierce,who appointed Thcmas A. Hendricks to a subordinate office to pay for his vote. [Applause.] If Mr. Hendricks wants any more of that I can tell a good deal more about that transaction. [Tremendous cheering and cries, “Go on. Give it to him. Tell it all,” etc.] I do not come here to bear false witness against my neighbors, or true witness about transactions that should be confidential and ought not be told. lam not here for that purpose; I only say that Mr. Hendricks makes a very large draught on my gentlemanly instincts. [Loud applause, and cries of “Go on."] “One word about this, and let’s have done with it and go on to something that may be of some profit to mortal man or woman. Every creature on earth judges according to the standard which he has, which is his own capability, his own sense of propriety, or his own Kwers. The fly that lights on the dome of St. ul’s Cathedral looks around him to the distance of eight feet, the extent of his vision, and thinks it a fair, slightly piece of work. The pig that feeds out of the trough thinks it a very excellent piece of architecture. That is the best he can do with his instincts; that is as much as he can understand. He does not understand that mansion at the back of whose barn his trough is, at aIL Every man, therefore, judges every other man by himself, and whoever believes that I, a Major General of the United States, with life and death at my fingers’ ends, exercising that unlimited and despotic power given me by the war, went round picking up spoons, knows that he would have done it it he had oeen in my place. [Tremendous applause.] That is his conception of the office of a major-general. That is his idea of what a man should do, and what he would do if he had the courage to go where he could do ft, as 1 have. [Cheers.] “But Mr. Hendricks said in his speech made aga nst the enfranchisement of the black men that he bad never volunteered himself nor encouraged anybody else to volunteer, and, therefore he can be excused. But what must be the depth of a man’s heart who can belittle and demean himself so far as to utter this sort of thing ? If some drunken whisky-soak, some loafing rascal shoulclsay it, I could pardon him. God knows he does the best he kilows how; but here is a man who lived awhile with gentlemen, a man who has been in the Senate of the United States, and a man who, since my administration in New Orleans, has taken my hand in friendship, the hand he knows to be the hand of greed, or else he lies. [Cries of “He does lie: of course he does.” Cheers.] “ I have done with this once and forever: but I want to lay two or three facts before you for the use of your Sentinels and your Hendricks. They say I took $3,500,000 from the people of New Orleans. There are my accounts at the War Department; they have been examined by every rebel and every rebel sympathizer from that day to this, and no hole has been found in the account, [Great cheering.] Go through and look, and when you have looked through, tell the other side of the story. Don’t put down a part and leave out the rest, lest God treat you as He did Ananias and Sapphira. I fed 33,000 starving men and children, most of them the wives of repels in the army. From the 6th day of June to the 6th day of September, 1862, 1 employed 1,100 men in cleaning up the streets, in cleaning the canals, and making it healthy for the widows, children, and wives of the Confederate soldiers. 1 gave them 400 feet square of land at the Custom House that since has sold for $2.50 a foot, ‘amounting to quite a million of dollars. I maintained the hospital of the Sisters of Charity at an expense of $2,000 a month, and another Catholic hospital at an expense of $5,u00 a month- I made their children go to school, and

ttlrnislied the teachers. [Cheers’ I policed their city, kept it in order, so that from that 6th day es June forward a uhild or a woman could walk through the city of New Orleans with more safety than theyfcpuld go up the stairw into the Sentinel office. /Laughter and cheers.] “1 thought it was no. exactly right to tax the pevpie of the North, who alreay had so much to bear.ro pay for all this, and so I made the rich mew and the property of New Orleans ;>ay for it. This is a part of the history of this country that is notorious, and has been printed and published for years, and men who can read ipfi understand ought to know it. Y'on can go to the Treasury Department at Washington and find that I sent from New Orleans, in good, hard, sound dollars, to the Treasury .of the United Stines. Well, now, with that power of administration for good or evil, suppos? Thomas A. Hendricks had been there doing what I was, how much time would he have had left to look after spoons? **Well, now, I have done with this forever. For the first time in my life have I alluded to it, except last night at North Vernon. I hung the man who tore down the American flag on the spot where he desecrated the emblem Of his country’s power, and last night I pilloried tne blackguard who struck my character, on the spot where he committed the crime."

The State Went for Robie as She Did for Gov. Kent Many Years Ago, - And Piled Up a Republican Ma- | jority of Over Seventeen Thousand. Congressman Boutelle telegraphs to the Chi- : cago 2'ribune, from Bangor, the result of the j glorious victory in Maine: The returns for Monday's election continue j to show astonishing Republican gains until the i aggregates now indicate 17,000 to 18,ovo majority in the State. The full significance of these figures will be found by recalling the facts that prior to the last electio’n the .Republicans were in a minority in Maine at the election for Governor in 1880, 1879, and 1878, the opposition majority against Gov. Connor tor this latter year reaching more than 13,000. In 1877 the Republican majority was but 5,000. In the Presidential election of 1876 it was about 15,000, in 1875 only 4,000. and_4n 1874 Gov. Dingley had but 7,000. In 1873 lie had 10.000. Gov. Perham had 16J100 in 1872, 10,000 in 1871, a little over 8,000 in I 1870, and Gov. Chamberlain’s last majority in ! 1879 was only 7-,500. The majority this year : is therefore the largest since 1868, and i the Republican vote is the largest ever cast in the State. Another phenomenal feature is the carrying of every one ot the sixteen counties bv the Republicans, sq that the State Senate will be unanimously Republican, and only a handful of Democrats will find seats in the other branch of the Legislature. For the Democrats to seek to disparage or break the force of this remarkable uprising ot the people of Mr. Blaine’s . State in his behalf will be as idle as trying to check Niagara with a feather. The voice of Maine has not found such earnest expression before since the djjys of Abraham Lincoln, and 1 it gives an impetus anti energy tcPthe national campaign that will be inestimable. * * * The Maine victory cannot fail to have a deci- I sive effect upon the national campaign, and if i Ohio and West Virginia respond in fair proper- ■ tion in October the ballot ot 1884 will be practi- ! caily over; the Cleveland campaign will utterly break down and the November States will elect Blaine and Logan by an overwhelming majority of the electoral votes. C. A. Boutelle. —Congressman Dingley, from Lewiston, sends _■ the following dispatch: ■ • ■ The majority for the Republican ticket in , Maine is 3,000 to 5,000 larger than was exp cted, 1 Considering that tour years ago the Democrats and Greenbackers carried the State, and that two years ago4he Republican majority was only 6,700 on a very large vote, the doubling of that majority now shows the great popularity of Blaine in Maine, for it is the prestige of his name that has increased our majority. AAiery large number of men who have not recently voted the Republican ticket supported our candidate for Governor in order to help Mr, Blaine, A very large proportion of the Irish vote and a majority of the workingmen are with us in the campaign. The phenomenal majority of the Republican ticket in Blaine’s own city and county indicates the great respect in-which he is held by those who know him best. There is much indignation among Mr. Blaine's friends, without distinction of party, at the unjust charges that have been. made against him, and this feeling has aided in increasing the Republican vote. The campaign just closed has not been as exciting as many which have preceded it, but the discussion of the pending issues, particularly the tariff question, has been unusually thorough. A very small amount of money has been used in the campaign, nothing having been contributed by the National Committee or by outsiders. Indeed, the people have been so intent m furthering the cause of Blaine and Logan that the campaign has largely run itself. There is .the utmost confidence in Blaine’s triumphant election in November. Nelson Dingley, Jr.

“PATRICK EGAN.”

BLAINE TO THE FARMERS.

The Plumed Knight Speaks of Husbandry and Congratulates Its Followers. [Manchester (N. H.) dispatch.: Janies G. Blaine, ex-Gov. Smythe, George B. Loring, and Mayor Portman entered the grounds of the New England Fair at noon, followed in other coaches by many, distinguished citizens? Mr. Blaine was received with cheers. When the party had been seated. President Loring introduced. Mr. Blaine, who spoke, saying: It is pleasant to find ourselves in ah assemblage where all bear the name of a higher honor than that of any partisan designation, an assemblage in which we moet on the broad plane of American citizenship and rejoice in the title, as in itself constituting a civic distinction of priceless value. The agricultural fair is the farmer's parliament. On this day and on this occasion the most independent class of citizens speaks to the world by word and bv deed for tiiat great fundamental interest on which the Republic rests for its security and its prosperity. It has become a trite saying that agriculture is the b isis of all wealth. But the full measure of the statement may be comprehended when we remember that, in this year of grace 1884, the total value of products from the farm and flock in the United States will exceed $3,0t0,5ij0,000, an amount brought fosh in a single year vastly in excess of the national debt at its highest point. We are not in the habit of considering New England as specially distinguished for agriculture, and yet the annual product from her soil is greater in value than all the gold taken from the mines of California and of Australia in the richest years of their fabulous yield. The farmer is the true and always successful miner in the extraction of money from the earth a fact most strikingly shown in the history of California, whose splendid march to wealth and power only fairly began when the energies of her people were turned to the production of bread for the world instead of gold. The prodigious consumption of 56,000,000 of people is brought strikingly before us when we realize how vast a proportion of our aggregate product is used at home, and how small a share is sent abroad. A hundred and odd millions of the New England farm product does not support her own people, and they are compelled to exchange the fruits of their mechanical industry to an enormous amount annually for the means of subsistence so lavishly outpoured from the granaries of the more fertile West; and this fact is but one of ihe many which show the independence of our people and the vast extent of our internal exchanges. This scene to-dav has an enhanced interest, when we reflect that, throughout the gorgeous autumn upon which we have just entered, will be reproduced in countless communities throughout our land, from ocean to ocean, from the northern lake to the southern gulf, a richness of harvest and the contentment and happiness of the people will be shown on fields as fair, by displays as brilliant, as those which now delight our eyes and gladden our’-hearts. Nor will this autumn exhaust the inspiring scenes. When the chill of winter on the northern border of the union shall make the southern sun seem genial and welcome, our brethren of tne cotton region will cootinue the wondrous story. They invite us to witness the commercial emporium of the South, the great triumph of southern agriculture in the production ot that single plant which has revolutionized manufactures. They have the finest of the world of that which has enriched the United States beyond the reach of imagination, and has added incalculably to the comfort, health, and luxury of the human race. Standing as I do in a fair New England State, it is an agreeable duty to extrude ngratulations to the New England farmers on the results of this year’s labor and on the general and more important fact that at no period in the history of New England husbandry has intelligent labor been blessed with more profitable results than during thetprea nt generation. If there be anyone that doubts this, I wish he were here to-day and could hear what I havp heard and see what I have seen. I heartily congratulate the NewEngland Society on the brilliant success of this exhibition, and I beg. to return my sincere thanks to all for the personal kindness and cordiality with which" I have been honored.

THE NEWS FROM MAINE.

THREE SPEECHES.

Cleveland Talks to the Fai-mers of Elmira, N. About Agricultural Matters. Elaine Makes a Political Address at Augusta, Me., and Butler Speaks 1 at Des Moines, lowa. Cleveland. Fifty thousand people attended.the openin got the New Y'ork State Fair, at Elmira, on tbe sth inst. Gov. Cleveland, accompanied by his Private Secretary. Col. Daniel Lamont, and Adjt.Gen. Farnsworth, arrived in the morning. At the Governor’s special request no demonstration was made aside from a salute of twehty-one guns by the Cleveland Battery. The party was met at the depot by Lieut.-Gov. Hill, Mr. M. H. Arnot, and a number of prominent citizens. The drive about the grounds was a veritable ovation, and when the sights had been seen and tbe Governor's arm ached with pain, he arose in his carriage and in answer to the demand for a speech, said: I regard these annual fairs as something connected with the State Government. We boast of our manufactures —exceeding, as they Mo, largely those of any other State—but our supremacy is clearly shown when we recall the fact that in addition to our lead in manufactures the valna ot our farms and their products is second only among the States. The real valne of the farmer to the State and nation is not. however, fully appreciated until we consider that he feeds the millions of our people who are engaged in other pursuits, and that tbe product of his labor fills the avenues of our commerce and supplies an inijiortantfactor in our financial relations with other nations. I have not come to attempt to please you with cheap and fulsome praise, nor to magnify your worth and your importance; but I have corneas Chief Executive of the State to, acknowledge on its own behalf that our farmers yield full return for the benefits they receive from the State Government I have come to remind you of the importance of the interests which you have in charge, and to suggest that, notwithstanding the farmer’s independence, he cannot and must not be unmindful ot the value and importance to the Interests he holds in a just knd economical government. It is his right and his duty to demand that all unjust and inequitable burdens upon agriculture and its products, however caused, should be removed, and that, while the furtherance Of tne other interests of the State have due regard, this important one should not be neglected. Thus, by his labor as farmer, and in the full performance of his duty as citizen, he will create and secure to himself his share of the result of his toil, and save and guard for all the people a most important element in the prosperity of the State. The Governor was frequently interrupted by oheers and applause. When he had finished he held a levee in the tent of the President of the association, and thousands crowded about him to grasp his hand. Seven thousand men were in line at night in a parade in honor of Gov. Cleveland. The procession was two hours in passing the reviewing stand. After the parade dismissed the Governor entered the hotel and held an informal reception. In the course of the evening he was presented with a banner bearing his portrait, the head encircled by four stars, typifying "sobriety," “justice,” "honesty,” and "reform.” Behind the hills was the sun. just rising, and labeled "victory." After a general handshaking the Governor retired for the night. Blaine. e The Republicans of Augusta, Me., held a jubilee on the night ot the State election. Blaine was serenaded, and in response spoke as follows: Fellow-citizens and old friends The Republicans of Maine may well congratulate themselves on the magnificent victory which they have won. Four years ago this evening we were overwhelmed and humiliated by the loss of the State. We rejoice now over the unparalleled triumph which is registered by the choice of both branches of the Legislature, by the election of all the Representatives in Congress of all the county officers in every county in tbe State except one, and by a jiopular majority for Gov. Robie of perhaps 15JOU votes. Our canvass has been conducted on ope great issue. It is the issue of protection to American labor. The tariff has been almost the only question discussed in our canvass, aqd the people have responded nobly. They know the details of the Morrison tariff bill. They know that the Morrison bill, enacted into law, seriously cripple, if not utterly destroy, the leading industrial interests of Maine: that it would reduce the wages of every laboring man, and stop every new manufacturing enterprise in the State. Many Democrats in Maine who never before wavered in tlieir allegiance to the party have ranged themselves todayon the side of protection to American industry by voting the full Republican ticket. Party discipline is powerless against the con- ' fictions of men. The issue on the temperance I amendment to the Constitution has been very properly and very rigidly separated from the political content of the State to-day. Many Democrats voted for it, and some Republicans voted acainst-it. The Republican party, by desire ot the leading temperance men, took no action as a party on the amendment. For myself, I decided not to vote at all on the question, I took this position because I am chosen bv the Republican party as the representative of national issues, and by no act of mine shall any question be obtruded into the national campaign winch belongs properly to the domain of—State politics. Certain advocates of prohibition and certain opponents ot prohibition are each seeking to drag the issue into the national canvass, and thus try to exclude from popular consideration questions which press for national decision. It there be any questions that belong solely to the police power of the State it Is the control of the liquor traffic, and wise men will nos. neglect national issues in a year of national contest. Judicious friends of k protective tariff, Which, is the practical issue of the campaign, will not divert their votes to the question ot prohibition, which is not a practical issue in the nati mal campaign, ido not disguise from you that I am proton ndly gratified with the result. Desirous ot the good opinion of all men, I am sure I esteem lieyond all others the good opinion of those excellent people among whom I have passed nearly all the years of my adult life, who knew me intimately from young manhood as a fellow-citizen, neighbor, and friend. I return my thanks for your call and still heartier thanks for your great work of to-day.

Butler. Gen. Bntler encountered a hearty reception at Des Moines, lowa. The depot platform, says a Des Moines dispatch, was crowded with thousands of the Massachusetts statesman’s admirers and friends, who received him with cheers. The band played “Marching Through Georgia,” and Gen. Butler, flanked by Gens. Weaver and Gillette, walked to the Aborne House, where he held a reception for two hours, shaking hands with a large number of people. A committee of ladies, representing the woman suffragists of PolK County, waited upon the General, being given the first place of honor by Chairman Gillette. Uj on being introduced to the General, Mrs. Bellangee, ehairman of the delegation, made an address, to which Gen. Butler replied: Ladies: I thank you for this interview. I could not speak and act otherwise In connection with this subject consistently with good sense and sound statesmanship. I have no more doubts ot woman’s rights to citizenship under the constitution than 1 have of the constitutionality of our legal tender currency. It may take some time to bring it out right, bnt it will come. The good sense of the American people will convince them that they can trust the ballot with all powers, in the hands to wtiich they have committed the children and the homes of the nation. , In the afternoon the general addressed the people. The greenback element was largely represented. Many farmers, mechanics, and coal-miners were present. Applause was frequent and hearty, and from comments heard at its close the greenback heart of lowa is beating with high hope. There Is no doubt here that the General s visit has stiffened the backbone ot the greenbackers and not displeased the democrats. .

Earl Spencer Hissed in Cork.

Says a dispatch from Cork: Earl Spencer, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, paid a ' vrait to Castle Island, near here. He was hissed by the people of the place as he passed through the streets. A black flag on which 'was printed, a description of Earl Spencer as a murderer was displayed, and was seized by the police., | : ■ \ ‘ i A bumpkin-vine ninety feet long is growing in a garden in Bowling Green. Ky. Between 600 and 700 dwellings are bnmed every month in this country.

Paganini, the Henins.

A young man who has imbibed the notion that he is a genius is apt to lose j his balance. > The flattery of friends I makes him so vain that he imagines that he, at least, may attain without labor. He ignores mental discipline, because it involves hard study. He trusts to his genius to push him up, and Scores of young men go to pieces at the beginning of the voyage, when they might have entered port with every sail drawing, hail they taken their departure from Carlyle’s definition of genius: A capacity for infinite painstaking. All Europe hailed Paganini as a gen--1 ins. During forty years he reigned the | monarch of the violin, no rival near his ; throne. ; If any one was ever born a violinist, Ihe was. As soon asfte could hold the J violin he began to play it. The worshippers in the churches of Genoa often looked towards the choir to see a child playing on a violin almost as large as himself. - ( His genius was phenomenal. It gave ’him capacity, and urged him to develop it by intense application. His precocity astonished those from whom he sought instruction: but they were amazed at the zeal and rapidity with which he worked at his lessons. He soon exhausted their ability to inktmet and so passed on from one great teacher to another. He went to Rolla, the great musician of Parma. The master was ill in ,bed, and Paganini waited in the ante-room. Some sheets of difficult music were lying on the table, alongside of a violin. The boy fooked at the music, and began playing it. "Who is the great master playing in my ante room?” asked Rolla, raising himself to listen. “A mere boy! impossible!" he exclaimed on being told that the player was a mere lad, who wished to become a pupil. When Paganini appeared before the invalid’s bed, the master said, “I can teach you nothing.” The boy had practised ten or twelve hours a day. He would try a passage over and over again in different ways, with such perseverence that at nightfall he was exhausted by fatigue. He composed as well as practised, writing music so difficult that he could not play it until he had mastered it by incessant pracice. Let the reader note the working of the boy’s genins. It prompted him to compose a hard task to be mastered by himself. It kept him up to his work day after day, until he had mastered the task. The boy had a capacity for infinite painstaking. The boys genius made him thorough. Faraday used to begin his investigation of a phenomenon by learning all that other scientists had written about it. With similar thoroughness young Paganini acquired a knowledge of what other violinists had done or left undone. He would have knowledge as well as art, so that he might not lail through ignorance or plaigiarism. He worked hard to produce new effects and combinations. He sighed for a new world for he had explored the old. His explorations gave him his point of departure. Hie sailed from it and discovered a new world in which he had no master, no equal, no follower. His art was born with him, but he developed it by study and practice. When he died men said he carried his secret with him to the grave. It may be so; but the intelligent reader of his life discerns that Paganini’s ability to master details accounts in part for his success. Youth’s Companion.

Some Prominent People’s Doings.

ANTICIPATION AND REALIZATION. “I began life as a lawyer.” said Shirley Brooks, “passed my examination before the Incorporated Law Society, with hopes of becoming Lord Chief Justice, of course. I drifted into literature, and ended by writing immoral novels.” MANY PARTS, BUT NOT “ROLLA", “Well,” said Webster,“l always meant to be an actor, the part of ‘Rolla’ first firing my ambition. I bought a sword for the part, and ran away to go on the stage as a boy. For weeks I was halfstarved ; sold everything but the sword. It nearly cost me my life to save it. Since then I have been my own master, and had my own theater for many years, and have played many parts, but never ‘Rolla.’ That’s odd is it not?” GEORGE SAND’S POVERTY. Though ishe always worked hard Mme. Sand was always poor. “So you have money difficulties,” she said to Flaubert. “I don’t know what it is, since F have nothing more in the world, (she had disposed of all her lands for her children.) I live from day to day like a working man; when I shall no more be able to do my days work I shall be shipped to the other world, and then I shall need nothing more.” She really felt the want of money. THE TRIUMPH OF AN HOUR. G. W. Lindquist, one of the survivors of the Polaris Expedition, declares that no Arctic voyager need expect to be made a hero of very long after his return. He holds a master’s certificate and was once toasted from town to town, but now, as he laughingly admits, is able to find no better position than quartermaster on a coasting steamer. Nevertheless he is in favor of polar expeditions and is quite sure that they are productive of good of several sorts. BILLY MANNING’S LAST JOKE. Talk about the ruling passion, Billy Manning joked with his last gasp. The story of his death is full of puns and of side remarks that force' a smile. Those who stood about his death bed, sad as they were, laughed through their tears. Several of his old companions in minstrelsy called in to proffer assistance to the sorrowing wife. Calling his wife by name, Billy said, in a voice husky and halting: “Set—the gentlemen—some—chairs —and—take—their —hats —and—don’t—forget—my—size.” Two hours after the undertaker was called in. _ The almost general use of barbed wire may prove uncom’ortable for politicians who desire a place on the fence. —Arkansaw Traveler.,