Rensselaer Republican, Volume 17, Number 1, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 11 September 1884 — Page 7

The Republican. I RENSSELAER, INDIANA. G. E. MARSHALL, - Pubusbbb.

AN enormous ranch m Mexico has just been purchased for $1,000,000 by, a syndicate of English and Scotch speculators, of whom Lord Tweedmouth is one. It extends over 1,600 square miles. An Irishman who was shipwrecked on the Gulf of Mexico lost his life in a singular way. He had a cork leg and when he fell overboard his leg rose to the surface and held him head downward until he died from rush of blood to the head. In Nevada there are hundreds of Artesian wells, averaging less than 200 feet deep, and costing, including boring and piping, less than SSOO. Each of them flow 50,000 gallons of water a day, and will irrigate five acres of plowed or fifty acres of meadow land. All the wells are on top of the bed-rock, and there is shown to be a stratum of water underlying the whole State. The California ostrich farm covers 200 acres, has twenty old birds and eighteen young ones. The proprietor is hopeful of a large profit, One-half the feathered product of Africa is marketed in the United States, and the demand is increasing. Each bird ought to yield fifty long white feathers twice a year. The feathers have to be washed and curled, and are then worth $4 to $6 each, wholesale. The New Orleans “World’s Fair,” to be opened next December, was first intended to commemorate the centennial of the shipment of six bags of cotton from Charleston, S. C., to England, in 1784; but its scope has been enlarged so as to embrace all industries. The buildings will be larger than those at the Philadelphia Centennial; the machinery hall alone will be 1,300 feet by 900 feet, and cover thirty-two acres. The editor of the Kentucky State Journal wantsto bet somebody that before another hundred years are past there will be trotters in this country that will make a mile in less than two minutes. It is to be hoped that the Journal man will find some one to take him, that he will make the sum a large one and let us hold the stakes. There is a chance for the stake-holder to enjoy himself before the money is called for. r ——— -— —

There are a number of women planters in Madison Parish, Louisiana. Mrs. M. A. Gibbs lives on the Hecla plantation, which she manages with great success. Miss Ln Lucas manages a large estate, and personally superintends a large force. She spends most of her time in the saddle, and looks after, her plows, hoes, drains, levees, stock, and mill. Madame Ames is regarded as the best woman in the parish, owns a tract of 1,000 acres, and has 800 acres under cultivation this yejJU At this time, when cut flCwers fade so soon, it is well to know that if a small bit of the stem is cut off and the end immersed i:«i very hot water, the flower will frequently revive and resume its beauty. Colored flowers are more easily rejuvenated (than white ones, which are apt to turn yellow. For preserving flowers in water, finely pulverized charcoal should be put into the vase at this season. When vipes are growing in water, charcoal will prevent foul odors from the standing water. The manufacture of “buffalo. horn” furniture has become an industry in New York. The horns are not those of the bison, as is commonly believed, but are from the cattle killed in the abattoirs. They are sold at the slaughter houses for a little more than what the button manufacturers give, are cleaned, dried scraped, and polished. The cost of making these horned goods is less than that of carved wood, but they bring two or three times more than the latter. The new industry is almost monopolized by Germans from Saxony. Recent returns show that out of a total estimated population of 26,921,703 in England and Wales there were 4,273,304 children on the school register last year, of whom 3,705,388 were present at the annual inspection, being an increase on the previous year of 83,692 and 162,646 respectively. The number of certified teachers was increased from 35,444 in 1882 to 37,288 in 1883, the assistant teachess from 10,071 to 12,390, while the number of pupil teachers was reduced from 28,285 to 26,428. The total cost of maintenance was £5,817,466, against £5,572,820 in 1882. * Mr. Peru, a Parisian pianist of extraordinary daring, has laid a wager that he will play in a cage of wild beasts. His selection will be from Beethoven and Chopin. Wagner he deems dangerous and calculated to arouse the kings of the forest to a sense of what is due them. A berceus of Choyin may lull them to sleep; such is his hope and reliance, and a sonata of Beethoven (not the Appasionata) may complete the work begun by the berceuse and reduce the royal beasts to*a dense degree of somnolence. Whether the trumpeting of elephants and roar of lions could be heard or not over the

clash and clang of some of Wagner’s inspirations is a mooted point wliich Mr. Peru has not yet decided to his own satisfaction.

According to a return issued by the French Minister of Commerce the working population of France is distributed among the various branches of industry as follows: Collieries (342), 106,415 hands; peat works iron mines (353), 8,468; other metal- e liferous mines (60), 4,4*23; iron works (359,) 57,000; china andwearthern ware factories (412), 18,708; glass houses (162), 23,421, paper mill ai cardboard factories (536), 32,655; gas works (612), 10,575; candle manufactories (157), 8,603; soap works (339), 3,509; sugar works (512), 63,526; textile factories (5,024), 353,383. Agriculturemot given.. Colliery and iron works stand highest, which give employment to over six times as many as the iron -works. A Farmer in Solona, California, is possessed of a peculiar fancy in regard to the feline tribe. He believes every cat has a design on his life, and takes occasion upon seing a cat to dispatch it as quickly as possible. He visits hotels, stores, and private houses for the sole purpose of killing his alleged enemies, and even offers a bounty as high as $5 for the possession of any feline which he cannot kill without incurring the enmity of its owner. He frequently goes about with his pockets full of cats’ claws, legs, ears, livers, etc., and often laments that he cannot kill all of the “nasty varmints.” His queer actions have attracted the attention of the authorities, who have taken steps towards confining him in his right place —a lunatic asylum.

The remains of Schubert and Betlioven are to be removed with great pomp and ceremony from their present place of interment to the Friedhof Cemetery, in Vienna. The life work and story of Bethoven is too well known to be repeated, but the incidents relating to Schubert are only being understood to-day. The appreciation of Schubert came late. Believed at his death to have been nothing but a song writer. The melodic excellence of his instrumental work was a later discovery. Bis misfortunes ancL his poverty seem to have arisen pretty much from his own fault. His early death, at thirty-one, closed a career which might have made him as great as the greatest of the musical masters, had he but lived to a maturer age.

Our Northwestern farmers having been notified that they must expect a serious competition in wheat-growing from the ryots of India and the AngloSaxon settlers of Australia, the turn of our Southwestern corn-planters is but a question of time. An economic society in St. Petersburg has just petitioned the Czar to set aside some state lands fortlip scientific cultivation of a plant named epilobium, and the continuation of experiments for improving its fiber. The reason at the basis of this petition is that certain Russian naturalists claim to have made a discovery in reference tp this plant which may revolutionize the cotton trade of Europe, The epilobium more popularly known as the “willow herb,” from the shape of its leaves, has hitherto been cultivated solely for its flower, which grows from the top of the pod. The Russian savants now claim that this pod can be made to yield a fiber possessing many of the valuable qualities of cotton fiber. In the -experiments already made this fiber has been ginned, spun, and woven successfully on a small scale. The enthusiasts,.who hope for so much for the plant go so far as to claim that the result of the discovery will be in time to avert the necessity for the importation of cotton into Russia.

The Chinese Island of Hainan.

Ih a late number of the Chifia. -ftpview is given an account of a journey through Hainan, by Mr. Henry. As in other outlying possessions of China, the native tribes have succeeded in a measure in holding their own against übiquitous Chinese. The northern part of the island is described as a large plain, while the central and southern portions are mountainous. Here the aboriginal tribes, the Les, take refuge. They are cordial and hospitable to strangers, and are probably of Malay origin. There are fifteen or sixteen different tribes, known under distinct names, varying more or less in dress, language, and customs, but all evidently belong to one homogeneous race bound together by common ties, and, as a rule, living on friendly terms with each other. The flora and fauna appear singularly rich, and hut little investigated. In a visit of a few weeks the late M. Swinhoe noted 172 species of birds, nineteen of which were new to science, and were first described by him. The leeches are an especial plague to the traveler. They are desscnbed as of a grayish brown and earthen hue, and vary from ' half an inch to an inch and a half in length, and swarm from the ground on all sides. Along the path, on the ends of grass blades and branches of shrubs, they may be seen holding by one end, while they reach out their whole length feeling on every side for their prey. The instant they touch foot or hand, or any part of the body, they take fast hold and can only be detached by the application of fire, or when they are sated witli blood.” The natives carry bamboo sticks, with which by a quick motion, thef can ''sometimes detach them. Although the people appear fro enjoy a fair degree of rural prosperity, there is very little foreign trade, and the climate is bad.

NASBY.

Mr. Nasby, Who Is in How York on Political Business, Interviews Several Distinguished People and Proposes a New Ticket. > Confed kbit X Roads | (which is in the State uv Kentucky), > Aug. 12. — , y -7 + I cum to Noo York to attend a meetin uv the Independent Republikins, which have boltid Blane and perpose to elect Cleveland, to see egsackly wat they mean to da I wuz forchnit in my time uv comin, for there wuz a meetin uv em the nite I struk the Metropolis. There wuz present George Wil yum Curtis, Carl Shurts, the Rev. Henry Ward Beecher, and others to tejus to mention. 1 can’t say they greeted me with that corjalitv which ought to eglst atwixt brethern engaged in a commofl Coz, and I am satisfied that the ginooine Democrisy uv the kentry kin never work in harmony with em. They are altogether ondesirable, wich wuz, evidently, leveled at me. Out uv deference to these finlky-men I bed borrored a shirt from a clozeline at 1 a. m. to come to Noo York in, and hed only wore it a week. Wat do they want? Wood they hev a man hev a thousand shirts? They ot to see that shirt a week from now. George Wilyum Curtis snifed at my breth, and Henry Ward Beecher refoosed to speek to meat al. However, I don’t mind trifles like that. ;1 mingled with ’em affably. method uv conduktin the campane on the part uv the Independents, and Mr. Curtis spoke fust. Mr. Curtis remarked that he hed Idled the Republikin party, originely becoz uv the depravity uv its candidate, the tat oed Blaine. It wuz his originel ijee that he cood never suport a man wich hed any stane onto his caracter uv any kind. But his views hed undergone a modificashen recently. He hed originely intended to eliminate polytix from the campane entirely—and hed notified the Dimocratic Nashnel Comity to that effeck—and fit it out purely on the sooperior morality uv Mr. Cleveland, but his views hed undergon a serins ciiange sence a subsized pres hed charged Mr. Cleveland -with sedoosin a wiflder and bein the father uv a ilegitimit child A voice from the awjense—"And proved it, too.” “I admit the corecshun. And proved It. I hev sence desidid that the bringin uv the persnel caracteruycandidates into the canvas is alYong. For the time bein, I only a.-kofishl purity uv a candidate. Wat hez the Wider Halpin to do with civil cervis reform? Wat hez the Wider Halpin to do withMyself—'The.postoffises! ” “Wat hez the Wider Halpin or the child, Oscar Folsom. Cleveland, to do with purifyin Amerlkin politix? Nothin. This campane must now be tot on them ishoos, and none others." The Rev. Henry Ward Beecher spoke next. “Es I sposed,” sed Mr. Beecher, "that Mr. Cleveland wuz actily gilty uv the henyus sin that has been charged to him, I supose I cood not cflnshienshusly vote for him. A man in public life hez no rite to indulge in sins m sich a way that it can be proved again him. Ruthur than hev it proved agin him he hed better keep virchus. In a matter uv this kind the onpardonable sin is to hev it proved agin yoo. 1 kin sympathize with Mr. Cleveland, for I have bin slandered myself. Yu all remember the painful circumstance. But I wuz sure of my ground. I wuz acquitted. My peple all elieved that, while I wuz inosent. Elizabeth was guilty, and I most ernestly hope that our noble standard-bearer is fixed the same way. W’e care not how guilty Mrs. Halpin may be considered, but we must doubt the gilt uvMr. Cleveland. And, after al, I shel vote for him anyway. Sez the Holy Scripters, ’Let him wich is without sin cast the fust stone.’ To forgiv is divine. We all need forgivenes. Sposen Theodore hed succeeded in huntin me out uv my pulpit wat w ood Brooklyn, and the Independent Republikin organizashen, and the world hev lost? When the purifyin uv the polytix uv this great kentry is under considerashen it is idle to take into account sich a trifle ez the seduckshen uv a woman or the abduckshen uv a child, or trifles like that. We stood keep our eyes fixed stedily onto wot we sot out to do—the establishment uv richusnis in polytix, Not wun uv us kin vote for a man like Blaine, whose caracter is smirched.” It was my turn to chip in, wich I did ez follows: : “My friends and co-workers," I remarkt, “I bring yoo glad tidins uv grate joy. The charges made by a venal and subsidized pres agin Mr. Cleveland don’t affect the Dimocrisy uv the Corners at al. That feend, Joe Bigler, sposed it would hev sum efeck upon the Democrisy, and he sposed that we wood denouns a man for such misdemeanor, and demand his retirement from the tikit. We held aipeetin to consider the mater and Josef fixed to put us ..to confusion, wich is his prinsiple business. He gathered together a hundred or more mulattoes, the most of em over 30 years uv age, bein the sole reminders uv the' old patriark system wich the Republikin party destroyed, al uv em barein the honored names uv Pogram, McPelter, Gavit, and Guttle, andal uvem the Pograms, Gavitta, McPelters, and Gutleses to a wonderful degre. He gathered together these niggers, and brot em to the meetln-house, and intendid to spring em on us jist after we hed pased a resolooshen denounsin Cleveland for hevin bin the father uv a ilegitimit child! Did ne put us to confooshun! Not any. I quoted the passage uv skri.pter wich my trend Mr. Beecher jist quotid and we resolved, ez yoo are doln, that this campane must be sot out on the grate prinsiple uv reform in polytix, and that in sich a site the privit caracter uv our candidate hed nothin watever to do with it. It is entirely proper to assale the privit caracter uv the Republican candidate, becoz the Republican party lay clame to respectability, but it is not proper to assale the privit caracter uv cur candidate, becoz we don’t make no sich a clame. Inesmush ez Joe Bigler kin git together a hundred niggers who beag the noses uv a skore uv our best Dimocrats, shel we condem Cleveland, wich is only charged with a half dozen? Dimocrisy must be consistent. The charges agin Cleveland will make votes for him in the Comers. Ez we sympathised with Mr. Beecher some years ago, so we sympathise with Cleveland now. Indeed wer it not for the reccord the grate Hendrix made, ez an unflinchin oponent of a crooel War wich deprived us uv our privileges we shood insist that he resin from the tikit that we might substitoot the name uv Henry Ward Beecher. “An now that 1 think uv it that is wat we want to do. We want a symetrikel tikit. Grover Cleveland is best known by the peple nv the Yoonited States, by his conexions with the Wider Halpin, and Henry Ward Beecher by his connexion with the Tilton family. Let us make the tikit symetrikel. Let it be CLEVELAND AND BEECHER! "Es we succeed in electin’ em, the peples idea uv jestis kin be don. Mrs. Halpin and Mrs. Tilton, both uv wich are in stratened circumstances, km be given posishens in the Treasury Department, and they will be pervided for and everything made lovely. “This wood be a symetrikel tikit, and a wellbalanced tikit, a tikit both ends of wich wood come together, like a snake with its tale in its month. I move that the Democratic Nashnal Cowimitty be advised uv the ackshen uv this meetin’ ane rekested to make the change towunst.” . The matter wuz taken under considerashun, and we meet tomorror evin’ to deside unto it. May wisdom guide their councils. I don’t like to see Hendrix shelved, but the war ishoos are old, and noo ishoos hev arizen. We shel remember his services to the Confederacy with gratitood, but everything must be sacrificed for success. The postoflices is our goal, and to gain them we must run faithfully and strongly. Petroleum V. Nasby, (Manager.)

JEFF DAVIS WANTS A CHANCE.

He Says Southern Soldiers Have as Much Kight to Pensions as Union Men. [Forsyth (Ga.) special.] The Confederate soldiers of Monroe County have just tintshed a reunion at which memories of the war were freely interchanged. Among the incidents was the reading of a letter from Jefferson Davis, in which he complained of the pensioning of Federal soldiers as discrimination. He says: “Though the States are again reunited and all contribute to fill the Treasury of the General Government, the funds there collected are only appropriated to provide for the ex-soldiers of the Northern^States. The Southern soldiers disabled in war and the widows and orphans of those who died can only hope for relief from a second tax, which may be voluntarily paid by the people for whom they fought and who suffered with them. It is not the least of your meritorious manifestations that you meet this discrimination without complaint and brace yourselves to bear the double burden with no ill feeling to the Government for this offensive favoritism. Under all the severe trials to which you were subjected it if equally honorable to you that you have accepted the consequences of defeat and thereafter gone shoulder to shoulder with all who are striving to secure the welfare and promote the prosperity and preserve the honor of a common country."

Examine His Record.

Democrats who affect to sneer at Mr. Blaine’s record on the civil service question had better study his record. While he Has never posed before the country as a civil service reformer of loud professions, the fact is tint during the only period of his public life at which he bad control of any considerable amount of patronage, hts course was that of a supporter of the principles recognized by the advocates of reform. A cor-

respondent recalls the circumstances attending the resolution of the House of March 3, 1873, vesting the Appointment and removal of the official reporters of the House in the Speaker. At that time nearly all of these reporters were Democrats; and had Mr. Blaine, as Speaker.followed Democratic example, he would have been excused for removing them. Instead of this, however, he actually constructed the resolution of the House so as to limit his own power, and that removals could only be made for cause. Careful study of Mr. Blaine’s relations with the officeholders of his ofln State will also develop some facts that will surprise his self-appointed and ignorant critics.- I — Council Bluffs Koupareil.

SENATOR HOAR.

A Letter Effectively Meeting Mr. Carl Schurz’s Charges • Against Blaine. Mr. Schurz says that the election of Mr. Blaine will be a declaration by the American people that honesty will be no longer one of the requirements of government. I think Mr. Schurz is entirely mistaken here, also. It will be a declaration on the part of the American people that they do not agree with him in his estimate of Mr. Blaine. It will be a declaratiori*that tney do not find in Mr. Blaine’s conduct and letters what Mr. Schurz thinks he finds there. It will be a declaration that they agree with Dr, Clark when he paid Mr. Blaine his glowing tribute of admiration and honor, when all these facts were they agree with Mr. Curtis, who declared that Mr. Blaine's vindication ot the principal charge against him was triumphant. It will be a declaration that they agree with Mr. Blaine’s neighbors, of his own district and of his own State, with the representatives of a vast majority of the Republicans pt the country, who have three times, since all these charges were made, declared for him as their candidate for the Presidency. It will be a declaration that they agree with the Governor and the Legislature of Maine when they twice in succession made him Senator. It will be a declaration that they agree with Garfield when he made him Secretary of State, and with the almost half Democratic Senate when they, without an instant’s hesitation, confirmed hiin for that high office. Mr. Schurz says: “The friends of Mr. Blaine say his off ense has been condoned.” They say no such thing. They say he has been triumphantly acquitted. They find him not guilty of these foul and injurious charges. They say that in this complicated matter these repeated tokens of public confidence and affection ought to outweigh a million times the breath of rumor and of slander, or even the possibility ot an adverse interpretation of the meaning ot a single phrase. He says that our answer is only the cry of party. I think him mistaken in this also. Your party is but the instrument by which freemen execute their will. But it differs from other instruments in this: It is an indispensable instrument. It is an instrument made up of men, and, practically, of all the men who wish to accomplish the things you wish to accomplish, and deem vital to the prosperity, honor, anti glory of your country. It is an instrument itself possessing intelligence, judgmt nt, conscience, purpose, will. A majority of that party must necessarily determine its plan of battle, and the commander under whom it will fight. And when you separate yourself from the party whose principles and purposes are yours, you effectually abandon those principles and purposes. You might as well say, when the army ot the Union was about to engage the enemy at Gettysburg or Lookout Mountain or Five Forks, that you didn’t approve the plan of battle, or didn’t like the general, and that, for that day only, you would go over to the enemy or fight in another place. You cannot do it without being a deserter. No matter whether you dislike Grant or Meade or Sheridan. The battle on which the hope of Union and humanity hangs is to be fought there on the lines they form. No man knows this better than Grover Cleveland. “I am chosen," he says, "to represent the plans, purposes, and policy of the Democratic party.” If elected he will doit. James G. Blaine is selected to execute the plans, purposes, and policy of the Republican party. And he will do it. You may not like the generaltthe commissioned authority of the Republican party has selected. But you fight on the Democratic side, with the Democratic party, against the Republican. on everything on which the two parties differ, If you vote for Grover Cleveland. If you elect Cleveland you abandon further hope of civil service reform for this generation. You take the side of free trade against protection. You bid farewell for a lifetime to honest elections in the South. You suffer the great Mormon cancer to spread over the breast of the republic. There is but one thing on which Grover Cleveland has unmistakably planted himself. That is, that if elected, he will be a party instrument. What he said in his speech ot acceptance, he echoes in his letter. In that feeble document, which, as compared with Mr. Blaine’s, is as a mole-hill to the Allegheny Mountains, he declares that when “the party has outlined its policy and declared Its principles, nothing more is required of the candidate than the suggestion of certain well-known truths.” Is he for protection? Nobody knows. Does he wish to put down Mormonism? Nobody knows. Is he in favor of repealing tne tenure of office law? Nobody knows. There is not a single question at issue before the people in regard to which yon have any warrant of his action, except in his avowed purpose to carry out the will of his party. Mr. Schurz further says that if anybody hereafter charges that tne opposition to Mr. Blaine is a tree-trade movement it will be a lie. Hitherto it miy have been a mistake. But since he has reminded you that they were ready to support Mr. Edmunds, you will lie if you repeat the statement. Well, it is true, they favored the nomination of Mr. Edmunds, who is a protectionist. But is it not true that every newspaper and every prominent man who has come out against Blaine, leaving the Republican party this year, has a strong leaning to free trade? Do you think of an exception? The men who love, honor, and support Mr. Blaine have quite as lofty an ideal or purity and integrity in public station as those who oppose him. They make no distinction between public and private virtue. If a man be not controlled by the law of right and duty in private life, he is not to be trusted amid the temptation of public office. W’e will vote for no corrupt or unclean man for President. At the same time we do not mean to help any party to gain the Presidency by crime. I said in 1876. just after the Belknap trial, that there had been not only less corruption relatively to the size of the country in the twelve years that followed the rebellion, but less absolutely than in the twelve years of administration of Washington and John Adams. That is equally true if we compare the last twenty years with the first twenty under the Constitution. The Independent address enumerates some recent cases of dishonesty in high places. In some of them retribution has been tardy. In some there has been a natural, but indefensible reluctance to accept evidence of guilt against political associates. But in the main these are cases where dishonesty has been detected and remanded to public life by Republicans themselves. The party has been growing better and better. It was better in ’6B than in ’64, better in ’76 than in '6B, better in ’B4 than in ’BO. Attention is.called to the faetthat there are unworthy men still conspicuous. I think it likely. Wherever a victorious army is on the march you will see these vultures flying in the air. The company of men who have formed a hasty and unjust judgment of Mr. Blaine contains many persons whom I love and honor, many of whose friendship lam proud. They have been honestly misled. But in the main the honesty, purity, education, strength of the nation is in the Republican party. The men who saved the nation are more patriotic than those who tried to destroy it. The men who abolished slavery love freedom and labor better than the men who struggled to preserve it. The men who paid the debt are more honest than those who tried to repudiate it. The men who kept the currency sound are better financiers than those who tried to debase it. The men who stand for fair elections in the South are more fit to be trusted than the minority who are honing to seat their man in the Presidency by murder and fraud. The purity of the American home, without which there can be no purity of health anywhere, is safer with those who are trying to extirpate Mormonism than with those in whose eyes Grover Cleveland is the standard of personal excellence. The men who have achieved the independence of American manufacture, whose policy has called our. vast industries into life, and who. would exert every force which Governinent can rightfully wield to keep up the rate of workmen’s wages, are wiser and more far-seeing than those who would put these great interests'under the heel ot England again, and let the price of American labor be determined in the British market.— Letter in Worcester {Mass.) Spy. , ,

A Cleveland Bolter.

The Hon. Edward F. McDonald, who was nominated for Presidential elector by the New Jersey Democrats, and declined, publsihes a card stating his reasons for declination. He says that under no circumstances could he vote for Cleveland, because he considers him mentally, politically, and otherwise unfitted forgthe office of President. He would have supported Bayard, Thurman, Randall, or Butler. Availability was the only qualification the Democratic convention sought, he says, and they have not found it. Mr. McDonald is in for smashing the Democratic rings in New Jersey. The ballotbox staffers must go before the Democrats will have any chance of success. Mr. McDonald predicts that Blaine will carry New Jersey by 29,000 majority.

SENATOR SHERMAN.

The Past and the Present—The Democratic Policy In the South. Senator Sherman recently delivered a speech at Ashland, Ohio. The Senator began by stating that the older he became the freer he was from partisan pride. He then briefly reviewed the history ot the Republican and Democratic parties, and said: “Those of us who have lived through the period of this struggle and growth can realize by a single glance ot memory from the present to the past the great and beneficial change which has been produced in the United States since the Democratic party was in power, but those of yon who are about to assume the reins ot government will appreciate this change more ►by reference to some figures taken by me from the statistics of the last census. From 1860 to 1880 our population increased from 31,400,000 to to 51,000,000, more than 58 yer cent. The number of manufacturing establishments increased from 140,000 to 253,000. The capital employed in manufactures increased irom 81,000,000,000 to $2,709,000,000, or nearly three-fold. The number of hands employed In manufacture. Increased from 1,311,000 to 2,738,000, or more than double. The wages paid to laborers increased from $379,000,000 ,to $948,000,000, or nearly three-fold. The value of material used in manufactures increased from $1,031,000,000 to $3,396,000,000, or more than three-fold, and the value of products from $1,855,000,000 to $>,369,000,000, or about three-fold. . _ "But this enormous improvement in our condition is not confined to manufactures only.—ftextends to agriculture and other pursuits as well. The number of farms in 1860 was 2,044,000, while in 1880 it was 4,008,d00. The number of acres in farms increased during that time from 407,000,000 to 536,u0u,000, and their value Increased from $6,600,000,000 to $10,197,000,000, while the products of farming increased from $246,000,0tt0 to 1406,600,C00. “In 1860 we had 30,685 miles of railway. In 1880 we had 84.393 miles, and now we have 127,000 miles. Our exports of domestic products during the last year amounted to $«04,000,000, while in 1860 they amounted to $373,000,000. “Our national debt, once an object of profound alarm, is being paid off at the rate of $100,000,000 a year, the excess of taxes being so lightly borne tnat no considerable portion of the people complain of them, and no general demand is made for the repeal of any of them. Indeed, it is-a marvelous feature of our condition that to repeal taxes is more unpopular than to retain them, and some of these taxes are themselves a means of prosperity, and not a burden complained of by any.” The Senator then spoke of the triumphs of the Republican party in the past, and declared the Democratic party totally unfit i o govern the country. Concerning the Democratic policy in the South he said: “The Democratic party is in complete control of all the Southern States. In this way they claim to be secure of 153 electoral votes, needing only forty-eight from the North to give them power to elect a President of their choice. And yet we know that in perhaps a majority of the Southern States, if there was a legal, fair election. without fraud or violence, the Republican party would be in the majority. We also know that they gained power in those States by crimes bo revolting that when described in the mildest terms, good, quiet, honest people in the North doubt the truth of such statements because they are not capable of believing it possible that such crimes would be resorted to. It has got to be somewhat out of fashion to talk about Southern outrages, but no correct view can be had of, the condition of this country unless we are willing to look at the exact situation of the rebel States.— . - -. . . —— “By tne policy adopted In 1875 in Mississippi the Republicans, white and black, were either not allowed to vote, or, if they voted, the count was so made as to reject their votes, and, in many cases, to count them on the other side. This fraud and violence was open, palpable, and scarcely denied. It was proved by witnesses by the hundred, whose testimony is recorded in public documents, now open to the Inspection of any citizen. That fraud and violence was continued in 1876, and would have defeated President Hayes but for the power conferred by State Legislatures upon returning boards, a device of their own contrivance,which enabled the returning boards in Louisiana, Florida, and South Carolina to return the electoral votes of those States for President Hayes. Sometimes this has been a matter of complaint, and it has been denounced as a fraud. Yet I happen to know, from the most careful examination of these cases, that in each of these States, if there had been a fair election, the majority would have been overwhelming for the Hayes electors, and that the rt turning Iwards were not able to repair all the wrong done, but did lawfully and properly reject the returns of counties and parishes where the fraud was most palpable and gross, and thus secured the election of President Hayes. You all remember that even then bribery and fraud in Oregon and other States was attempted, and the cipher dispatches, a disgrace to the history of our elections, showed that bribery was attempted in several of the Southern States. I affirm without fear of contradiction that In every one <♦ the cotton States a fair and honest vote, free from frand and intimidation, would place all these States on the side of the Republican party. "The occurrences at the recent elections in Mississippi and Virginia, known as the Copiah and Danville outrages, show that this policy is continued now, and the newspapers inform you that it is the openly announced and avowed purpose of the Democratic leaders to resort to the same frauds in Louisiana and Mississippi, and, perhaps, other States. The success of the Democratic party is only possible by crimes that in former times would have so shocked public opinion as to have led to the punishment and disgrace of every one who participated in them, and yet this is the way, and the only way, by which there is a possibility of the Democratic party succeeding at the present election. * ♦ ♦ I have often thought and believed that if the honest, good Democrats of Ohio could appreciate, as I do, the nature of these offen-es, and thr danger to our institutions growing out ot election trends, they would revolt against all affiliations with the Democratic party. I concede that, as citizens and neighbors here, they are as peaceable, as orderly, and in the main as patriotic as we are, but I cannot but think that they are so blinded and misled by party zeal that they will condone and take advantage of crime and fraud to secure party ends, or a still more charitable view, that they cannot be persuaded, even by evidence, of the truth of charges so disgraceful to their party and their associates in the South.” The Senator then considered the tariff question, the duty on wool, and urged liberal pensions for soldiers, closing with a eulogy of the Republican national candidate.

SENATOR EDMUNDS.

The Defeat of the Democratic Party the One Paramount Weed. [Burlington (Vt.) special] The most notable rally of the week in Vermont took place here to-day, in the City Hall, which was packed to overflowing. The speakers were Congressman Horr, of Michigan, and Congressman Stewart of Vermont. Senator Edmunds presided at the meeting, and spoke as follows: “Gentlemen: I thank you for the compliment implied in selecting me to preside on this interesting occasion. As you have come here to listen to distinguished gentlemen who have not the felicity or residing in Burlington, and some of them not even the comfort and safety of Jiving in Vermont, the pole star of sound politics, it would be both ungracious and cruel in me to occupy the time that has been devoted to our guests. I must say, however, that a very close study and observation of the professions and practices of the Democratic party in Congress and in the country, that the generous confidence of my fellow-citizens has enabled me to make for a long period, has demonstrated to my mind that the safety and welfare of the people of the United States continue to demand its exclusion from power. Whatever doubts or difficulties may embarrass our countrymen, here or elsewhere in the United States, it seems to me that in the present attitude of political affairs the defeat of the Democratic party is a need fairly paramount to any other. I recognize fully the liberty of belief, of opinion, and of action that belongs to citizenship. It is a fundamental part of our creed, and none of us can fail to feel the great responsibility that results from that freedom Under such responsibility, and looking at every aspect of the public weal, the people of' the State of Vermont are again to express, their opinions of the principles, the methods, and the purposes of the Democratic pat ty. It has been wrong for more than a quarter of a century, and, I fear, will continue so for a long time to come. In the recent periods, when it had control of one or the other of the houses pf Congress, it demonstrated its unfitness for government in respect to nearly all the important measures it proposed or resisted, and every succeeding year seems to decorate it with a new folly. But I must return to the duty I stated at the outset. 1 have the pleasure of presenting to you Congressman Horr, of Michijean." The condition of Senator Edmunds' private business, and the ill health of his family, have consumed to retire him from publicity this summer. He is at present closely engaged in preparation for the trial of an important telephone suit. »- '■ ' ; ■) . The Democrats are determined to make a desperate effort to capture Ohio in October. The brewers have already contributed $350,000 to be used as a campaign fundin that State, and other large contributions

wit! be made by the Standard Oil Company and other monopolies. The Saloonkeepers’ Association of the State will also be utilized, and every one of its 33,000 members is relied on to win over a Republican to the Democratic and saloonkeeper cause. The money will be ready for use the Bth of September, and thereafter will be freely scattered where it will do most good. The campaign will be fought by the Democrate t mainly on the liquor and barrel issues and on the still-bunt plan.— Chicago Tribune.

GOV. PORTER.

A Rousing Speech Before a Mass-Meet-ing in Indiana. [Liberty (Ind.) Cor. Chicago Tribune.) Gov. Alberti). Porter addressed, to-night, an immense Republican mass-meeting and delivered a lengthy and able speech, most of which, however, was taken up in discussing questions relative to the State. He presented a scathing arraignment of the professions of the Democratic State Convention, vindicating Republican management of public institutions, and commending some valuable suggestions to the coming Legislature He showed tr.at the Republican party in Indiana deserved credit for taking measures toward securing mechanics by a first lien upon work done for wages thereon performed, and he recalled in the same connection that Grover Cleveland had vetoed a mechanics' lien bill, and was fully sustained in It bylfls party friends The speaker suggested that as the burden of taxation fell upon the farmers and the owners ot small homesteads it wo ild be well tor experienced men chosen by the people to meet in convention and discuss measures of reform. Touching the general issues of the campaign he said: "My objection to the Democratic party in recent years is that it is a party without convictions. It has had no settled belief npon any public questions. It has repeatedly approved and pledged itself not to disturb measures achieved by the Republican party, against which it had waged the fiercest party warfare. It is always asking that its past may be forgotten. Its enemy is memory. The first sentence in its recent platform shqws its soreness about the past: ’The Democratic party of the Union, through its representatives in national convention assembled, recognize that as nations grow older, new issues are born of time and progreas.and old issues jerish.’ Why remind the people anxiously of the old issue having peiished? Banquo perished, but his ghost took a seat at the banquet table, and the ghost was a, hundred times more harrowing than Banquo had ever been himself. That is what is the trouble. It is these memories connected with the old issues that will not ’down,* that haunt and {tester the party. The Repuiican party has no ghosts of memory connected with past issues that put it in dread that the past will be referred to. A vast territory—-mother of many States—preserved from the presence and taint of unrecompensed labor; an enemy overcome by the sword yet more benefited by war than it had ever been’by peace, by being ridded of a destructive system of labor and of having had opened to it, > s by doors flying wide apart, an enlightened system of free and diversified industries; a national credit, through the exercise of an undeviating good faith, unexampled in the history of nations; a currency, since the issuing of which no billholder has ever lost a dollar; an arbitration of a great national dispute, through which, as a nationalredress for wrongdoing, there was wrung from the most warlike nation of Europe 115,000,000 of treasure; a tariff system which, at the beginning of our great civil strife, by setting on foot a vast system of manufacturing industries, spanned the darkest clouds of war with the rainbow of promise. These ’past Issues' have left no ghosts to terrify the Republicans. We never beg that not be remembered." The speech was received with great enthusiasm, particularly the closing tribute to the Republican standard-bearer. “If Mr. Cleveland cannot tell,” satdthe speaker, “where he stands upon this great question, there is one man whose trumpet has never given forth an uncertain sound—its notes being ever clear and resonant. You know very well whom 1 mean. James G. Blaine answers to the description. Beginning life in the humble occupation of a schoolmaster, he has, by the force of his talents, by the strength and vigor of his character, by his personal Intrepidity, by his irresistible social charms, by that combination ot high and sympathetic qualities which belongs to rare and fine natures, made himself one ot the best known and best beloved of all the pnblic men in our history. As Speaker of the Honse ot Representatives of his adopted State and of Congress, distinguished always for the fairness and unerring clearness ot his decisions; as a debater on the floor of each House, whenever he entered the lists his plume shining in front of the combat; as a statesman, long known for the surprising breadth and accuracy of his political knowledge; as a writer, depicting the incidents and scenes of a long pnblic life, in which he has borne a most conspicuous part, rich and perspicuous in style, copious and -accurate in iuforinattou, just and-generous to every one with whom he has ever crossed a sword; his home the abode ot domestic bliss and hospitality—its hospitable doors open alike to friend and foe—the bitterest adversary in his warm and joyous presence forgetting his feud and dissolving into kindness; a citizen of the United States, broad-minded and just toward the whole world, yet his whole being pervaded and burning with the American instinct; so frank and open that he is transparent as the air —this is the man whose banner is in our front, whose plume nods at the head of the column, and under whose leadership we expect to move on to victory.”

Deceiving the Irish.

The average Irishman is taught to believe that the. Republicanism of to-day is the successor of Knownothingism that the ruffian mobs of Louisville, St. Louis, and other American cities who mobbed the Irish forty years ago by some unexplained metamorphosis have converted themselves into the respectable and libertyloving men wto compose the rank and file of the Republican party. The truth in this regard is that this Knownothing story is clearly, calumniously false. What became of the Knownothlngs may be an open question. They may have gone to heaven or hades. I will not say that they went into the Democratic party; bnt I do say that they are not in the Republican party, for the party Is not composed of that kind of men. Ruffianism will assert Itself, and it does not assert itself in the Republican party. The Knownothing party was a Southern party, its home was in the slaveholding States. There were five Knownothing votes cast south of the Mason and Dixon line, for one vote cast in the Republican States of the North: vet for thirty years this infamous falsehood has been the false pretense on which the votes of Irishmen were obtained for the Democratic party. While parties have risen and fallen, while individuals have acted with regard to living issues, for thirty years, the preud place assigned to the Irishman has been a post beside the tombstone of the putrefying past, hugging the ghoetstory of Knownothingism. I find no fault with Democratic principles, these principles are mine; nor am I prepared to say that it is an Irishman’s duty to abandon the Democratic party and enter the Republican. What Ido say and shall keep saying is that he has the right to think, and that he must not be stigmatized for a thought or an act that runs counter to the Democratic party. That if any wish to secure his vote they must appeal to his reason, to his sense of right, to the manliness and honor of his character. But it is written, and the fiat has gone forth, the hour is at hand when his vote cannot be held by any claim in the nature of a chattel mortgage, nor by an appeal to his prejudices, nor by the vicious and calumnious bug-a-boo about Knownothingism.—* John Brennan, in the Io it a Times.

Reformer Cleveland.

The Albany Evening Journal is dealing some trenchant blows at Cleveland from the standpoint of his pretended devotion to reform. In one of its recent chapters of State history it shows that he approved a bill which took >121,000 from the pockets of the taxpayers of the State to pay for rascally old claims which had been rejected both by Gov. Robinson (a Democrat: and by Gov. Cornell (a Republican) after full examination by both of them. The claims grew out of work performed by contract on the Elmira Reformatory in Wil. During its progress it was discovered that the work was done in the most extravagant manner. Accordingly an act providing for a change in the plans was passed. The contractors then put in a claim for >121.000, as the profits they would iuCve made had they been permitted to go on until the comSletion of the building. Two Governors, as we ave said, one Democratic and one Republican, refused to approve the claim, but Cleveland approved it without any delay. The affair is load to New York, but it shows the; humbug of Cleveland's pretenses of reform and how closely his sympathies are allied with rings and jobs. , Chicago Tribune: A prominent Michigan Republican ridicules the boasts of the fusionists that they can cany that State against Blaine. In 1880 Garfield secured 34,795 more votes than Hancock in. the State. This year the Republicans of Michigan are enthusiastic in support of Blaine, and they are united. This gentleman estimates that Blaine will poll 200,000 votes this year. The fusionists cannot poll more than 175,000. • .